Carib Scope

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  • Five Colombians sent to Dominica under US arrangement have returned home, reports PM Skerrit

    Five Colombians sent to Dominica under US arrangement have returned home, reports PM Skerrit

    In a formal press briefing this Wednesday, Dominican Prime Minister Roosevelt Skerrit has confirmed the successful conclusion of the first round of transfers under a landmark bilateral third-country national arrangement (TCNA) between the Commonwealth of Dominica and the United States, with all five individuals transferred already returning to their home country of Colombia.

    The non-binding agreement, first negotiated earlier this year between the Dominican government and the U.S. government via the U.S. Embassy in Bridgetown, Barbados, outlines a framework under which Dominica may accept third-country nationals that the U.S. is seeking to remove from its territory, with full authority retained by the Dominican side to approve or reject any candidate. Per the terms of the deal, the U.S. is required to disclose full criminal and medical history for all proposed individuals to the extent permitted by U.S. law, grants Dominica the right to reject any candidate with a criminal record, and allows either party to exit the agreement at any time via formal diplomatic notice. All transferred individuals are also guaranteed treatment consistent with Dominica’s constitution, national immigration laws, and all international human rights conventions that Dominica is party to, including the UN Refugee Convention and the Convention Against Torture.

    Skerrit detailed the process of the first transfer to reporters, noting that the U.S. initially provided an initial list of candidates that Dominican authorities rejected, as the list failed to meet the information requirements set out in the agreement. After the U.S. submitted a revised second list that included all requested background details, Dominican officials selected five candidates, all Colombian citizens, for transfer. All five cleared background checks, with none holding any prior criminal records.

    Upon their arrival in Dominica, the five individuals were housed in a local hotel, provided with meals and basic care, and offered the choice to return to their home country or pursue other resettlement options. All five independently elected to return to Colombia, Skerrit confirmed. The U.S. government provided funding to cover all costs associated with the individuals’ stay in Dominica, and covered the cost of their repatriation flights. The entire process from arrival to departure was completed in an exceptionally short timeline, according to the prime minister, and no third-country nationals currently remain in Dominica under the arrangement.

    To ensure impartial and professional management of the process, the Dominican government has contracted the International Organization for Migration (IOM) to administer all logistics related to the TCNA on its behalf. Moving forward, the agreement outlines that Dominica will accept between five and seven third-country nationals per quarter, should the U.S. submit requests aligned with the terms of the deal. Skerrit emphasized that both sides have maintained mutual respect throughout the implementation of the first transfer, and any future U.S. requests will be reviewed in accordance with the existing agreement and agreed-upon conditions.

    Framing the arrangement as a humanitarian commitment, Skerrit noted that Dominica’s approach to the agreement is rooted in a broader philosophy of global solidarity. “We have a duty to humanity, and there are so many Dominicans who are living in other people’s countries that we see it beyond just a third-country national issue and a bilateral arrangement between ourselves and United States,” he said. “We have a higher philosophical view on humanity and the right for everybody to survive and to be regarded.”

    Work on detailed operating procedures to guide long-term implementation and monitoring of the agreement is currently in its final drafting stage. The forthcoming guidelines will formalize requirements for documentation that the U.S. must provide for each proposed transferee, as well as clarify the scope of U.S. financial and operational support for the arrangement.

  • Ramautarsing: Suriname moet corruptieketen doorbreken vóór oliedollars komen

    Ramautarsing: Suriname moet corruptieketen doorbreken vóór oliedollars komen

    As Suriname prepares to receive billions in new revenue from its emerging oil and gas sector, a leading Surinamese economist has sounded a urgent alarm: systemic corruption already erodes the nation’s governance, and without immediate, targeted institutional reform, the coming resource windfall risks becoming a curse rather than a catalyst for long-term prosperity.

    In a new article titled *Kot A Keti; Why Suriname Must Break the Chain of Corruption Now*, published in the journal of the Association of Economists of Suriname (VES), economist Winston Ramautarsing lays out a comprehensive case for reform, drawing on insights from his recent masterclass presentation at August’s national Compliance Congress. Ramautarsing argues that corruption is far more than a scattered series of isolated bribes or bad acts — it has become a structural flaw embedded in Suriname’s governance system, one that blocks citizen trust, undermines effective public administration and derails sustainable economic growth.

    Against common perceptions that frame corruption only as large-scale bribery schemes, Ramautarsing redefines the issue at its core: the abuse of entrusted public power for personal or factional gain, a practice that can take hold across government agencies, private enterprises and civil society organizations alike. He particularly warns against the dangerous social normalization of “petty corruption” — small bribes to speed up administrative processes, nepotism in hiring, favoritism for friends and political allies that is often dismissed as harmless.

    “This normalization is where the rot begins,” Ramautarsing argues. When citizens, business owners and public officials come to accept rule-breaking as normal, a cultural shift occurs that makes large-scale corruption far easier to hide and justify. Corruption does not start with multi-million dollar public contracts; it starts with the widespread belief that rules only apply to other people.

    Data from Transparency International’s 2025 Corruption Perceptions Index underscores the severity of the trend. Suriname scored just 38 out of 100, ranking 96th out of 182 countries — well below the global average score of 42. Worse, the nation has seen a steady decline in its score over the past decade: it held a 45-point score as recently as 2016. This consistent downward trend, Ramautarsing says, is a clear red flag for declining integrity across the entire public sector.

    The economic and social costs of this corruption are far from abstract. For international investors, who weigh natural resource access against rule of law, transparent permitting, secure property rights and predictable regulation, systemic corruption raises operational risk and drives up the cost of doing business, discouraging the outside investment Suriname needs to diversify its economy. For ordinary Surinamese citizens, the costs are even more direct: inflated public project costs from kickbacks and siphoned tax revenues leave less public funding for critical sectors including healthcare, education, and infrastructure. When access to jobs and business opportunities depends on personal connections rather than merit, economic inequality widens and the nation wastes critical talent that could drive growth.

    While Suriname enacted a national Anti-Corruption Act in 2017 and established an official Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) in 2023, Ramautarsing says the body is currently too under-resourced to tackle complex corruption cases effectively. The ACC lacks sufficient numbers of specialized investigators, forensic experts, data analysts and IT infrastructure, leaving it functioning more as a weak integrity office than a powerful, independent anti-corruption enforcement authority.

    Using Singapore’s Corrupt Practices Investigation Bureau as a model, Ramautarsing notes that the city-state’s anti-corruption agency has hundreds of specialized staff, broad investigative powers and substantial independent funding. While Suriname does not need to copy Singapore’s system exactly, he argues it must learn a core lesson: anti-corruption efforts without professional capacity and political independence remain little more than symbolic gestures. To build an effective ACC in Suriname, Ramautarsing proposes expanding the body’s investigative powers, staffing it with roughly 30 full-time professional employees, and allocating an annual budget of approximately $5 million USD.

    The coming oil and gas revenue boom makes this reform exponentially more urgent, Ramautarsing stresses. Future resource revenues offer Suriname an unprecedented opportunity to invest in long-term development across education, healthcare, infrastructure and climate action — but massive new capital flows also bring severe integrity risks. Every step of the oil and gas supply chain, from permit granting and public contracting to royalty collection and regulation, is vulnerable to conflicts of interest and corrupt exploitation.

    To mitigate these risks, Ramautarsing calls for full public disclosure of all major oil and gas contracts, independent auditing of all state revenues and capital flows from the sector, and transparent public reporting of all royalties and profit oil. “Citizens have a right to track how much money enters the state, and how it is spent,” he argues. Left unregulated, he warns, oil revenues could cement a new system of political patronage that entrench systemic corruption — a historic mistake that would waste the nation’s best chance for broad-based prosperity. He frames the choice clearly: will oil become a source of sustainable national welfare, or just “a new pot of honey” for corrupt actors to plunder?

    Ramautarsing argues that effective reform does not require dozens of new overlapping laws. Instead, a small set of targeted changes can drive major progress. Digitalization of public services is one high-impact tool: corruption thrives on in-person interactions, discretionary decision-making and lack of auditable paper trails. By digitalizing core processes across customs, tax administration, construction permitting and public procurement, all decisions and transactions become far easier to trace and audit. Public contracting should also be fully transparent from the initial tender notice through the final invoice, so that the public can verify what is purchased, from whom, at what price, and under what procedures. Additionally, Ramautarsing calls for strong legal protections for whistleblowers, including confidential reporting channels, legal safeguards against retaliation such as firing or blacklisting, and independent investigation of all reported misconduct.

    Crucially, Ramautarsing emphasizes that fighting corruption is not the sole responsibility of government, police and the courts. Businesses, civil society groups, independent media and individual citizens all play a role in maintaining the corrupt system. He questions the credibility of public outrage over large corruption scandals when many people are willing to accept small acts of nepotism, favoritism or conflict of interest when they personally benefit. The chain of corruption relies on multiple links: someone asks for a bribe, someone offers it, someone pays it, someone looks the other way, and someone profits.

    Suriname stands at a critical crossroads, Ramautarsing concludes. Institutional strengthening must happen before large oil revenues begin to flow, not after billions have been lost to corruption and mismanagement. While fully eradicating corruption is not a realistic short-term goal, the nation can aim to build a system where corruption is no longer the easiest path to power, wealth and influence. That goal requires strong independent institutions, radical transparency, professional compliance frameworks and active public oversight. In the end, however, breaking the chain requires individual responsibility. The chain can only be broken when enough Surinamese citizens refuse to participate — a call to action captured in his article’s title, *Kot A Keti*, which means “cut the chain”.

  • Pringle, Brazilian Ambassador Discuss Strengthening Antigua and Barbuda–Brazil Relations

    Pringle, Brazilian Ambassador Discuss Strengthening Antigua and Barbuda–Brazil Relations

    In a diplomatic engagement aimed at deepening cross-national connections, Leader of the Opposition Jamale Pringle of Antigua and Barbuda has held a formal working meeting with Brazil’s top diplomat accredited to the twin-island nation, Ambassador Márcia Donner Abreu. The core of the discussion centered on exploring new avenues to strengthen the cooperative relationship already in place between the two sovereign states.

    Details released by Pringle’s official office confirm that both participants left the talks aligned on the value of expanding existing bilateral ties, noting a shared commitment to deepening collaboration across areas of mutual interest. Visual documentation of the closed-door meeting, published after the discussion concluded, captured the two leaders in active conversation before sharing a closing handshake to mark the productive exchange.

    Ambassador Abreu, who maintains her primary post as Brazil’s Ambassador to Barbados, holds concurrent accreditation to two additional Eastern Caribbean nations: Antigua and Barbuda, and St. Kitts and Nevis. Her appointment to the regional diplomatic role received formal approval from Brazil’s federal Senate earlier in 2024, clearing the way for her to take up her cross-nation posting.

    This meeting takes place against a broader shifting backdrop of Brazilian foreign policy in the region, where Brasilia has steadily ramped up its diplomatic and economic engagement with Caribbean island nations over recent years. The renewed focus has translated into a push for expanded Brazil-Caribbean cooperation frameworks covering a range of sectors, from trade and infrastructure to cultural exchange, making this latest bilateral discussion a small but meaningful step in Brazil’s broader regional outreach strategy.

  • Trump Promises US$5,000 Payout to Every American Adult if Republicans Win Congress

    Trump Promises US$5,000 Payout to Every American Adult if Republicans Win Congress

    As Republicans battle to hold their congressional majorities ahead of November’s critical midterm elections, former U.S. President Donald Trump has made a striking campaign promise: every adult American citizen would receive a $5,000 cash payment if the party keeps control of both the House of Representatives and the Senate. Trump first revealed the proposal on Wednesday during an appearance at a Republican gathering hosted in Dallas, framing the one-time payout as a direct dividend tied to what he framed as the United States’ robust economic achievements under Republican leadership.

    Speaking to a crowd of enthusiastic supporters, Trump emphasized the direct link between a GOP victory and voter benefits, saying: “If the Republicans win, you win with us and you get $5,000.” He dubbed the proposed payout the “Trump dividend” to cement its association with his policy agenda. To qualify for the payment, recipients would face a single requirement: all funds must be spent within the borders of the United States, a rule designed to boost domestic consumption, according to the framing of the proposal.

    Despite the bold promise, the former president offered no additional clarity on key logistics of the plan, including how the massive program would be funded or how it would roll out to eligible citizens. Independent analysts have already projected that sending $5,000 to every adult American would carry a total price tag exceeding $1 trillion, a staggering sum that would require congressional approval to move forward. The announcement comes at a pivotal moment for congressional Republicans, who are working to defend their control of both legislative chambers ahead of the November 3 midterm contests, with control of Congress’s policy agenda hanging in the balance.

  • St. Kitts and Nevis: Labour Govt Rejects US$5M Port Control Proposal from UK Company – WIC News

    St. Kitts and Nevis: Labour Govt Rejects US$5M Port Control Proposal from UK Company – WIC News

    In a move that sets it apart from other Caribbean nations, the Labour government of St. Kitts and Nevis has formally turned down a $5 million infrastructure investment proposal from a UK-registered company owned by a Turkish businessman that would have handed over long-term operational and revenue control of the country’s critical port assets to the private firm.

    According to informed sources familiar with the offer, the deal proposed sweeping concessions for the private investor: in exchange for funding to expand and upgrade the islands’ port infrastructure, the company demanded full operational authority, control over all port-generated revenue, and even a separate financial contribution to the ruling Labour Party. The agreement was structured as a 30-year initial contract with an option for a 10-year extension, locking in private control for up to four decades. Under the terms, the company would have collected a $10 fee for every passenger passing through the ports. With St. Kitts and Nevis drawing roughly 1 million tourist arrivals per year, this provision alone would have generated an estimated $10 million in annual revenue for the firm, adding up to $400 million over the full 40-year term of the agreement.

    Rather than accept the upfront investment, the St. Kitts and Nevis administration rejected the proposal outright, emphasizing that the nation’s ports are irreplaceable public assets that belong to the people of the two-island nation. Government representatives made clear to the businessman and his company’s representative, Dr. Sean Matthew, that all port operations will remain permanently under public control, held by the government in trust for citizens.

    What makes this decision notable is that the company has circulated identical proposals to multiple other Caribbean countries, sources confirm. Reports indicate that many of those nations accepted the offer, with allegations of widespread bribes being paid to public officials in exchange for ceding port control. To date, St. Kitts and Nevis stands as the only country to refuse the deal outright, declining any transfer of authority over its strategic infrastructure.

    The rejection has thrown a spotlight on a growing regional debate across the Caribbean: balancing the need for private infrastructure investment with protection of national sovereignty over strategic public assets. While foreign direct investment can deliver much-needed capital to upgrade aging transportation and tourism infrastructure, governments across the region are increasingly grappling with the long-term risks of handing over control of revenue-generating, critical public assets to private foreign entities, a conversation that St. Kitts and Nevis’ decision has brought into sharper focus.

  • LETTER: Gaston Should Fire Cutie, But He Doesn’t Have the Balls

    LETTER: Gaston Should Fire Cutie, But He Doesn’t Have the Balls

    For over ten years, a single cabinet minister has held oversight of four interconnected core portfolios: policing, prison management, justice policy, and public safety strategy. Political commentator Shane argues that if the country’s prime minister is genuinely dissatisfied with the current state of public safety, the performance of policing institutions, and the effective operation of the judicial system – and is committed to implementing sweeping policy changes – a change in the leadership of these portfolios is long overdue. After more than a decade of underperformance that has failed to deliver the promised results, Shane insists this incumbent minister must step aside.

    Shane poses a series of rhetorical questions outlining what voters deserve from an effective public safety minister. Citizens should be able to expect a proactive, energetic leader who travels across the country to engage directly with local communities on their experiences with crime and public safety. This leader would drive a new community policing agenda that strengthens connections between residents and police liaisons. They would also develop a clear, actionable strategy to collaborate with the judiciary through established official channels, delivering on long-discussed calls for harsher maximum sentences for serious offenders.

    An effective minister would also proactively consult with the Department of Gender Affairs (DoGA) and non-governmental organizations that work to combat sexual and gender-based violence. From these consultations, they would build a coordinated cross-institutional plan to create safer public and private spaces for women and girls across the country. Furthermore, they would turn the long-debated idea of meaningful offender rehabilitation from a campaign talking point into tangible policy: they would introduce comprehensive draft legislation to establish a formal rehabilitation program, including a dedicated division that tracks and supports former inmates after their release, and pre-identify qualified candidates to lead the initiative.

    A capable public safety minister would also deliver on long-overdue infrastructure commitments. They would table a concrete, cost-efficient, phased plan to build much-needed new correctional facilities and aggressively push for timely completion of the project. They would keep promises already made to the national police force – including the construction of the long-promised forensic laboratory – and follow through on commitments to increase police accountability by establishing the promised independent oversight body to investigate officer misconduct complaints. Finally, they would partner with the Ministry of Social Transformation to launch targeted diversion programs for marginalized at-risk young people who show early signs of being drawn into a life of crime.

    Shane goes on to point out a striking pattern in the prime minister’s public commentary on rising crime: when discussing who bears responsibility for the country’s ongoing public safety crisis, the prime minister has called out a long list of institutions and individuals, from the judiciary and the legal fraternity to the Prison Superintendent, the Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP) and its leadership, the Director of Public Prosecutions, and even women who date men with criminal histories. In short, Shane argues, the prime minister has pinned blame on everyone except the cabinet minister who has overseen the file for more than a decade.

    If the prime minister were truly serious about shifting course on crime and public safety, Shane contends, he would prioritize changing the leadership of the key portfolios. Allowing long-serving incumbents who have outlasted their effectiveness to cling to critical cabinet positions – while younger, more capable candidates are sidelined or forced to take their skills abroad – is a clear case of putting partisan political interests ahead of the national good. This approach, Shane argues, is the defining trait of a weak prime minister: one who relies on aggressive rhetoric and picks unnecessary fights with public servants, but lacks the political will to challenge the entrenched status quo within his own party.

    Shane concludes that the prime minister should have stripped the incumbent minister – nicknamed “Cutie” – of the public safety, policing, prisons and justice portfolios years ago, leaving Cutie to only oversee the roles of Attorney General, Legal Affairs, and Labour. The op-ed ends with Shane’s signature.

  • NIA commissions new 500,000-gallon tank to boost Nevis water security

    NIA commissions new 500,000-gallon tank to boost Nevis water security

    On September 10, 2026, the Nevis Island Administration (NIA), led by the Concerned Citizens Movement, formally commissioned a critical new piece of water infrastructure: a 500,000-gallon glass-fused storage tank at Stoney Hill. The event, attended by senior government officials, water sector representatives, and invited guests, marks a key milestone in the NIA’s decadelong push to strengthen Nevis’ water security and support the island’s sustainable future growth.

    Construction of the 60-foot-diameter, 30-foot-high tank began in February 2026 and was completed just three months later by local contractor Precision Construction, led by principal Ronell Webbe. The new tank doubles the total storage capacity at the Stoney Hill site, bringing the combined total of the two tanks to one million gallons. According to Floyd Robinson, director of the NIA’s Integrated Water Resource Management Unit, this expanded capacity means the site can now supply water to communities stretching from south of Stoney Hill to the capital of Charlestown for up to three days if an emergency disables nearby well pumps. This buffer addresses critical vulnerabilities in Nevis’ water network, providing resilience against unplanned outages, maintenance work, and sudden spikes in demand.

    Honorable Spencer Brand, the NIA’s Minister for Works and Water Services, emphasized that the new tank is far more than a concrete and steel addition to the island’s infrastructure—it is a foundational investment in Nevis’ long-term resilience and economic development. Brand noted that over the past 10 years, the NIA has allocated more than 50 million Eastern Caribbean dollars to upgrade the island’s entire water ecosystem, from production and well pumping infrastructure to distribution networks and storage capacity. This substantial investment reflects the administration’s core belief that reliable access to clean water is non-negotiable for sustainable growth across all sectors.

    “Water is essential for every part of life on this island,” Brand stated at the commissioning ceremony. “Homes, schools, hospitals, farms, hotels, businesses, and new housing developments all depend on consistent access. Adding this 500,000-gallon tank strengthens the entire system by giving us the buffer we need to keep water flowing when production is interrupted or demand surges.”

    Looking ahead, Brand outlined the NIA’s broader long-term strategy to adapt Nevis’ water network to the challenges of climate change and growing population and economic demand. He noted that shifting rainfall patterns, more frequent prolonged dry spells, and increasing demand mean the island can no longer rely solely on traditional groundwater sources. As a result, desalination will become an increasingly central component of Nevis’ national water security strategy, complementing expanded storage capacity, upgraded pumping infrastructure, improved leakage monitoring, and broader network upgrades.

    “We are not just building infrastructure to meet today’s needs,” Brand said. “We are planning for the Nevis of tomorrow—for more homes, expanded tourism, greater agricultural output, and a growing economy. The investments we make today must have the capacity to support that future, and this new storage tank is a major step forward in that journey.”

    The commissioning ceremony featured additional remarks from Acting Premier Honorable Eric Evelyn, Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Works and Water Services Denzil Stanley, and representatives of the project contractor. Senior government figures including Deputy Governor-General Hyleeta Liburd, NIA cabinet members, and water sector officials were also in attendance to mark the occasion.

  • PM eyes meeting with Delcy

    PM eyes meeting with Delcy

    Following the ceremonial opening of the 2026-2027 judicial law term on the steps of Port of Spain’s Hall of Justice, Trinidad and Tobago Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar shared new updates on warming bilateral ties with neighboring Venezuela in an address to reporters Tuesday.

    Persad-Bissessar opened up about ongoing behind-the-scenes planning for a potential bilateral meeting between herself and Venezuelan Interim President Delcy Rodríguez on the sidelines of the upcoming United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in New York, currently scheduled for late September. The Prime Minister also publicly shared warm personal feelings toward Rodríguez, expressing clear enthusiasm for the prospective encounter.

    “I love her. I look forward to meeting her,” Persad-Bissessar told reporters, noting that cabinet minister Sean Sobers is currently coordinating logistics for the meeting, which is being targeted for September 25. When asked about her willingness to hold the summit, she emphasized that her priority will always be advancing the interests of Trinidad and Tobago’s citizens: “I will meet with anyone who wishes to meet me for the benefit of the people of Trinidad and Tobago. I will do whatever I have to do always.” She added that if the logistics cannot be finalized in time, the public will be updated promptly on the change of plans.

    The comments come amid a fresh push to reactivate diplomatic cooperation between the two neighboring Caribbean and South American nations after years of stalled relations. Earlier this month, on September 3, Trinidad and Tobago’s Minister of Foreign and Caricom Affairs Sean Sobers completed a working visit to Caracas, where he held talks with top Venezuelan government officials including Foreign Minister Felix Plasencia. After the trip, Sobers announced that the two sides had reached an agreement to form a bilateral joint commission, designed to break through years of diplomatic and technical stagnation and move forward collaboration on cross-cutting issues that impact both nations. The technical working group formed under the commission will help both governments identify shared priority areas and deliver tangible outcomes for their populations. Persad-Bissessar publicly backed the trip, confirming it had been a success.

    Addressing past tensions, the Prime Minister pushed back on discussions about her being labeled persona non grata under the previous Nicolás Maduro regime, instead centering the deep, longstanding ties that bind the two countries and their people. She highlighted her own personal familial connections to Venezuela, noting “my mother-in-law is Venezuelan. My two grand-nephews are Venezuelan. Trinidad and Tobago and Venezuela, we have very, very close ties. We are family.”

    Beyond diplomatic engagement, Persad-Bissessar delivered a clear, optimistic update on the long-discussed plan to import natural gas from Venezuela, saying she is fully confident cross-border gas supplies will reach Trinidad and Tobago within the next 12 months. She cited the countries’ extreme geographic proximity – just seven miles separate the two nations – and pre-existing agreements with major international energy firms as evidence the project will come to fruition. “I have absolutely no doubt that gas from Venezuela will come to Trinidad and Tobago. It is the only funnel, the only place it can pass. We are seven miles away, and it will come,” she said. The Prime Minister added that her administration has already finalized cooperation agreements with energy giant bp, and is working to conclude similar deals with Shell, XRG and other major energy players.

    Securing additional Venezuelan natural gas imports is considered a critical strategic priority for Trinidad and Tobago’s energy sector, as the country looks to boost incoming supply to support its existing downstream petrochemical and liquefied natural gas industries, which form a core pillar of the national economy. Persad-Bissessar concluded by reaffirming that all bilateral efforts with Venezuela will advance the shared interests of both nations, saying “whatever has to be done, we will do in the best interest of Trinidad and Tobago and Venezuela” and that the public can “expect the best” as relations continue to deepen.

  • Govt to support Judiciary’s swifter justice push, says PM

    Govt to support Judiciary’s swifter justice push, says PM

    At the ceremonial opening of the 2026-2027 judicial law term held in Port of Spain, Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar has publicly reaffirmed her administration’s unwavering commitment to backing the Judiciary in its mission to deliver faster, more equitable access to justice for all Trinidad and Tobago citizens.

    Taking the stage alongside Chief Justice Ronnie Boodoosingh and Attorney General John Jeremie at the Hall of Justice event, Persad-Bissessar said she had carefully reviewed the Chief Justice’s vision for judicial administration, and emphasized that accessible, fair justice is a non-negotiable right for ordinary people. “Justice must never be distant from the people. It must never be beyond the reach of the ordinary citizen. It must be accessible, efficient and fair, and our citizens must have confidence that the institutions established to protect their rights will work for them,” she stated.

    Persad-Bissessar took office in April 2025, and immediately launched a sweeping overhaul of what her administration identified as stagnant, outdated public systems that failed to meet citizens’ expectations. Her government moved quickly to collaborate with cross-sector justice stakeholders to map bottlenecks to efficiency, then rolled out an aggressive modernization agenda covering both legal affairs and civil and criminal justice frameworks. Just over a year into the program, she says tangible, meaningful change is already underway.

    One of the flagship achievements highlighted by the Prime Minister is newly enacted legislation to digitize Trinidad and Tobago’s entire body of national laws, which will eventually give citizens free centralized access to all legal statutes through a single public online portal. Far from just a technological upgrade, Persad-Bissessar framed the reform as a critical step toward democratizing access to the law. “This is more than technological progress. It is the democratization of the law,” she said, adding that expanded public access will narrow the gap between communities and the judicial system, while strengthening public trust in the rule of law.

    Another key legislative win is the 2026 Civil Division Act, which answers decades of requests from the Judiciary for a formal legal framework to restructure civil justice through a standalone, specialized division. Persad-Bissessar explained the act addresses longstanding systemic gaps including understaffing and administrative disorganization, cuts down on crippling case delays and backlogs, creates targeted specialized subdivisions, and boosts overall operational efficiency.

    Turning to criminal justice reforms, the Prime Minister pointed to the 2026 Bail (Amendment) Act, which introduced a new formal process of Bail Source Hearings. This new regulation gives courts the power to verify that cash or real property used to secure bail comes from legitimate, legal sources. “The justice system must never become an avenue through which the proceeds of criminal activity can be legitimised,” she noted, adding that enhanced transparency and judicial oversight of bail will strengthen national efforts to combat organized crime, money laundering, and other high-level offenses.

    Her administration also updated the decades-old Probation of Offenders Act, first written in 1947, to expand judicial access to split sentencing. Under the new framework, sentences can combine terms of incarceration with supervised community probation, including provisions for electronic monitoring, curfews, mandatory community service, and vocational training. Persad-Bissessar said the model balances accountability for criminal acts with a focus on rehabilitation and successful reintegration. “Justice must protect society and punish wrongdoing, but a modern justice system must also recognise that where rehabilitation is possible, people should have a meaningful opportunity to rebuild their lives and become productive members of society,” she said.

    Beyond legislative changes, the Prime Minister confirmed the government has allocated full funding to support the Judiciary’s initiative to reopen shuttered magistrates’ courts across the country, a move designed to eliminate geographic barriers to justice. “A citizen in Mayaro deserves the same access to justice and essential court services as a citizen in Port of Spain, San Fernando, Tobago, or anywhere else in our Republic,” she said. She highlighted that prior to the reform, residents of rural areas like Mayaro faced unnecessary burdens: for example, those requiring probation officer services were forced to travel long distances to San Fernando, after local probation staff lost dedicated workspace in regional magistrates’ courts. With court reopenings, probation officers will once again be based in local courthouses across all jurisdictions. “That is what meaningful reform is about—not simply changing laws on paper, but improving the everyday experience of citizens who depend upon the State,” she said.

    Looking ahead, Persad-Bissessar pledged the executive branch will continue to provide all necessary funding and resources to the Judiciary to advance its efficiency goals, and confirmed the justice reform program will continue with additional legislative and administrative updates in the coming term.

  • CJ moves to tackle court backlog

    CJ moves to tackle court backlog

    In his inaugural address marking the opening of the 2026-2027 judicial law term at Port of Spain’s Hall of Justice Convocation Hall, newly appointed Chief Justice Ronnie Boodoosingh has announced a comprehensive set of systemic reforms aimed at dismantling the long-standing criminal case backlog that has plagued the country’s judiciary and expanding overall court capacity.

    Boodoosingh, who assumed the top judicial role in October 2025, used his first public opening address to lay out the findings of a months-long institutional assessment he conducted after taking office, which uncovered systemic failures across infrastructure, staffing, and case management that have eroded public access to timely justice.

    Physical court infrastructure emerged as a top critical concern: the San Fernando Supreme Court Building has remained fully shuttered since the COVID-19 pandemic, stripping the judicial system of 16 functional courtrooms and dedicated staff housing. Meanwhile, the main Hall of Justice and Tobago’s Hall of Justice operate far below their intended capacity, and nearly every regional Magistrates’ Court building across the country is in urgent need of maintenance, major renovations, or structural repairs.

    Unlike most other public sector institutions and school systems that returned to full in-person operations after pandemic restrictions lifted, the judiciary has remained almost entirely virtual, Boodoosingh noted. This shift has left many members of the public without consistent in-person access to court staff and critical services, deepening public frustration with the judicial process.

    The most pressing challenge identified by the assessment is the growing backlog of pending cases, particularly in the Criminal Court and Family Court divisions. Even after post-pandemic adjustments to preliminary inquiry protocols and traffic case processing, the backlog in Magistrates’ Courts has continued to climb at an alarming rate. Boodoosingh emphasized that reform efforts must center on the core needs of the public, who seek a straightforward, expedited process regardless of whether their case involves a traffic violation, family dispute, criminal charge, or civil claim.

    “While the judiciary does not intentionally create delays or place unnecessary obstacles in the path of people seeking justice, resource constraints have undeniably limited our ability to deliver timely outcomes,” Boodoosingh acknowledged. “But that is not an excuse for failing to take every reasonable action to build a more effective justice system. When our systems are not working as well as they should, our job is to fix them.”

    To anchor accountability, Boodoosingh is moving to enforce the existing six-month target for most judicial judgments — a standard first established decades ago and reaffirmed by former Chief Justice Ivor Archie in 2025. All judicial officers are now required to submit monthly reports to the Chief Justice’s office detailing sitting hours, completed cases, and pending judgments, creating transparent data to track institutional performance.

    A new, cross-stakeholder Criminal Justice Board has already been convened, holding monthly meetings since April 2026 to diagnose bottlenecks and coordinate targeted solutions. A focused backlog clearance initiative is prioritizing the oldest cases in the system for accelerated processing or dismissal. Boodoosingh noted that some cases have lingered in the system for decades, and many are effectively “dead cases” with no path to a trial. The administration aims to resolve and remove all of these legacy cases from the system by the end of the current 2026-2027 law term.

    One of the most impactful immediate changes is a near doubling of available criminal jury court space: 15 dedicated Criminal Jury High Court rooms have been operational since the start of September 2026, up from just eight available under the previous system. The judiciary has also scrapped its outdated docket assignment system, instead assigning individual judges to permanent courtrooms with full responsibility for managing and trying their assigned caseloads.

    Top judicial officials have already secured commitments from key partners to support the expanded court capacity: Director of Public Prosecutions Roger Gaspard, SC, has pledged to continuously assign prosecutors to all 15 new courtrooms, and the judiciary is collaborating with the Public Defender’s Department to ensure consistent defense counsel coverage for each court. Boodoosingh has publicly backed the Public Defender’s Department’s call for additional staffing to meet this expanded demand, noting that the Judicial and Legal Service Commission is currently working with the DPP’s office to fill long-standing vacant positions across the legal system.

    The reforms also include plans to extend sitting hours and cut down on avoidable downtime in the criminal justice system, a change Boodoosingh said is critical to moving cases through the pipeline faster.

    In a major pivot away from the pandemic-era virtual model, Boodoosingh announced a gradual phased plan to restore full in-person hearings at all Magistrates’ Courts nationwide by the end of 2027. Official data makes clear that virtual hearings have drastically underperformed in-person proceedings when it comes to case completion rates, he said.

    Between 2006 and 2016, when in-person operations were standard, annual case completion rates ranged from 65% to 120% of new annual filings. That rate dropped to just 44% in the most recent completed judicial year. While the number of completed cases has ticked up slightly from 10,746 in 2023/2024 to 15,994 in 2025/2026, that number remains a small fraction of pre-pandemic completion volumes: 115,491 cases were disposed of in 2016/2017, and 82,841 in 2017/2018. A comparative analysis found that virtual hearings dispose of less than 20% of the number of cases completed through in-person proceedings.

    “Virtual hearings offer convenience for many stakeholders, including lawyers, magistrates, and law enforcement officers,” Boodoosingh said. “But for the Magistrates’ Court system, they have not delivered the same effectiveness as in-person hearings when it comes to completing cases in a timely manner. That is a gap we must address.”