分类: world

  • Beckles: Reparations movement in ‘final phase’

    Beckles: Reparations movement in ‘final phase’

    On Thursday evening, at the opening of the Third CARICOM Regional Conference on Reparations hosted at the Wyndham Grand Sam Lord’s Castle, Professor Sir Hilary Beckles, chair of the CARICOM Reparations Commission, made a landmark announcement: the Caribbean’s decades-long movement for reparatory justice has reached its final stage, with the current generation fully committed to securing what they frame as full and irreversible justice for centuries of systemic harm.

    A leading historian of Caribbean slavery and colonialism, Beckles framed the current push for reparations not as a narrow regional grievance over historical injustice, but as a global moral imperative that will shape the future of equity and human rights for all peoples. He contextualized the modern campaign as the fifth major “eruption” of reparations organizing across Caribbean history, tracing earlier waves of resistance back to the era of chattel slavery itself.

    Previous efforts, from enslaved people demanding compensation for stolen labor to post-Emancipation petitions for land redistribution, were either violently suppressed or allowed to fade into inaction over generations, Beckles explained. But this moment marks a permanent shift, he told assembled delegates. “This century is going to be the century of impartial justice,” he said. “Historically the reparations debate crescendoed, declined, crescendoed and declined. We are now in the fifth wave, and our position is this is it. There will be no other rise and fall. This is the final eruption of this movement, and we are not going to retreat and let it go into a slumber for the next generation.”

    Beckles grounded the regional claim for reparations in the unique and unprecedented harm European colonial powers inflicted on the Caribbean. He emphasized that chattel slavery, the legal system that classified human beings as transferable non-human property, was invented in the Caribbean as an economic tool of mass extraction. “It was the first time in human history that an ethnic group of people, racially identified, were classified in law as property, as non-human,” he noted. “No other race on this planet has ever been classified in law as non-human property, chattel, and real estate.”

    Citing demographic data from two major former slaveholding colonies, Barbados and Jamaica, Beckles argued that the system amounted to deliberate genocide. Over the centuries of slavery, more than 600,000 enslaved Africans were trafficked to Barbados, but by the formal abolition of slavery in 1834, only 83,000 remained alive—a survival rate of less than 20 percent. In Jamaica, the toll was equally staggering: 1.5 million trafficked Africans left a population of just 300,000 at Emancipation. “How do you reduce 600,000 people over 200 years to 83,000? That is also a definition of genocide,” Beckles said. “So we need to understand it was not only chattel slavery, but genocide. Why? Because it was opportunity — you burn it up, you use it, and you replace it.”

    He also detailed the systematic eradication of the Caribbean’s Indigenous populations, noting that by the time British forces claimed Barbados in 1655, earlier Spanish and Portuguese raids had already depopulated the island’s entire network of Indigenous villages.

    The revised 10-point reparations plan unveiled at the conference is the product of 10 years of public consultation, academic analysis, and empirical review. One of the most significant updates, Beckles explained, is the explicit centering of the gender-specific violence and exploitation endured by enslaved Black women. “Chattel slavery was an institution that was built on the existence of Black women,” he said. “The laws of slavery were built around and framed around centering the Black woman as the seed of slavery. It was her womb that was enslaved. It was the enslavement of the Black woman that enabled slavery to go from generation to generation because the laws were clear: only an enslaved woman can give birth to a slave child.”

    This system of reproductive exploitation created a persistent demographic shift: Barbados became the first society in the Western Hemisphere where women outnumbered men, a majority status that has endured for more than 300 years. “We can no longer speak about slavery in generic, neutral terms,” Beckles argued. “The experiences of Black women were fundamentally different from those of men.”

    Beyond addressing historical atrocities, the updated plan reframes the reparations movement through a universal moral lens rooted in the African philosophy of Ubuntu—”I am because we are.” Beckles stressed that the Caribbean’s fight for reparations carries a broader global responsibility: to entrench global equity and prevent the systematic degradation of any marginalized group in the future. “We have a higher responsibility to the world,” he said. “We are not struggling for reparatory justice only because of our personal ethnic situation; we have a duty to humanity. Justice for us, security for humanity — that is the framework.”

    Beckles pointed to a recent United Nations General Assembly resolution as proof that the global community has already validated the historical and moral case for reparations. On March 25, 123 UN member states voted in favor of a resolution classifying the transatlantic slave trade as the “gravest crime against humanity.” For Beckles, this vote means the foundational work has been completed, and it is time for formal negotiations with European powers that built their wealth on Caribbean slavery. “The case for reparatory justice has been made,” he declared. “The United Nations is the court; they have said the case is made, the guilt is clear, the responsibility is clear. Let the negotiations begin.”

    Following Beckles’ opening address, Jasmine Mickens, director of the Global Africa Reparations and Restitution Fund and master of ceremonies for the conference, praised the CARICOM campaign as the most significant political movement of the 21st century. “Movements require both political imagination and unapologetic intellectual leadership, which Professor Beckles has always provided,” Mickens said. “Reparations is a conversation about the imagination of new worlds. It is a project of both preserving memory, but also deciding whose version of the future do we want to live in.”

  • Braganza geeft geen duidelijkheid over US$150 per hectare

    Braganza geeft geen duidelijkheid over US$150 per hectare

    A Suriname-based agricultural development project has been thrown into transparency controversy after Braganza Marketing Group, a key project partner, confirmed that binding financial agreements exist with Mennonite cooperative entities but declined to release details of those obligations. This leaves unresolved questions over how the widely reported $150-per-hectare figure cited by Mennonite representatives fits into the project’s overall financial structure.

    Local media outlet Starnieuws directly questioned Braganza’s director Lionel Blokland on the $150-per-hectare claim, asking whether the company – or any of its affiliated entities, directors, shareholders, or intermediaries – receives that sum, or any per-hectare payment, from Mennonite project partners.

    Blokland responded that Braganza does not sell land in connection with the three large-scale agricultural projects that the company has signed framework agreements for with Suriname’s Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries (LVV). However, he did explicitly confirm that the company has entered into formal agreements over investments and mutual financial obligations with the Mennonite limited liability corporations (nv’s) participating in the projects. When pressed for specifics on the nature of these obligations and the total monetary amounts involved, Blokland stated that the company would not release any further details.

    The $150-per-hectare figure entered public discourse after Belizean Mennonite representative Peter Petersen mentioned the per-hectare payment during a recent parliamentary site visit to the project area. Braganza had previously suggested the figure might refer to an internal financial contribution arranged among Mennonite families themselves. In his latest comments, Blokland reiterated that Braganza plays no role in these internal Mennonite financial arrangements, saying that such agreements are strictly an internal matter for the Mennonite nv’s and their communities. “As Braganza, we stand completely outside of these internal arrangements,” Blokland stated.

    At the same time, Blokland acknowledged that Braganza does maintain oversight involvement in project delivery through its chairmanship of the boards of commissioners of the participating Mennonite nv’s, meaning the company retains a direct hand in matters affecting the successful execution of the agricultural projects.

    The confirmation of binding financial agreements between Braganza and the Mennonite entities confirms that some formal financial arrangement exists, but its exact terms – including whether per-hectare payments are part of the broader structure – remain unconfirmed. Braganza has justified its refusal to disclose details by citing the confidential nature of the framework agreements it signed. The company did note that all framework agreements and other cooperation-related documents have been submitted to LVV, and according to Blokland, Braganza has no objection if the ministry chooses to make the documents publicly available.

  • Saint Lucian extradited to Martinique on armed robbery convictions

    Saint Lucian extradited to Martinique on armed robbery convictions

    In a high-profile demonstration of cross-border judicial collaboration, the Royal Saint Lucia Police Force (RSLPF) has confirmed that 26-year-old Jahvis Marlon Alfred, a resident of Wiltons Yard in Castries, was transferred into the custody of French authorities on Thursday, September 17, following his extradition from the Caribbean island nation to the French overseas territory of Martinique. Alfred voluntarily surrendered through the formal cross-border legal cooperation framework established between the two jurisdictions, officials confirmed.

    Alfred had been a wanted man in Martinique for years, facing a slate of serious criminal charges that included armed robbery, participation in a criminal conspiracy, and multiple violations of firearms regulations. Back in November 2021, the Criminal Court of Martinique delivered a guilty verdict in his absence and handed down a 15-year prison sentence for his offenses.

    Law enforcement agencies in Saint Lucia tracked and apprehended Alfred on local soil on February 7, 2026. Following his arrest, he was detained at the island’s Bordelais Correctional Facility under a provisional arrest warrant, where he remained through the duration of the extradition process until his transfer to French authorities this month.

    In an official statement following the completion of the extradition, RSLPF leadership emphasized that this successful operation stands as a clear testament to the effectiveness of modern international law enforcement partnerships. Officials stressed that geographic borders do not serve as a shield for fugitives to escape accountability for crimes they have committed.

    Addressing directly individuals who may be considering engaging in cross-border criminal activity, the RSLPF issued a stark warning: “To those contemplating criminal activity: Think carefully about the consequences of your actions. The reach of the law does not end at the border.”

    The police force also used the occasion to reaffirm its long-standing commitment to deepening collaboration with regional and international law enforcement partners. RSLPF noted that these joint efforts are critical to supporting transnational criminal investigations, streamlining cross-border judicial processes, and upholding public safety for communities across jurisdictions.

  • Chaneil Imhoff Begins First GOHETD Assignment at CARICOM Reparations Conference

    Chaneil Imhoff Begins First GOHETD Assignment at CARICOM Reparations Conference

    A new chapter in global advocacy for reparatory justice has opened in Barbados, where Antiguan and Barbudan advocate Chaneil C. Imhoff is carrying out her inaugural appointment as GOHETD’s Ambassador to the Caribbean at the Third CARICOM Regional Conference on Reparations. Running from September 17 to 19, 2026, at the Wyndham Grand Barbados Sam Lord’s Castle Resort, the conference gathers policymakers, activists and community leaders under the unifying theme: “Reparatory Justice as the Coming Enlightenment.”

    Hosted by the Government of Barbados and the Barbados Reparations Task Force, the event is coordinated jointly by the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) Secretariat and the CARICOM Reparations Commission, marking the third regional gathering of its kind following earlier conferences in St. Vincent and the Grenadines (2013) and Antigua and Barbuda (2014). The high-profile opening dialogue on the global reparatory justice movement, held September 18, was moderated by CARICOM Secretary-General Dr. Carla Barnett, and featured a lineup of prominent contributors ranging from Barbados Prime Minister Mia Mottley and CARICOM Reparations Commission chair Professor Sir Hilary Beckles to St. Vincent and the Grenadines Prime Minister Dr. Ralph Gonsalves, Colombian Vice President Francia Márquez, and UK Member of Parliament Bell Ribeiro-Addy.

    In reflections on the opening proceedings, Imhoff highlighted two core messages that anchored the conference discussions: the centrality of development that transforms the lived circumstances of marginalized communities affected by colonialism and chattel slavery, and the urgent need to turn broad moral consensus around reparations into coordinated, tangible action. Among her key takeaways from early conversations were the critical need for deeper collaboration between Caribbean nations, African governments and the global African diaspora, long-overdue recognition of the decades-long advocacy work carried out by the Rastafari community in the reparations movement, and the inherent intersection between reparatory justice for historical harm and modern demands for climate justice.

    Imhoff’s session notes captured several practical, actionable proposals put forward during conference discussions. These include the establishment of national technical teams composed of historians and economists to document the specific harms inflicted by colonialism and slavery, and to develop clear, evidence-based reparation demands. Participants also discussed launching a global public petition to mobilize widespread grassroots support for the movement. Imhoff emphasized that both national governments and major global institutions, including Christian churches, carry unique responsibilities to advance meaningful repair, while noting that Caribbean communities must lead their own work toward self-reparation.

    “Reparatory justice must translate into changes that people can see and experience in their daily lives,” Imhoff stated in an interview following the opening sessions. “That includes expanded access to quality education, the protection of our shared cultural heritage, and giving communities an meaningful seat at the table when decisions about regional development are made. These priorities align directly with the mission and work I advance through GOHETD.”

    The conference’s opening day featured a diverse slate of thematic sessions beyond the opening plenary. A keynote plenary on Pan-African reparations jurisprudence delivered by Dr. Panashe Chigumadzi was moderated by Professor Verene Shepherd, with Ulele Burnham serving as official respondent. The first breakout roundtable centered on Indigenous rights, formal recognition, and resettlement, moderated by Dr. Damien Dublin with presentations from Chief Richard Currie, Steve Reid, Danelle James, and Nelcia Robinson. A separate session focused on the role of international institutions in advancing reparatory justice was moderated by Antigua and Barbuda’s Ambassador Dorbrene O’Marde, and included panelists Professor Verene Shepherd, Gaynel Curry, Dr. Barbara Reynolds, Ambassador Amr Aljowaily, and Dr. Hilary Brown.

    For Imhoff, these diverse thematic tracks reinforce a core truth: the movement for reparatory justice must center the distinct histories, needs and priorities of Indigenous communities, and ensure that Rastafari and other grassroots groups are empowered to shape cultural heritage and development initiatives across the region. Beyond her representation role at the conference, this first assignment as GOHETD’s Caribbean Ambassador carries a broader mandate: Imhoff will assess potential collaborative partnerships and gather stakeholder input to develop actionable recommendations that will guide GOHETD’s future programming and engagement across the Caribbean.

    A respected communications specialist and longtime mental health advocate based in Antigua and Barbuda, Imhoff founded the Wadadli Initiative for Self-care and Healing (WISH), and her professional portfolio spans strategic communications, media production, community organizing and mental health advocacy across the Eastern Caribbean. The Global Organization for Heritage, Environment and Tourism Development (GOHETD), the body that appointed Imhoff, works globally to advance cultural preservation, environmental sustainability, and responsible tourism through cross-border partnerships, grassroots community development and targeted youth engagement initiatives.

  • BVI leaders co-sign Brazil’s push for SDG 18: ‘Ethnic and racial equality should be a foundational principle of sustainable development’

    BVI leaders co-sign Brazil’s push for SDG 18: ‘Ethnic and racial equality should be a foundational principle of sustainable development’

    As global policymakers begin shaping the post-2030 sustainable development agenda, the British Virgin Islands (BVI) has once again stood firmly behind Brazil’s push to win international adoption of an 18th Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) focused exclusively on Ethnic and Racial Equality.

    The existing 17 United Nations SDGs, which are targeted for completion by 2030, do not include a standalone goal for advancing ethnic and racial equity. Brazil’s voluntary proposal for SDG 18 seeks to fill this gap by centering ethnic-racial equality as a core pillar of global sustainable development, though it has not yet received official UN endorsement. Brazil has spent years campaigning for broader international recognition of the initiative, framing it as a critical missing piece of the global sustainability framework.

    The BVI’s latest commitment came during a technical meeting convened by Brazil’s Ministry of Racial Equality, themed “SDG 18 and the Promotion of Ethnic and Racial Equality.” The gathering brought together representatives from national governments, faith-based organizations, civil society groups, and grassroots movements that make up the global SDG 18 advocacy network. Benito Wheatley, BVI’s Special Envoy, joined the meeting virtually and was among the key speakers highlighting the importance of the initiative.

    In his remarks to the assembly, Wheatley praised Brazil for taking the bold step of launching SDG 18 as a voluntary national initiative and for its ongoing work to build international buy-in. “Ethnic and racial equality should be a foundational principle of sustainable development,” Wheatley stated. He went on to explain that the BVI’s longstanding support for the initiative has been visible through its consistent participation in multilateral forums under the umbrella of the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), including the Forum of the Countries of Latin America and the Caribbean on Sustainable Development and the Regional Conference on Population and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean.

    Wheatley emphasized that the BVI, along with other Small Island Developing States (SIDS), remains a vocal advocate for equitable global development. He argued that the international community holds a collective responsibility to guarantee that all people can participate fairly in the sustainable development of their societies and share equitably in its benefits. This core principle underpins the BVI’s support for SDG 18, he added.

    The BVI’s renewed public commitment follows a recent high-level bilateral meeting held in Brazil’s capital, Brasilia, where Wheatley met with a delegation of senior Brazilian officials. Attendees included Igor Trabuco, Head of the International Advisory Department at Brazil’s Ministry of Racial Equality; Tatiana Dias Silva, Director of Evaluation, Monitoring and Information Management; Thiago Gehre, Executive Director of Brazil’s National Commission on Sustainable Development Goals; Patrícia Carvalho, an officer with the commission; and Gustavo Westman, Special Adviser for International Affairs in the Office of the President. This bilateral meeting was held in conjunction with ECLAC’s Second Parliamentary Summit on Climate Change and Just Transition in Latin America and the Caribbean, an event where Brazil serves as Co-Chair and the BVI holds the position of Vice Chair of the Parliamentary Observatory of Climate Change and Just Transition (OPCC).

    As discussions about the future of the global SDG framework beyond 2030 gain momentum, the growing coalition of support behind Brazil’s SDG 18 initiative signals a shifting global consensus around the need to explicitly center ethnic and racial equity in global sustainability efforts.

  • Police kill four men, two of them linked to the Diddy Glow case

    Police kill four men, two of them linked to the Diddy Glow case

    In a series of coordinated law enforcement actions across the Dominican Republic, the National Police has confirmed that four high-profile alleged criminal figures are dead following separate encounters with officers. The fatal operations targeted men with a long trail of violent offenses, including direct connections to a deadly public shooting that rocked the country earlier this month.

    The four deceased suspects have been identified as Wender Alcántara (alias “El Compa”), Deivi Rosado Durán (alias “El Gordo”), Jordin Antonio Ogando (alias “Jordin”), and Dilson Humberto Reynoso Cruz (alias “Mandrake”), according to official police statements. The first two names on that list are directly linked to the September 12 shooting incident in Los Coquitos, Boca Chica, that left two local residents dead and five others injured, a case that sparked urgent police action to dismantle the responsible gang.

    The remaining two suspects were already the subject of active arrest warrants for a pattern of violent criminal activity, which includes a confirmed homicide in Santiago, alongside multiple assaults and kidnappings across the region. National Police spokesperson Diego Pesqueira outlined the timeline and details of each operation to the public, starting with the first fatal confrontation in the early hours of Thursday.

    That first operation unfolded on José Francisco Peña Gómez street in the Andrés sector of Boca Chica, where Alcántara confronted responding police officers and was killed in the ensuing exchange. Officers recovered an undocumented Glock 43 pistol equipped with a drum-type magazine from Alcántara following the encounter, confirming the suspect was armed at the time of the confrontation.

    As part of the ongoing investigation into the Los Coquitos shooting, police also tracked down Deivi Rosado Durán, who is also known by the second alias “El Fantasma.” According to official allegations, Rosado Durán was the primary firearms supplier for the criminal gang that authorities are in the process of dismantling following the September 12 attack. He was killed in a separate operation shortly after Alcántara’s confrontation.

    Third, Jordin Antonio Ogando was killed during an encounter on Doctor Betances Street, at the intersection with 11th Street in the Villa María sector of the country’s capital. Police allege Ogando was responsible for a string of kidnappings and robberies targeting local taxi drivers, and during the operation officers seized an unregistered firearm and multiple rounds of ammunition from him after he engaged responding officers in a gunfight.

    Finally, Dilson Humberto Reynoso Cruz, known by the alias “Mandrake,” was also killed by National Police agents. Authorities confirm Reynoso Cruz carried an extensive criminal history with multiple confirmed homicides linked to his name, making him one of the higher priority targets for law enforcement in this series of operations.

    The string of operations marks a major breakthrough for Dominican law enforcement as they work to crack down on violent organized crime following the high-profile Boca Chica shooting, removing four alleged key figures from criminal networks that have been linked to multiple deaths and violent offenses across the country.

  • Antigua and Barbuda Delegation Participates in Third CARICOM Regional Conference on Reparations

    Antigua and Barbuda Delegation Participates in Third CARICOM Regional Conference on Reparations

    Against a backdrop of growing global momentum for addressing historical injustice, a four-person official delegation from Antigua and Barbuda has arrived in Bridgetown, Barbados, to take part in the Third CARICOM Regional Conference on Reparations. Held from September 17 to 19, 2026, this landmark gathering convenes under the unifying theme “Reparatory Justice as the Coming Enlightenment,” marking the first major Caribbean-led forum focused on reparatory justice in over 10 years.

    The Antigua and Barbuda delegation is composed of senior leaders with deep experience in the global reparations movement: Ambassador Dorbrene O’Marde, Ambassador Anthony Liverpool, Senator Angelica O’Donoghue, and Dr. Lenworth Johnson. All four delegates participated in the official opening ceremony held on Thursday evening, which featured keynote addresses from an illustrious roster of regional and international speakers, including CARICOM Secretary-General Dr. Carla Barnett and Professor Sir Hilary Beckles, as well as His Highness Papa Paul Jones Eganda.

    Over the three-day conference, the Antigua and Barbuda delegation will join high-level discussions alongside representatives of the CARICOM Prime Ministerial Sub-Committee on Reparations, regional Heads of Government, delegations from the African Union, leaders of national reparations commissions across the globe, civil society organizations, and members of the global African diaspora. Each delegate carries specific responsibilities aligned with their expertise:

    As Chair of the Antigua and Barbuda Reparations Support Commission (ABRSC) and Vice-Chair of the CARICOM Reparations Commission (CRC), Ambassador Dorbrene O’Marde will moderate a core session focused on building a global framework for reparatory action, titled “The Global Architecture of Reparatory Justice: Leveraging International Institutions, Frameworks and Agreements.” Dr. Lenworth Johnson will serve as a panelist for the discussion “Pathways to Historical Accountability and Redress: Legal, Economic and Environmental Justice,” while Senator Angelica O’Donoghue acts as an official Conference Rapporteur, contributing to the drafting and presentation of the Rapporteur’s Report that will outline the conference’s main consensus recommendations.

    In comments ahead of the conference’s working sessions, Ambassador Anthony Liverpool emphasized the unique value of this gathering for advancing the reparations movement across the Caribbean and beyond. “This conference is more than a discussion — it is an opportunity for reparations advocates, particularly across the Caribbean, to align strategies, combine our collective efforts, and build the momentum we need to achieve meaningful reparatory justice,” Liverpool noted. “It also creates critical space for building new partnerships and deepening collaboration with other national commissions, civil society groups, the global diaspora, and the African Union as we advance this shared goal.”

    The ABRSC functions as Antigua and Barbuda’s national body leading on reparations work, and is integrated into the broader regional reparations movement coordinated by the CARICOM Reparations Commission. This conference comes at a pivotal moment for the global reparations movement: it follows the United Nations General Assembly’s adoption of the landmark Resolution A/RES/80/250 on March 25, 2026, which formally recognized the transatlantic trafficking of enslaved Africans and the system of racialized chattel slavery as “the gravest crime against humanity” in global history.

    The conference’s core mandate is to consolidate the vision outlined in the revised CARICOM Ten-Point Plan for Reparatory Justice: A Manifesto for the Coming Enlightenment, and to advance practical, actionable strategies for implementing the Caribbean region’s reparatory justice agenda. Hosted jointly by the CARICOM Reparations Commission, the Government of Barbados, and the CARICOM Secretariat, the three-day gathering brings together cross-sectoral leaders, scholars, advocates, and institutional partners to chart the next phase of the global movement for reparatory justice.

  • Braganza bevestigt overeenkomsten met Mennonieten, ontkent verkoop landbouwgrond

    Braganza bevestigt overeenkomsten met Mennonieten, ontkent verkoop landbouwgrond

    After weeks of public speculation and unanswered questions surrounding its controversial large-scale agricultural initiative in Suriname, Braganza Marketing Group has issued a formal statement confirming that it has signed written binding agreements and framework contracts directly with Mennonite participants brought in to work on the projects. This confirmation marks the first time the firm has explicitly acknowledged the existence of separate Mennonite agreements, in addition to its existing contracts with Suriname’s Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries (LVV).

    Braganza director Lionel Blokland released the detailed statement to the press on Friday, following a request for comment from local outlet Starnieuws weeks earlier, when Blokland declined to respond on the record and promised to issue a full explanation at a later date.

    According to Blokland’s statement, Braganza signed three land use right agreements with LVV on January 13, 2026, covering three distinct plots of land along the West Suriname Highway, with a combined total area of 34,185 hectares. Blokland emphasized that LVV holds no formal agreement with the Mennonite group; all working arrangements are structured as direct contracts between Braganza and the Mennonite participants. “The Mennonites have entered into a formal partnership with Braganza, and we have documented all terms of our working relationship in signed framework agreements,” Blokland wrote in the statement.

    This disclosure clarifies the ambiguous project structure first raised by Starnieuws in previous reporting. An earlier public contract reviewed by the outlet showed LVV had conditionally granted Braganza access to 9,366.72 hectares of state-owned land, but made no mention of Mennonite involvement, despite the group’s central role in project implementation.

    Blokland also pushed back on recent claims from Belizean Mennonite representative Peter Petersen, who told visiting parliamentarians and journalists that his group had paid $150 USD per hectare to secure access to land for agricultural activities in Suriname. Blokland firmly denied that Braganza has sold any land to the Mennonites at any price, stressing that no land transfer has taken place at all. Instead, he explained, the agreements with Mennonites cover their contributions of labor, agricultural management expertise, technical knowledge and hands-on experience for the execution of the large-scale projects.

    The statement did not offer a definitive explanation for the $150 per hectare figure cited by Petersen. Blokland noted that Braganza has no insight into how Mennonite participants structure their internal financing arrangements. He did not rule out the possibility that individual Mennonite families pay a per-hectare contribution to the group’s collective fund, but described this as an internal matter that falls outside Braganza’s oversight.

    Braganza projects that the three combined agricultural initiatives will generate approximately $78 million USD in annual production value once fully operational, with an estimated $13 million USD in annual tax contributions to the Surinamese government. The company stressed that these are projected figures, not realized output or revenue to date. It also confirmed that full financing for the projects has now been secured, addressing earlier uncertainties around funding and cash flow that were noted in an older business plan reviewed by Starnieuws. Total investments from Braganza and its international partners run into the tens of millions of dollars, the company added, rejecting accusations that it profits from the resale of state-owned land.

    The statement also addressed ongoing questions about the immigration status of participating Mennonites. Blokland confirmed that all Mennonites connected to the projects are residing in Suriname through legal channels. He noted that Mexican Mennonites entered the country on valid visas, and applications for permanent residence permits have already been submitted on their behalf. For participating Mennonites from Belize, Braganza says registration via a Caricom residency certificate is required due to the country’s Caricom membership, and those applications are also already in process. This aligns with earlier guidance from Suriname’s Minister Mike Noersalim, who stated that foreign labor can only be employed at the projects in full compliance with existing Surinamese law.

    Braganza additionally denied allegations that any illegal activities are being carried out at the project sites. According to the company, its agreement with LVV explicitly allows for the construction of temporary work camps, boundary demarcation, and other preliminary site preparation activities in the current project phase.

    A key unresolved discrepancy remains surrounding reports of a court bailiff’s eviction notice. Blokland insisted that neither Braganza nor any participating Mennonites have received an eviction notice or order to vacate the project area, contradicting earlier reports that the Surinamese government had ordered Mennonites to halt activities and leave the land. Notably, the Mennonites themselves also stated this week that they have no knowledge of any such eviction order, leaving the conflicting accounts of the document unresolved.

    Blokland also rejected claims that the project land encroaches on territory held by Indigenous and tribal communities in Suriname. He said Braganza has signed formal cooperation agreements with the local communities of Witagron, Apoera, Section and Washabo, focused on creating local employment opportunities and joint maintenance of public infrastructure, matching previous public claims the company has made about partnerships with surrounding communities.

    Finally, the company dismissed unsubstantiated allegations of human trafficking connected to the Mennonite participation. Blokland described the arrangement as a legitimate business partnership, where Mennonites contribute specialized agricultural knowledge, decades of experience, and skilled labor to the initiative. Braganza said it issued the public statement to bring much-needed clarity to the intense public debate surrounding the project, and expects the Surinamese government will release additional detailed information in the near future.

  • Where Organised Crime Is Most Likely to Take Root in the Caribbean

    Where Organised Crime Is Most Likely to Take Root in the Caribbean

    Organised crime is far more than a public safety challenge—it is fundamentally an economic burden that undermines long-term growth, discourages foreign and domestic investment, skews competitive market dynamics, and siphons billions in public resources that would otherwise fund critical infrastructure, social programs, and community development. While the overall prevalence of criminal activity is an important metric to track, experts emphasize that the true scale of damage a nation sustains from organised criminal networks depends not on crime levels alone, but on the ability of public and governmental institutions to counteract and contain these groups.

    To capture both dimensions of this complex issue, the Global Organised Crime Index developed by the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organised Crime measures two key metrics for every nation: a criminality score that ranks the scale and scope of organised criminal activity on a 1 to 10 scale, and a resilience score that assesses the strength of anti-crime institutions, also on a 1 to 10 scale. A new 2025 analysis of CARICOM (Caribbean Community) member states reveals a sharp divide across the bloc, with many nations seeing stark gaps between their criminality levels and institutional resilience.

    The 2025 data shows that most CARICOM member states fell into a low-risk category in 2025, combining relatively low levels of organised criminal activity with reasonably strong institutional resilience. Barbados posted a criminality score of just 2.9 alongside a resilience score of 6.1, with neighboring Grenada, Dominica, and other smaller Eastern Caribbean states recording nearly identical profiles. For higher-risk states including Jamaica, which scored 5.9 for criminality and 5.3 for resilience, and Trinidad and Tobago, which notched 5.2 for criminality and 5.1 for resilience, elevated crime levels were offset by strong institutional performance: both nations posted resilience scores above the regional average, keeping their institutional capacity roughly aligned with the threat they face.

    However, a second, far higher-risk group of CARICOM nations faces the dangerous combination of elevated organised criminal activity and severely underdeveloped institutional resilience. This group includes Haiti, which recorded a 6.5 criminality score and just a 2.2 resilience score; Guyana, with 5.8 criminality and 4.3 resilience; Belize, at 5.0 criminality and 3.6 resilience; and Suriname, with 4.9 criminality and 3.2 resilience.

    This particular pairing is what generates the most severe long-term consequences for affected nations. When institutional capacity cannot keep pace with the growth of organised criminal networks, these groups gradually embed themselves into both the formal economy and the structures of state power, becoming a chronic, systemic problem that is far more difficult and costly to root out than it would have been to prevent in its early stages.

    Overall, the 2025 Organised Crime Index data offers targeted insight for policymakers across the Caribbean, identifying regions where organised crime is most likely to become deeply entrenched rather than merely highlighting where criminal activity is most prevalent. This framework allows regional and international stakeholders to direct targeted support to high-need nations, addressing institutional gaps before they lead to irreversible systemic damage.

  • Column: Leg eindelijk alle kaarten over de Mennonieten op tafel

    Column: Leg eindelijk alle kaarten over de Mennonieten op tafel

    As questions continue to mount over the presence of Mennonite communities in Suriname, a new group of Mennonite arrivals entered the country Thursday aboard a Copa Airlines flight. This new influx comes even as critical details remain unresolved about the status of existing Mennonite groups, the agricultural land they intend to work, and the agreements that were purportedly struck before their initial arrival. This situation cannot continue as it stands: full, permanent clarity on this entire issue is long overdue.

    Against this backdrop, the recent site visit by Members of Parliament Rabin Parmessar and Jennifer Vreedzaam to the areas where Mennonites have settled is a welcome step. It is positive that elected representatives are not limiting their questioning to debates within the National Assembly, but are instead choosing to see conditions firsthand and speak directly to stakeholders. Even so, this on-the-ground visit is far from sufficient to resolve the deep uncertainty surrounding the settlement initiative.

    During the visit, Peter Petersen, a Mennonite originally from Belize, made statements that have underscored the need for further formal investigation. Petersen told lawmakers that his group had no idea they would be required to leave the area they are currently occupying; instead, they were told that formal approval for agricultural use of the land was still being processed. He also shared that group members have already sold all their property in Belize and shipped their agricultural equipment to Suriname to begin work. Most notably, when asked who had facilitated the group’s relocation to Suriname, Petersen named two individuals: Ruud Souverein and Lionel Blokland.

    These claims require urgent follow-up investigation, as both names have already been linked to the Mennonite settlement initiative and the allocation of agricultural land in Suriname. Souverein was involved in efforts to bring Mennonite farmers to Suriname for large-scale agricultural projects during the previous national administration. Through his firm Terra Invest, Souverein submitted extensive applications for large land parcels. While not all of these applications were approved, the paper trail confirms that the current controversial situation has roots in decisions made by the previous government. More recently, Braganza Marketing Group has emerged as a key actor in the initiative. The Surinamese Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries (LVV) has signed formal agreements with Braganza for large-scale agricultural development projects, and the company has publicly stated its intent to partner with Mennonite farmers on these projects.

    However, conflicting public statements from all involved parties, including the national government, have only deepened public confusion. LVV Minister Mike Noersaliem told parliament that the Surinamese government has not entered into any formal agreement directly with the Mennonite groups. Technically, this statement may be accurate, but that does not resolve the core controversy. If a company that has a direct formal agreement with the Surinamese state then brings Mennonite farmers into the agricultural project, the debate cannot end with a technical disclaimer that there is no direct agreement between the state and the Mennonites. This technicality hides far more complex arrangements that need to be brought into the open.

    A series of core questions remain unanswered: Who first contacted the Mennonite groups about relocating? What promises were made to them before they left Belize? What agreements have they reached with Braganza or other private entities? Was the LVV aware that Mennonite farmers would be brought into these development projects? If the ministry was aware, when did they learn of this partnership, and how does this align with the government’s recent public order that Mennonites leave the land currently occupied? It is also critical to clarify what the Mennonite settlers themselves believed they were getting when they relocated. Do they expect to own or occupy the land themselves? Are they working as employees for Braganza? Are they private investors, project partners, or independent agricultural producers within the larger development scheme? These are not semantic points: the answers will directly determine the legal rights, obligations and accountability of all parties involved.

    In this context, the $150 per hectare payment Petersen mentioned is also a key relevant detail. Who is paying this fee, to whom is it paid, and what is it for? Until this detail is clarified, a core part of the entire arrangement remains hidden from public view. And all the while, new groups of Mennonite settlers continue to arrive in Suriname, which only increases the urgency of resolving the controversy. Who is organizing these new arrivals? What information are they given before they leave their home country? Are they aware that there is ongoing debate and regulatory uncertainty about land access and approval in Suriname? Who is receiving them upon arrival, and what future plans are they promised upon entry?

    It would be deeply irresponsible to allow Mennonite families to continue selling their belongings, shipping their equipment and relocating to Suriname under the impression they will be able to begin agricultural work, when fundamental questions about the project remain unresolved on the Surinamese side. This debate does not need to devolve into being for or against Mennonite immigration. The settlers who have already moved to Suriname deserve clarity just as much as the Surinamese public. If agreements were made with the settlers, we need to establish who made those agreements and on what legal basis. If agreements were made that cannot be honored, we must also establish who bears responsibility for that outcome.

    Suriname’s parliament must deepen its investigation into this matter and leave no stone unturned. It is not only the current LVV minister that must provide answers. The full history of the initiative under the previous government also needs to be reconstructed: What land applications were submitted? What agreements were reached? What changes or adjustments were made to the plan along the way? And how did the country end up in a situation where Mennonite settlers are already living and working in Suriname, while they maintain they were invited here to develop agricultural land? Braganza must also provide full transparency about its role. If all processes have followed proper legal procedure, the company should be able to explain its agreements with the Mennonite settlers and how these align with its formal contract with the Surinamese state.

    If evidence emerges that Mennonite settlers were brought to Suriname under false pretenses, it will be necessary to determine whether further legal action is required. The Mennonite controversy is already about far more than just agricultural development. It touches on state-owned land, governmental accountability, transparency, environmental protection, foreign investment, and the reliability of agreements made by the Surinamese government. Enough statements have been issued, and enough questions have been raised. It is time to put all cards on the table. The public deserves full clarity on who brought the Mennonites to Suriname, what promises were made to them, and what agreements underpin the entire initiative. As long as new settlers keep arriving while these questions remain unanswered, the problem will only continue to grow.