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  • Radisson Grenada Beach Resort opportunity: Executive Chef

    Radisson Grenada Beach Resort opportunity: Executive Chef

    One of Grenada’s prominent hospitality destinations, Radisson Grenada Beach Resort, has announced an opening for a seasoned, results-driven Executive Chef to join its leadership team and elevate the property’s culinary offerings. This key leadership role is centered on delivering welcoming, high-quality service for both guests and internal staff, with the successful candidate taking ownership of every aspect of the resort’s culinary operations, team management, quality assurance, and financial performance.

    The core responsibilities of the position cover a broad range of culinary and operational tasks. On a day-to-day basis, the Executive Chef will direct all kitchen activity across every dining outlet on the property, working to uphold consistent, efficient, and premium food service standards. They will also be tasked with developing and rolling out creative seasonal menus, paired with refined plating and presentation concepts that align with the resort’s luxury brand identity.

    Financial stewardship is a core pillar of the role: the Executive Chef will manage food costs, portion sizing, and inventory levels to optimize kitchen profitability, while conducting daily line checks and food tastings to ensure every dish meets strict standards for flavor, quality, and visual consistency. Strict adherence to global food safety protocols is non-negotiable, with the role requiring ongoing enforcement of HACCP regulations, local public health policies, and the resort’s internal hygiene and sanitation standards.

    As the leader of the kitchen team, the successful candidate will be responsible for scheduling, training, performance management, payroll administration, and ongoing professional development for all culinary staff. They will also oversee the maintenance and security of all kitchen equipment and property, proactively reporting maintenance issues and tracking repairs until they are fully resolved. Beyond kitchen operations, the Executive Chef will collaborate closely with the resort’s executive leadership team to align culinary strategy with the property’s broader business goals, coordinate with the inventory department to monitor stock par levels, address slow-moving items, uphold FIFO inventory standards, and prepare annual and quarterly budget projections.

    The role also requires close partnership with the human resources department, providing input on hiring decisions, promotions, staff transfers, and disciplinary actions. Above all, the Executive Chef is expected to embody the Radisson brand’s “Yes I Can!” service philosophy, delivering professional, personalized, service-focused interactions with all guests and team members to consistently exceed visitor expectations, while regularly reviewing and updating departmental policies and operational procedures to improve efficiency.

    To be considered for the position, candidates must meet a set of clear minimum requirements. Academically, applicants need to hold a recognized culinary degree or diploma, and possess in-depth knowledge of HACCP guidelines, public health regulations, and safe food handling and storage practices. They must have expert-level command of professional cooking techniques, recipe development, seasonal menu design, large-scale buffet arrangement, and plating aesthetics, alongside a thorough understanding of food cost budgeting, portion control principles, par level management, and standard inventory practices. Familiarity with departmental payroll management, staff scheduling, attendance tracking, and formal performance management processes, as well as knowledge of Radisson’s brand operating procedures, hospitality service frameworks, and brand identity guidelines, is also required.

    Key soft and technical skills for the role include proven ability to lead multicultural kitchen teams and provide mentoring, coaching, and skills training to junior staff, strong menu engineering and food costing ability, expertise in guest experience management, excellent communication, creative problem-solving, adaptability and innovation, and intermediate-level proficiency with common digital and computer tools.

    Candidates are required to have 7 to 10 years of professional experience working in the culinary industry. The role also has specific physical requirements: candidates must be able to stand for extended working periods, occasionally lift, push or pull items weighing up to 50 pounds, and interpret technical instructions and diagrams accurately.

    The recruitment process for this position is being managed exclusively by J’s HR Consultancy. Interested applicants must submit their application, including a cover letter, curriculum vitae in either Word or PDF format, and contact details for three professional references (preferably past employers), via email only to opportunitiesnow6@gmail.com with the subject line “Executive Chef”. The submission deadline for applications is 6 November 2026. Please note that only shortlisted candidates will be contacted for further interviews. This posting is featured on NOW Grenada, which notes that it is not responsible for the opinions, statements or content shared by contributing recruiters, and provides a reporting channel for any abusive content associated with the posting.

  • The spoon behind success

    The spoon behind success

    For decades, measuring institutional success has been framed as a simple, binary exercise: define a clear goal, and label the effort a success if that goal is met. This straightforward approach is appealing to policymakers and institutional leaders, but its one-dimensional focus on end results masks critical realities that shape long-term system health and worker wellbeing. Reaching a desired outcome may look like a win on paper, but unpacking the process that delivered that outcome does more than just reveal opportunities to replicate and improve results—it lays bare the uncounted hidden costs that are often carried by the most vulnerable people within the system.

    To illustrate this gap between outcome metrics and true cost, consider a simple thought experiment: a manager tasks two workers with digging a hole, giving three full days for the job. When the manager returns, both workers have completed their holes, so by a strict outcome-only measurement, the task is a clear success. But the method of completion changes everything. If one worker received a modern shovel to do the work, while the other was only given a small spoon, the effort and personal cost required to deliver the same outcome are wildly disproportionate. The manager, who pays both workers the same wage, may see no difference in their own costs, but the invisible toll on the worker forced to use the inadequate tool is no less real for being hidden.

    It is a common assumption that workers who overcome inadequate tools will build skill over time, but this logic is deeply flawed. The wrong tool does not build proficiency—it wears down the person using it, with every new task requiring a greater personal sacrifice than the last. Because the end goal (the finished hole) is delivered, the systemic flaw remains invisible. Leaders check the final product, not the exhausted, blistered hands of the worker, and are likely to assign the same inadequate spoon for the next project. The willingness of workers to compensate for systemic failures ends up hiding the failures themselves, creating a vicious cycle that never gets addressed.

    This dynamic is not just a hypothetical—it plays out every day in healthcare systems around the world, where patient outcomes are almost universally treated as the be-all and end-all metric for institutional success. The hidden human cost of delivering those outcomes is almost never included in official success assessments. In low-resource health systems strained by limited funding and administrative gridlock, the burden of compensating for systemic gaps almost always falls on frontline healthcare workers. Even in wealthier, better-resourced systems, the problem persists: a landmark 2003 study conducted in the United States found that nurses lose an average of 33 minutes of every 8-hour shift working around gaps like missing supplies, broken medical equipment, and inaccurate patient data. Rather than demanding systemic fixes, most nurses simply address the immediate problem in the moment, allowing the root structural issue to continue unaddressed.

    Translating the hole-digging analogy to real-world healthcare makes the problem clear. Patient acuity measures how much clinical attention and resource allocation a patient requires to receive acceptable, evidence-based care. Now imagine a hospital ward that is budgeted and designed to need 4 nurses to safely handle the current patient load, but only has 2 nurses on staff for the shift. If a large share of those patients are critical and require high-acuity care, the understaffed nurses must split their already limited attention between life-saving critical care and all the other routine, mandatory duties of the ward. They are working with the healthcare equivalent of a spoon, and are still expected to deliver the same successful patient outcomes.

    When the system’s most valuable, exhaustible resource—frontline healthcare workers—are forced to repeatedly compensate for structural failures, the damage goes far beyond temporary fatigue. It erodes workplace morale, leaves workers feeling undervalued and invisible, and creates a particularly insidious form of professional distress. Frontline workers know exactly what resources and staffing are needed to do their jobs safely and well, but they are forced to work with inadequate tools and still meet the same outcome standards.

    This dynamic has driven a growing crisis in healthcare workforce retention across the Caribbean region, where average nursing vacancy rates hit 40%. Many analysts attribute nurse migration solely to higher wages offered in wealthier countries, but that explanation is incomplete. The outflow of skilled healthcare workers is also a response to disproportionate systemic pressure that forces frontline staff to achieve more with less, year after year. Their concerns about understaffing and inadequate resources go unheard, and their personal wellbeing becomes the uncounted hidden cost that allows systems to claim narrow, outcome-based success.

    Critics often argue that public sector resources are inherently finite, so some level of sacrifice is unavoidable. This argument holds water only when the sacrifice is not consistently extracted from the system’s most valuable asset: its workforce. When leaders tout system success without accounting for the hidden human toll that delivered that success, they have no incentive to fix the structural gaps—meaning the inadequate “spoon” gets handed out to the next generation of frontline workers.

    The quiet heroism of frontline healthcare workers comes with a dark side: the hidden, uncompensated sacrifice that enables the entire system to function. When a healthcare system can only operate by imposing constant daily strain and personal sacrifice on its workers, even public recognition of healthcare heroism becomes an empty, performative gesture. Frontline healthcare heroes cannot thrive when they are forced to continue paying the hidden human cost of a system’s narrow definition of success, used as disposable fodder to deliver outcomes that leaders take credit for.

  • Gas prices for Octoer 2026

    Gas prices for Octoer 2026

    The Ministry of Finance of Grenada has issued an official public announcement outlining adjusted retail prices for key petroleum products across the island nation, including its sister islands Carriacou and Petite Martinique, which will go into effect starting Sunday, October 18, 2026.

    Under the new pricing framework, two of the country’s most widely used transportation fuels, gasoline and diesel, will retain their current retail price of $17.00 per Imperial Gallon (IG) with no changes. The third processed fuel, kerosene, will see a modest 14 cent per IG increase, bringing its standardized retail price to $17.00 per IG across the entire nation. This adjustment aligns with a key policy commitment made in the 2023 national budget speech, which called for full price harmonization of gasoline, diesel, and kerosene across Grenada’s territory.

    For liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), commonly referred to as cooking gas, pricing adjustments vary by container size and island location. On mainland Grenada, the 20-pound LPG cylinder will keep its current $40.00 price tag, while the larger 100-pound cylinder will rise by $29.95 to a new retail price of $350.00. Bulk-purchased LPG on the mainland will see a 30-cent per pound increase from $3.30 to $3.60 per pound. In Carriacou and Petite Martinique, 20-pound cylinders also remain unchanged at $49.00, while 100-pound cylinders get a $16.00 increase to $363.00, and bulk LPG follows the same 30-cent per pound increase seen on the mainland, climbing to $3.60 per pound.

    Officials from the Ministry of Finance confirmed that the new retail prices were calculated using established transparent methodology. Prices for gasoline, diesel, and kerosene are derived from the average of actual procurement costs, plus freight and insurance rates accumulated during the assessment period from September 14 to October 9, 2026. For LPG pricing, regulators used the average Caribbean market postings from Platts, a leading global energy price benchmark provider, over the same assessment window.

    As all petroleum products remain classified as price-controlled goods in Grenada, the announcement stresses that no licensed retailer is permitted to deviate from the officially posted prices. To protect consumers from arbitrary price hikes, the government has encouraged residents to immediately report any suspected cases of overpricing to the Price Control and Consumer Affairs Unit, housed within the Ministry of Legal Affairs, Labour and Consumer Affairs, via the dedicated hotline at 435-1459.

    The Ministry added that it will maintain continuous monitoring of global and regional petroleum market trends, and stands ready to implement policy interventions if market conditions push benchmark prices for gasoline, diesel, or kerosene above the $17.00 per IG threshold, to keep consumer costs stable.

    This announcement was published via NOW Grenada, which notes it is not responsible for any third-party contributor content, and provides a channel for users to report abusive content.

  • My Mother, Mary

    My Mother, Mary

    On this year’s National Heroes’ Day, the Caribbean nation of Grenada paused to honor the lives lost 43 years ago, in a 1983 political upheaval that shook the small island country to its core. October 19, 1983, remains one of the darkest dates in Grenada’s modern history: on that day, Maurice Rupert Bishop — the country’s revolutionary former prime minister, born in May 1944 — was assassinated alongside six other supporters and allies: Fitzroy Bain, Norris Bain, Jacqueline Creft, Vincent Noel and Unison Whiteman. The killings were carried out by soldiers loyal to Bernard Coard, Bishop’s own deputy, amid a bitter internal split within the country’s ruling revolutionary government.

    Decades later, the legacy of that violence, and the subsequent U.S. invasion of Grenada that followed days after the killings, continues to shape collective memory for Grenadians at home and abroad. A 2022 documentary film titled *My Mother, Mary* offers an intimate, personal exploration of the themes of liberty, revolutionary struggle and mass migration, told entirely through the personal stories and perspectives of Grenadians spread across the globe.

    The 23-minute feature carries a deliberate, heartfelt dedication that frames its mission: “Dedicated to all who lost their lives on 19 October 1983 and during the US invasion of Grenada, as well as those who are figuring out how to recover from those dark days.” The full documentary is currently available for free public viewing on YouTube via the link https://youtu.be/bKDqMkcExK0.

    Created by a diverse team of filmmakers, the project is led by director and co-writer Kayko Donald, who shares writing credit with Anissa Phoolsawat. Jaime Lee Rodney served as executive producer, while Rhea Prendergast filled the role of producer. The cast includes Mary Donald, Dwayne Fleary Thompson, Romero Donald, Jermane Donald, Jordan Donald, Pamela Cherebin, Porgie Cherebin, Sade Andre and Victor Ashby. Key creative credits also go to cinematographer Alex Wohlin, editor Angie Nicholas, animators Russell Steele and Durnis Markov, and composer Chris Tapper, who handled original score and sound design, with still photography contributed by Elijah Mogoli.

    The documentary is hosted and distributed by NOW Grenada, a local media platform that has issued a standard disclaimer: NOW Grenada does not assume responsibility for the opinions, statements or third-party media content shared by contributors to the platform. Users can flag content that violates community guidelines for review via the platform’s reporting tool.

  • Nominated DPM candidate retained as GDB board director

    Nominated DPM candidate retained as GDB board director

    Ahead of upcoming general elections in Grenada, Democratic People’s Movement (DPM) parliamentary candidate Shirley Rolanda McQueen has secured retention of her position as a director on the board of the Grenada Development Bank (GDB), following formal approval from the country’s Cabinet. The official Government Gazette, published on Friday 9 October, confirmed the full makeup of the reconstituted GDB board, which was greenlit during Cabinet’s 24 August 2026 meeting. The new 9-member board will serve a two-year term beginning 25 August 2026.

    Six existing directors, including McQueen, were reappointed to the body: Andrea St Bernard retains the role of board chairman, Valentine Antoine continues as deputy chairman, and the remaining retained directors are Royston Cumberbatch, Patrick Simmons, Trevor St Bernard, and McQueen. Three new directors have been brought in to fill vacant positions, bringing specialized professional expertise to the board: Petipha Lewis joins with a background in commerce, Robin Singh brings accounting experience, and Jason Williams was appointed for his engineering background.

    McQueen’s dual role as a sitting GDB board member and electoral candidate has sparked discussion around constitutional eligibility requirements for parliamentary candidates. Official candidate listings published by Returning Officer Shirleen Robertson for the St Andrew South East constituency confirm McQueen will contest the seat against two opponents: Emmalin Pierre, political leader of the New National Party (NNP), and incumbent Education Minister David Andrew, the candidate for the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC).

    Grenada’s Constitution addresses eligibility for House of Representatives seats under Section 31(4)(a), which bars individuals holding or acting in any public office from standing for election. However, the country’s founding legal document does not classify all government-appointed positions as public offices. Section 111 of the Constitution explicitly defines a public office as any paid role within the public service, and legal interpretation confirms that board positions at statutory corporations do not fall under this definition.

    The GDB was formally established as a statutory body corporate under the Grenada Development Bank Act, which outlines that the 9-member board is appointed directly by the Minister for Finance. The legislation does not classify GDB directorships as public service roles, a distinction that is reinforced by constitutional provisions. Under Section 84 of the Constitution, the Public Service Commission holds sole authority to appoint individuals to public service posts, while GDB directors are appointed by the Finance Minister under separate statutory authority.

    This legal framework means McQueen’s current GDB board position does not disqualify her from standing as a candidate in the upcoming general election. A key caveat remains, however: if McQueen wins the St Andrew South East seat, she will be required to step down from the GDB board, as the Grenada Development Bank Act explicitly bars sitting members of the House of Representatives or Senate from holding a GDB directorship.

    While McQueen’s candidacy is legally permissible under existing law, observers have highlighted ongoing concerns over potential conflicts of interest. McQueen represents the opposition DPM, but her appointment to the GDB board was made under the current ruling NDC administration, creating questions around impartiality in the bank’s governance during the election campaign and beyond. This report is a contributed piece from writer C Francique, and NOW Grenada disclaims responsibility for contributor opinions and content.

  • Trauma, memory, and national identity

    Trauma, memory, and national identity

    Forty-one years have passed since the turbulent days of October 1983 that shattered Grenada’s young revolutionary government and left an indelible, contentious mark on the island nation’s collective identity. What began as a promising period of reform after the 1979 People’s Revolutionary Government takeover unraveled into bitter internal division, escalating to a violent political crisis that would change Grenada forever.

    By October 1983, festering ideological and leadership rifts within the revolutionary ruling circle had reached a breaking point. On October 19, supporters of then-prime minister Maurice Bishop, who had been placed under house arrest amid the factional infighting, broke through to free him. The confrontation moved to Fort Rupert, where a bloody military clash left Bishop dead alongside multiple cabinet ministers, trade union leaders, and ordinary civilians. The entire nation was immediately thrown into a state of stunned grief and pervasive fear. Six days later, a U.S.-led military intervention backed by Caribbean coalition forces entered the country to restore stability, but the incursion sparked long-running global and domestic debates over Grenadian national sovereignty that still echo in public discourse today.

    Unlike most historical accounts that frame these events only through political and military lenses, this analysis from Grenadian public theologian Rev. Vonnie E James, JP, centers the long-neglected human cost of the crisis: a collective and intergenerational trauma that continues to shape Grenadian life decades later. Trauma, as defined by the American Psychiatric Association, describes the profound psychological, emotional, social and spiritual harm caused by events that overwhelm a community or individual’s ability to cope. Traumatic harm does not only affect direct survivors and victims; it ripples outward to witnesses, family members, entire communities, and even generations born long after the violence itself. The 1983 crisis shattered the public’s basic sense of safety, trust, and social stability, leaving behind unresolved grief, deep social division, and unaddressed emotional wounds that structure contemporary national politics and memory.

    Sociologist Jeffrey C. Alexander’s framework of collective trauma helps contextualize Grenada’s experience: collective trauma occurs when a catastrophic event so fundamentally disrupts a society that it rewrites its shared identity and self-understanding. The 1983 crisis was exactly this kind of foundational rupture. Unlike an external invasion, the violence grew from internal divisions among Grenadians themselves, turning neighbors, friends, colleagues, and even family members against one another along political lines. This internal split made collective healing far more complex, as competing narratives of the events still split the nation.

    Worse still, the trauma has been passed across generations through intergenerational transmission. As trauma scholar Yael Danieli explains, the emotional and social impacts of mass violence can be carried forward through family storytelling, collective cultural memory, shared social attitudes, and national identity formation. Young Grenadians born decades after 1983 still encounter the legacy of the crisis every year through public commemorations, political debates, family histories, and school curriculum, ensuring the trauma remains a living part of national life.

    The decision to designate October 19 as National Heroes Day has added a new layer of complexity to Grenada’s long effort to reconcile its painful past. The policy was intended to create space for national reflection and collective healing, honoring the sacrifice of those who died while uniting the country around a shared narrative. But the choice has sparked fierce public debate over how to balance remembrance of trauma with the framing of the date as a day of national celebration of heroism.

    Critics, many of whom are survivors or family members of victims, argue that October 19 is irreversibly tied to tragedy, violent death, and unresolved grief. For these communities, it remains a solemn marker of one of the darkest chapters in Grenadian history. From a trauma-informed perspective, rebranding a day of national mourning as a celebration of heroism creates deep emotional dissonance, as it forces overlapping narratives of tragedy and celebration onto the same date. Many worry that the suffering of victims and their families will be erased or overshadowed by state-led political narratives that prioritize national unity over accountability for pain.

    Critics also point to a lack of meaningful consultation with the communities most directly affected by the violence. Research on post-conflict healing consistently finds that inclusive participation of affected groups and full acknowledgment of victim harm are core to lasting reconciliation. When those most impacted are excluded from decisions about how their trauma will be commemorated, reconciliation efforts are almost guaranteed to stall and deepen division.

    Supporters of the National Heroes Day designation push back, arguing that societies cannot heal by turning away from painful history. They frame the commemoration as an opportunity to honor the sacrifice of those who fought for their political beliefs, educate young generations about the nation’s history, and work toward long-overdue national unity. From this perspective, naming heroism on this date does not celebrate the violence and tragedy of 1983; it recognizes the role those who died played in shaping the modern Grenadian nation.

    Both sides hold legitimate, heartfelt claims, and the debate itself reveals a core truth about historical trauma: it is almost always multidimensional, and collective memory itself is almost always contested. The central challenge facing Grenada today is to build commemorative practices that can honor both the sacrifice of those who died and the deep suffering the crisis inflicted on thousands of ordinary people.

    True national reconciliation, Rev. James argues, cannot be built through silence, denial, or selective memory that erases painful parts of the past. It requires full acknowledgment of painful truths and a commitment to upholding the dignity of every person who suffered. Trauma-informed approaches to healing center intentional listening, transparent truth-telling, empathetic engagement, and inclusive decision-making — all practices that are still developing in Grenada’s reckoning with 1983.

    Grenada’s ongoing struggle demonstrates that national healing is not a one-time event, but an ongoing, iterative process that evolves alongside the nation. Citizens will continue to disagree on the political ideology, leadership, and historical meaning of the 1979 revolution and 1983 crisis. But even across these divides, they can unite around a shared recognition of the profound human cost of political violence, and the critical need to protect democratic governance, human rights, and peaceful methods of conflict resolution.

    The national conversation around the 1983 crisis, and the National Heroes Day debate, offers Grenada an opportunity to build a more nuanced, mature understanding of its history — one that embraces complexity rather than forcing the past into simplistic, divisive narratives.

    In conclusion, the history of October 19–25 1983 remains incomplete, because it has for too long been told only through the lens of politics and military conflict. Behind these institutional narratives are thousands of individual stories of grief, fear, resilience, and survival. The lasting impact of the crisis cannot be fully understood without centering the role of trauma in shaping both individual lives and the nation’s collective identity.

    The ongoing debate over National Heroes Day reflects a larger national challenge: how to balance remembrance of trauma, healing for survivors, demands for justice, and the goal of national unity. For some Grenadians, the current commemoration offers a path toward reconciliation. For others, it reopens deep wounds that never fully healed. Both experiences are valid, and both deserve full acknowledgment.

    Ultimately, the unfinished story of October 1983 is the story of a nation still learning how to remember its painful past while building a unified future. Approaching this history through a trauma-informed framework, Rev. James argues, offers Grenada its best path forward to genuine healing and lasting national reconciliation.

  • This Day in History: 19 October

    This Day in History: 19 October

    Forty years ago, on the crisp morning of October 19, 1983, Grenada already simmered with political unrest. Yet even the most seasoned political observers could not predict the catastrophic bloodshed that would unfold that day, forever reshaping the small Caribbean nation’s trajectory.

    The crisis grew out of an internal power struggle within Grenada’s ruling government. The country’s Central Committee had ordered Prime Minister Maurice Bishop placed under house arrest after he rejected a forced power-sharing agreement with his deputy, Bernard Coard. For days, domestic negotiators and international actors scrambled to find a peaceful path forward, ultimately crafting a tentative plan that would have restored Bishop to the premiership pending his formal approval. But the violence of what would become known as Bloody Wednesday would erase all hope of a diplomatic resolution.

    Thousands of Bishop’s supporters, led by prominent allies Unison Whiteman and Norris Bain, organized a mass demonstration to demand the prime minister’s release. The crowd marched peacefully to Bishop’s residence at Mt Wheldale, where they freed him from confinement without facing resistance from the armed guards stationed at the property. Energized by their success, the demonstrators moved to Fort Rupert—also known as Fort George, the location of the country’s army headquarters—and the large crowd swiftly took control of the compound.

    As thousands more gathered in downtown Grenada’s Market Square to celebrate Bishop’s release and wait for his public address, the nation’s remaining hardline political leadership moved to reclaim control. Desperate to retake the army headquarters and force Bishop’s surrender, ruling faction leaders ordered the People’s Revolutionary Army (PRA) to storm the fort with lethal force. A fierce shootout erupted inside the compound, leaving multiple people dead and dozens more wounded immediately. In the aftermath of the battle, Bishop—who had been recaptured—three of his cabinet ministers, and four key loyalists were executed by firing squad in the fort’s central courtyard. The PRA initially attempted to cover up the executions, falsely claiming the leaders had died in the crossfire of the battle.

    Official casualty counts confirm that at least 16 people were killed during the attack and the subsequent wave of panic that swept across the capital, with more than 100 others injured. Unconfirmed rumors claiming that hundreds were killed or remain unaccounted for have never been substantiated by independent investigations.

    In the immediate aftermath of the coup, the PRA declared martial law across the country, imposing a strict 24-hour shoot-on-sight curfew to suppress any further resistance. General Hudson Austin, the leader of the hardline faction, announced that a 16-member Revolutionary Military Council (RMC) would take over full control of Grenada’s government. The political collapse and bloodshed of Bloody Wednesday set the stage for a major international intervention just six days later: on October 25, 1983, a United States-led military force invaded Grenada to oust the RMC government.

    Decades after the tragedy, efforts to honor the lives lost on October 19 began to take shape. In 1993, a memorial plaque was installed in the central courtyard of Fort George at the site where the executions took place, to permanently commemorate those killed. For years after the plaque was unveiled, supporters of Bishop and the victims lobbied the Grenadian government to declare October 19 a national public holiday. For decades, the country had recognized October 25—the date of the U.S.-led invasion—as a national holiday called Thanksgiving Day, but many Grenadians argued that the victims of Bloody Wednesday deserved official national recognition.

    That demand was finally realized 40 years after the fateful day. In 2023, Grenada celebrated the first official National Heroes Day on October 19, marking a historic step toward official remembrance of the political upheaval and lives lost in 1983.

  • Traffic arrangements: Beaulieu public road, St George

    Traffic arrangements: Beaulieu public road, St George

    Road infrastructure upgrades are set to begin on a key stretch of Grenada’s public road network next year, bringing with them temporary traffic changes that will affect thousands of motorists traveling through the island’s northern corridor. The Traffic Division of the Royal Grenada Police Force (RGPF) has issued a formal public announcement outlining the adjusted traffic regime that will be enforced during the milling works on Beaulieu Public Road, running between the Mt Kumar junction and Snug Corner intersection.

    The 14-day construction period is scheduled to kick off on Monday, October 19, 2026, with daily works taking place between 9 a.m. and 3 p.m. Throughout this timeframe, full through access on the affected 2-kilometer stretch will be restricted, requiring all motorists to follow pre-planned diversion routes to reach their destinations.

    For drivers heading from Grand Etang toward the capital city of St. George’s, the mandatory diversion will take them off the planned works route at the junction of Boca Public Road and Vendôme Public Road. Motorists will be required to turn left onto Boca Public Road and rejoin the main network at Snug Corner junction to continue their journey toward St. George’s.

    Multiple entry restrictions are also in place for drivers approaching the work zone from other directions. Drivers traveling along New Hampshire/Constantine Public Road will only be permitted to turn right onto Mt Kumar Public Road, with no straight access onto the closed stretch of Beaulieu Public Road allowed. For motorists traveling along the lower section of Beaulieu Public Road heading toward Snug Corner junction, the only permitted maneuver is a right turn onto Boca Public Road to bypass the work area.

    In a supplementary note, RGPF clarified that drivers on the New Hampshire/Constantine Public Road route seeking to reach St. George’s will follow the same diversion route as Grand Etang-originating traffic: a right turn onto Boca Public Road at its Vendôme junction, before exiting the diversion at Snug Corner junction.

    Law enforcement officials are urging all road users to plan their journeys in advance, allow extra travel time, and pay close attention to on-site traffic signage and directions from traffic officers during the construction period. The RGPF says the road works are a critical upgrade to improve the longevity and safety of the high-traffic public road, and has called for patience and cooperation from residents and commuters throughout the two-week project.

    This announcement was issued officially through the Office of the Commissioner of Police. NOW Grenada disclaims responsibility for any opinions, statements or third-party content contributed to its platform, and provides a reporting channel for users flagging inappropriate content.

  • Traffic arrangements: National Democratic Congress Rally

    Traffic arrangements: National Democratic Congress Rally

    Grenada’s law enforcement agency has released a formal public advisory outlining temporary traffic management regulations to accommodate the upcoming National Democratic Congress (NDC) political rally scheduled for Sunday, 18 October 2026, at the Kirani James Athletic Stadium.

    The new traffic rules, issued by the Traffic Department of the Royal Grenada Police Force (RGPF), will go into effect at 12:00 p.m. local time and remain in place until the rally concludes. The advisory maps out clear adjusted access routes for all motor vehicles heading to the national sports venue: vehicles approaching the stadium will be required to enter via Queen’s Park public road, accessing the route from the intersection of Stadium Ring Road and Hump Back Bridge, where it connects to River Road public road.

    To maintain orderly crowd and vehicle movement during the event, multiple road sections will be closed to all incoming vehicular traffic. These restricted areas include the stretch of Stadium Ring Road running from the junction with Mt Rush public road toward Humpback Bridge, the full length of Cemetery Hill starting from its intersection with Church Street, and Old Fort public road from its junction with Lucas Street.

    Organized parking zones have also been segmented to accommodate different groups of attendees. VIP parking is split between two designated areas: a grass plot directly behind the rally stage is reserved for NDC candidates, while party executive members will use the warm-up track area for vehicle parking.

    For general attendees, three primary public parking zones have been approved, with an overflow space designated for peak attendance. Official designated public parking areas include the perimeter of Gate 6 (for police vehicles and charter buses), the open area in front of the National Cricket Stadium closest to River Road, and the grounds of Wesley College. If these primary zones reach capacity, additional spillover parking will be permitted on the left side of Stadium Ring Road heading in the direction of Cherry Hill.

    A number of popular access routes have been marked as no-parking zones to prevent congestion and safety hazards. Parking is strictly prohibited along Queen’s Park public road from the Keep Left intersection to Cherry Hill, on the left side of Stadium Ring Road heading toward D’arbeau, along Mt Rush public road from its intersection with Stadium Ring Road up to the hilltop, and on River Road public road from the Keep Left intersection to the LA Purcell lumber yard.

    To ensure rapid emergency response if needed, a dedicated clear emergency access route has been established. All emergency response vehicles will be granted unimpeded access along the route running through Cemetery Hill, Old Fort Road, Lucas Street, Church Street, and onto Grand Etang Road.

    In addition to traffic and parking rules, the advisory also prohibits all unauthorized street vending activities along Stadium Ring Road in the immediate vicinity of the venue entrance.

    The advisory was officially released through the Office of the Commissioner of Police of Grenada.

  • 2027 ITALY–AOSIS Fellowship Programme

    2027 ITALY–AOSIS Fellowship Programme

    For Small Island Developing States (SIDS), which stand on the frontlines of the climate crisis despite contributing the least to global greenhouse gas emissions, building domestic capacity to shape international climate policy has long been a critical unmet need. Addressing this gap, the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) and Italy have jointly launched the Italy–AOSIS Fellowship Programme, a targeted one-year initiative designed to lift up early-career professionals from AOSIS member nations and equip them with the skills to drive climate action and sustainable development at home and on the global stage.

    The programme is structured to deliver both foundational knowledge and hands-on practical experience that directly translates to tangible impact for participating governments. Unlike generic training programs, it combines three core pillars of learning tailored to the unique challenges SIDS face. First, fellows will gain comprehensive interdisciplinary training covering cutting-edge legal, policy, and scientific frameworks for climate change mitigation and adaptation, environmental conservation, cross-sector sustainable development, and ocean governance — issues that are existential for many low-lying and coastal small island nations. Second, participants will complete specialized media training, building the communication skills needed to share their communities’ climate priorities with broad international audiences and elevate SIDS’ voices in global conversations. Finally, the programme offers unrivaled on-the-ground experience: fellows will gain firsthand negotiation experience at United Nations climate and development talks, and earn access to participate in high-profile international conferences that shape global policy.

    The overarching mission of the year-long fellowship extends far beyond individual professional development. By investing in emerging leaders, the programme aims to build long-term, resilient institutional capacity within SIDS governments, empowering these nations to participate meaningfully and confidently in all international climate and sustainability processes that directly impact their future.

    To qualify for the programme, applicants must meet a clear set of eligibility requirements. Candidates must hold citizenship of an AOSIS member state, be between the ages of 25 and 32 at the start of the programme, and hold an academic degree in a relevant field, including but not limited to international relations, international law, environmental science, climate studies, sustainable development, fisheries science, ocean affairs, and climate finance. Applicants are required to have between 1 and 5 years of professional experience working with a national government, regional body, or international organization, and must commit to continuing their service in their home country’s national government upon completing the fellowship. Additional requirements include proven sound judgment and discretion when working with politically sensitive issues in diplomatic settings, a track record of strong academic achievement and advanced writing skills, and fluency in both written and spoken English.

    For prospective candidates, the application process follows a structured official pathway. All submissions must be processed and submitted through the Permanent Mission to the United Nations of the applicant’s home country. Interested individuals are advised to reach out directly to their national Permanent Mission to initiate their application; contact details for all Permanent Missions are available via the United Nations’ official e-delegate bluebook at bluebook.e-delegate.un.org. The deadline for all applications is 11:59 pm Eastern Standard Time on Friday, 20 November 2026.