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CFBC and TaiwanICDF formalise partnership to strengthen action on plastic waste and marine litter

Basseterre, Saint Kitts – In a landmark step forward for Caribbean marine conservation and sustainable waste management, Clarence Fitzroy Bryant College (CFBC) and the Taiwan Technical Mission, operating under the International Cooperation and Development Fund (TaiwanICDF), have signed a formal Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) to scale up collective action against plastic waste and marine litter in Saint Kitts and Nevis. The signing ceremony, held September 23, 2026 on CFBC’s campus, takes place under the umbrella of the United Nations Environment Programme-led Prevention of Marine Litter in the Caribbean Sea (PROMAR) project.

The new agreement lays out a structured framework for expanded bilateral collaboration across eight core focus areas: recycling and material recovery, circular economy program development, marine litter prevention, technical knowledge sharing, workforce and institutional capacity building, targeted research and standardized data collection, public environmental education, community outreach, and the promotion of long-term pro-environmental behavioral change.

Speaking at the signing, CFBC Interim President Dr. Moyia Rowtham framed the agreement as far more than a procedural step. Instead, she emphasized that it formalizes an expanded shared commitment to advance practical, community-centered environmental solutions that meet the unique needs of small island developing states (SIDS).

Dr. Rowtham highlighted how CFBC’s work through PROMAR has already expanded the institution’s role beyond traditional tertiary education. The college now actively involves its students and partner organizations in hands-on work including national waste data collection, regular shoreline monitoring, waste characterization studies, community outreach campaigns, and national policy dialogues around waste management.

These efforts, she explained, demonstrate the critical impact that national tertiary institutions can have when bridging academic learning, scientific research, and on-the-ground community action. By centering local data, indigenous expertise, and community lived experiences, the partnership will help ensure that national environmental policy, long-term planning, and public investment decisions are rooted in local context.

“Our task now is to ensure that this MOU becomes more than a signed document,” Dr. Rowtham said in remarks following the signing. “It must serve as a framework for coordinated, measurable, and lasting action that protects our environment, strengthens national capacity, and benefits future generations.”

Deputy Counsellor at the Taiwan Embassy Mr. Ken Yang called the signing a key milestone for deepening bilateral cooperation on environmental action. He noted that TaiwanICDF has a long track record of supporting the development of functional recycling and waste management systems across Saint Kitts and Nevis, with past investments covering core recycling infrastructure, organized waste collection networks, scaled-up material recovery operations, public environmental education, and community engagement initiatives.

That existing work, Yang explained, serves as a strong foundation for the expanded collaboration laid out in the new MOU, which builds on the proven model of linking recycling education to broader regional marine conservation goals.

“When these pieces are connected, we move closer to a more integrated and sustainable approach to waste management,” Yang said. “This is particularly important for small island developing states such as Saint Kitts and Nevis. With limited land, high transportation costs, limited economic scale, and marine ecosystems that are closely connected to our economy, tourism, culture, and ways of living, waste management is not simply an environmental issue; it is also a community and development issue.”

Moving forward, the formalized partnership will focus on four core outcomes: strengthening national institutional capacity for waste management, increasing inclusive public participation in conservation efforts, supporting evidence-based environmental policy making, and delivering scalable, practical solutions to reduce plastic pollution and marine litter across Saint Kitts and Nevis.

25 9 月, 2026
Where Caribbean Conservation Stops at the Shoreline

For decades, conservation efforts across the Caribbean have prioritized the protection of vibrant coral reefs, sprawling marine sanctuaries, and endangered ocean species, drawing global funding, attention, and acclaim for preserving one of the world’s most biodiverse marine ecosystems. But a growing body of on-the-ground research and advocacy highlights a critical gap in regional environmental action: nearly all coordinated conservation work stops abruptly at the Caribbean’s shoreline, leaving coastal ecosystems, inland habitats, and the communities that depend on them disproportionately vulnerable to accelerating climate and human-driven threats.

Coastal mangrove forests, which act as natural storm barriers, carbon sinks, and nurseries for juvenile fish, are among the most impacted by this gap. While mangroves sit at the intersection of land and sea, many marine-focused conservation initiatives do not extend inland to protect these root systems from clearing for coastal development, tourist resorts, and agricultural expansion. Similarly, inland watersheds that feed freshwater into coral reef systems are often unregulated, with runoff from pesticide use and unprocessed sewage spilling into coastal waters, fueling algal blooms that kill reefs already stressed by rising ocean temperatures.

This disconnect between marine and terrestrial conservation also harms local communities, which bear the brunt of increased coastal flooding, erosion, and declining water quality when shoreline and inland ecosystems are left unprotected. Small-scale fishing households, in particular, see their catches drop when mangrove nurseries are destroyed, while low-lying coastal communities face greater risk of deadly storm surges as natural buffer habitats disappear.

Conservation leaders argue that closing this gap requires a fundamental shift in regional environmental strategy, moving beyond siloed marine protection efforts to adopt integrated land-sea conservation frameworks that center the needs of local communities. They note that targeted funding for coastal and inland Caribbean conservation remains drastically underallocated, with less than 15% of regional environmental funding directed to areas above the high tide line, according to recent regional environmental reports. Bridging this divide, they say, is not just critical for protecting the Caribbean’s iconic natural landscapes—it is also essential for ensuring the long-term resilience of the region’s people and economies in the face of accelerating climate change.

25 9 月, 2026
Saint Kitts and Nevis reaffirms commitment to stronger CELAC-EU partnership

On the margins of the 81st United Nations General Assembly in New York, a high-profile CELAC-EU Ministerial Meeting brought together regional leaders to advance cross-continental collaboration, where the Federation of Saint Kitts and Nevis publicly re-stated its unwavering dedication to building a stronger strategic partnership between the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States and the European Union.

Representing the small island nation at the gathering was Senior Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Right Honourable Dr. Denzil Douglas. In his official remarks, Dr. Douglas opened by expressing enthusiastic approval of the recently adopted 2025–2027 CELAC-EU Roadmap, a framework designed to guide joint action across priority areas over the next three years. He emphasized that strengthened multilateral cooperation is not just a diplomatic priority, but a fundamental requirement for tackling the interconnected global challenges that touch all nations, regardless of size or economic power.

“Our nation has long cherished the historical and strategic ties that bind CELAC and the European Union,” Dr. Douglas told attendees. “We share a core conviction: without inclusive, intentional cross-border cooperation, meaningful and sustainable global development cannot be achieved.”

Dr. Douglas went on to outline key priority areas where deeper collaboration between the two blocs would deliver outsized benefits for Caribbean Small Island Developing States (SIDS) like Saint Kitts and Nevis. He singled out accelerated digital transformation and enhanced cybersecurity cooperation as particularly critical, noting that SIDS face unique barriers to building resilient digital infrastructure and countering evolving cyber threats. Beyond digital issues, he reaffirmed the Federation’s longstanding commitment to upholding the Caribbean’s status as an international Zone of Peace, stressing that consistent regional collaboration and dialogue are the foundation of lasting stability across the Caribbean basin.

A central focus of Dr. Douglas’s remarks centered on the urgent need for collective action to address the climate crisis, a threat that disproportionately threatens Caribbean SIDS. He highlighted the extreme vulnerability of Caribbean nations to intensifying extreme weather events, from destructive hurricanes to prolonged droughts, that disrupt livelihoods and threaten national security each year. “No matter what rhetoric we hear from climate skeptics around the world, we know climate change is not an abstract future threat—it is a lived reality for our people,” he said. “For six months every year, our entire population lives in constant anxiety, watching and waiting as the next storm approaches. We cannot allow this crisis to escalate further. Cutting global greenhouse gas emissions is not just a policy goal—it is a matter of our collective survival.”

Closing his intervention, Dr. Douglas made clear that Saint Kitts and Nevis will remain a committed partner to advancing deeper coordination between CELAC and the EU, framing the partnership as a key mechanism to advance shared global priorities and tackle transnational challenges that no single nation or bloc can resolve alone.

25 9 月, 2026
Column: Lege stoelen bij de VN: principes of machtspolitiek.

On Thursday, as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu approached the United Nations General Assembly podium to deliver his address, a near-total walkout of diplomatic delegations sent a wordless but stark rebuke – a public demonstration of refusal to listen to his speech. This form of quiet protest is a well-established right for diplomats, and in many cases, a visible, dramatic gesture carries more weight than a lengthy written statement. However, such a symbolic act only holds moral and political legitimacy if it is rooted in clear, consistently applied principles that apply equally to all actors on the global stage. The United Nations cannot maintain its credibility if it stages public walkouts to condemn one leader for grave actions, while remaining seated and silent when another perpetrator commits comparable violations.

To be clear, this is not a defense of Netanyahu or current Israeli policy. The catastrophic suffering inflicted on the Palestinian people cannot be dismissed or justified through appeals to national security, historical context, or political circumstance. That same standard holds for violence targeting Israeli civilians, too. Even amid the long fight for Palestinian statehood and amid the occupation and oppression that frame their struggle, Palestinian armed groups cannot legitimize attacks on civilian lives. No stated political goal, however sympathetic, can make violence against innocent civilians acceptable.

Empty seats as a protest against offending leaders only carry substantive meaning if guided by a single, consistent moral and legal metric. The United Nations, an organization founded explicitly to advance global peace, should deny a platform to any actor that targets civilian populations, violates fundamental human rights, infringes on national sovereignty, and flouts international law – this principle must apply regardless of who the perpetrator is. Whether the violation is committed by Israel, a Palestinian armed group, the United States, or any other nation or non-state actor, the identity of the offender should never change the universal norm that is being violated.

The 2025 incursion into Venezuela illustrates why this consistency is non-negotiable. In January of that year, U.S. military forces entered Venezuelan territory, killed dozens of civilians, and detained democratically elected President Nicolás Maduro and his wife, transporting them to the United States to face criminal prosecution. While the White House defended the operation as legitimate, international legal experts have raised widespread and serious questions about its legal foundation. Core international law strictly prohibits the use of military force against another sovereign state, except in very limited circumstances such as self-defense or when explicitly authorized by the UN Security Council. No one is required to defend Maduro’s domestic governance to condemn the U.S. incursion as a violation of international order. A person’s view of Maduro’s administration does not alter the core problem: when a major global power unilaterally decides it can invade another nation, abduct its leader, and bring them to its own territory for trial, the entire foundation of the post-WWII international rules-based order is put at grave risk. If this precedent stands, might will replace right as the governing principle of global relations.

This week, U.S. President Donald Trump himself spoke from the UN podium, where he highlighted American military power and cited the Venezuela operation as proof of Washington’s willingness to take aggressive action in the Western Hemisphere. During his address, the Cuban delegation staged a walkout, but the large-scale, visible protest that greeted Netanyahu did not materialize on the same scale against Trump. This discrepancy exposes the double standard that the United Nations cannot afford to tolerate. Who receives a forceful moral rebuke should never depend on political alliances, great power protection, military strength, or selective historical interpretation. Those who claim to defend universal principles must uphold those principles even when doing so is politically inconvenient.

This standard applies equally to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Israel cannot justify all its actions by citing national security needs, just as Palestinian armed groups cannot justify attacks on civilians by pointing to their decades-long struggle. Historical context can help explain how the conflict emerged, but it cannot serve as a free pass for actions that violate universal norms today. Even a goal deemed politically just does not justify every method used to achieve it.

The United Nations was specifically created to clarify this distinction and enforce consistent standards. The organization was not founded to treat allies more leniently than enemies, nor was it designed to grant greater rights to powerful nations than small, vulnerable states. An ally should not face less scrutiny simply because it is a strategic partner.

An empty seat can be a powerful symbol of moral outrage, but only if that symbol is applied consistently across all cases of violation. Without that consistency, supposed moral outrage devolves into political selectivity. It is not principle that determines who gets condemned, but the temporary power dynamics and political interests of the moment.

The core message the UN should send is far broader than simply walking out on one leader it opposes. It should send a clear, unified message that violence against civilians, gross human rights violations, and disregard for international law are judged the same way no matter whether the perpetrator is a friend or foe, a great power, a sovereign state, or an armed movement. An empty seat must mean the same thing for everyone. Because once rules are only strictly applied to political opponents, those rules lose all credibility. We stop talking about universal principles and start accepting power politics as usual – and the United Nations was founded to stand above that corrosive double standard.

25 9 月, 2026
Acting Prime Minister Hanley delivers CARICOM statement on right to development at United NationS

On September 23, 2026, at the United Nations General Assembly’s high-level segment marking the 40th anniversary of the UN Declaration on the Right to Development, Dr. Geoffrey Hanley, Acting Prime Minister of Saint Kitts and Nevis, took the floor to deliver a unified position on behalf of all 14 member states of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM).

In his address to the global assembly, Hanley pulled back the curtain on the cascading, unique barriers that continue to hold back small island developing states across the Caribbean. From the ever-growing threat of catastrophic climate-fueled disasters to crippling national debt loads, limited room for fiscal maneuvering, prolonged barriers to accessing low-interest concessional financing, and deep-rooted structural inequities embedded in the existing global economic framework, these challenges have consistently blocked progress toward equitable, long-term development.

Hanley emphasized a core truth for the Caribbean bloc: the accelerating climate crisis is not an isolated environmental challenge—it is an existential development crisis. Despite the fact that Caribbean nations collectively contribute less than 1% of global greenhouse gas emissions, they rank among the world’s most vulnerable to climate impacts. A single extreme weather event, he noted, can wipe out decades of steady social and economic development progress in a matter of hours.

To turn the commitment to the right to development from principle into practice, Hanley argued that far more ambitious, targeted global cooperation is non-negotiable. He stressed that the current international financial system fails to account for the unique vulnerabilities of small developing states, calling for sweeping structural reform to align the framework with the on-the-ground realities of these nations.

Key priorities for reform outlined in the CARICOM statement include embedding resilience-building into all development strategies, adopting alternative progress metrics beyond gross domestic product (GDP)—notably the Multidimensional Vulnerability Index (MVI) which accounts for climate and structural risks small states face—and overhauling the core architecture of global finance. The bloc also underscored the critical need for a fair, rules-based international trading system that creates meaningful opportunities for small Caribbean states to diversify their narrow economies and strengthen domestic productive capacity. The statement additionally called for responsible, inclusive governance of emerging technologies, including artificial intelligence, to ensure these innovations advance rather than hinder equitable development for vulnerable nations.

Closing his address, Hanley reaffirmed CARICOM’s steadfast commitment to partnering with all UN member states, multilateral bodies, and global stakeholders. The bloc’s overarching goal, he said, is to move the right to development beyond a lofty aspirational statement and deliver tangible, lasting improvements to the quality of life for people across the Caribbean and all vulnerable developing regions around the world.

25 9 月, 2026
Soedamah wil Nationale Diasporaraad en bredere rol voor PSA-regeling

On Thursday, during the 10th annual Mr. Jagernath Lachmon Lecture held in Amsterdam, Lachman Soedamah, chair of the Dutch chapter of the Surinamese VHP party, presented a comprehensive long-term strategy called Diaspora Vision 2050, calling on Suriname to build a permanent, institutionalized framework for collaboration with its global diaspora community.

Soedamah argues that Suriname’s current approach to engaging with Surinamers living abroad relies too heavily on informal personal connections, one-off projects, and shifting short-term political priorities, rather than a sustainable structure that can deliver consistent benefits for national development. Under his vision, the diaspora should be far more than just a source of remittances or occasional emergency aid. Surinamers across the globe hold specialized knowledge, decades of professional experience, expansive international networks, and untapped investment capital that can be mobilized to drive long-term growth in Suriname, he says, framing this potential as the foundation for a “global Surinamese nation” that extends beyond the country’s borders.

At the core of Soedamah’s proposal is the establishment of a National Diaspora Council. This body would not replace the existing Surinamese government or National Assembly, but would instead serve three core functions: advising policymakers on diaspora-related issues, collecting input and feedback from Surinamers living abroad, and connecting individuals and organizations to facilitate collaborative projects. Beyond the central council, Soedamah also proposes launching dedicated diaspora institutions in Suriname and in countries that host large Surinamese communities, such as the Netherlands. These institutions would act as permanent, reliable touchpoints for diaspora members who want to contribute their skills to Suriname’s development, filling a critical gap that currently leaves many willing contributors without a clear path to action.

To illustrate this gap, Soedamah points to a range of common examples: a Surinamese physician based in the Netherlands who wants to mentor early-career doctors in Paramaribo, an engineer with specialized expertise in water management eager to share knowledge, an entrepreneur with established access to global international markets looking to support local Surinamese businesses, an educator able to deliver digital learning opportunities, and a legal professional with experience in institutional strengthening who wants to pass on that knowledge. In each case, Soedamah notes, the willingness to contribute already exists, but there is no trusted, consistent structure to connect these initiatives to communities and institutions in Suriname. A formal legal framework for diaspora engagement would also ensure that policy does not shift dramatically with every change of government or depend on personal connections between individual officials and diaspora members.

Soedamah also calls for a major expansion of the existing Persons of Surinamese Origin (PSA) scheme. Currently, the program primarily facilitates entry and residency for people with Surinamese ancestry traveling to or relocating in Suriname. Under his proposal, it would be transformed into a broad gateway for engagement, opening up access to knowledge exchange programs, internship placements, entrepreneurship support, cultural exchanges, and youth participation. Of particular focus in this expansion is outreach to second-, third-, and fourth-generation Surinamers born and raised outside the country, who often have weaker inherent ties to Suriname than first-generation emigrants. Soedamah emphasizes that these younger generations should be given structured opportunities to experience Suriname firsthand, pursue study, complete internships, launch businesses, and join collaborative projects in the country to nurture that connection.

The VHP Netherlands chair also does not shy away from two long-debated, sensitive topics: dual citizenship and formal political representation for the diaspora. While he does not present a fully developed, final model for either issue in his lecture, Soedamah argues that Suriname can no longer avoid open discussion of these topics, and that they should be debated carefully and deliberately without rushing to a hasty conclusion.

Throughout the plan, Soedamah stresses that long-term development of Suriname must ultimately be led and owned by stakeholders within the country itself. Structured diaspora engagement does not mean that Surinamers living abroad should take control of the development process, he clarifies. Instead, he frames the diaspora as an equal knowledge and development partner that can contribute to stronger public institutions, improved education, expanded entrepreneurship, and more robust inclusive economic growth. Summing up his vision, Soedamah says, “The Surinamese nation is larger than its territory.”

25 9 月, 2026
Multi-agency team begin explosives disposal exercise and training in Saint Kitts and Nevis

BASSETERRE, Saint Kitts – In a proactive move to safeguard public safety and strengthen national security frameworks, multiple law enforcement and security agencies in Saint Kitts and Nevis have launched a three-day specialized explosives disposal and training exercise, kicking off on September 23, 2026 at the Bakers Point Shooting Range.

The operation brings together personnel from across the federation’s key security bodies: the Infantry and Coast Guard divisions of the St. Kitts Nevis Defence Force (SKNDF), the Royal St. Christopher and Nevis Police Force, and the St. Kitts and Nevis Fire and Rescue Services. Organizers have cordoned off a dedicated exclusion zone around the training site for the duration of the exercise, running through September 25, and have issued a public warning urging unauthorized persons to avoid the area to prevent accidental harm. During the exercise, participating teams will carry out the controlled, safe detonation of expired munitions and obsolete ordnance that has been identified as a public safety risk.

The initiative is backed by two key international and regional partners: the Mines Advisory Group (MAG), a global organization specializing in explosive ordnance management, and the Caribbean Community Implementation Agency for Crime and Security (CARICOM IMPACS). Full funding for the project is provided by the United States Department of State.

Addressing the opening ceremony of the training on September 23, Attorney General Garth Wilkin, who serves as the federation’s Acting Minister of National Security, emphasized the critical importance of the operation for long-term public protection. Wilkin stressed that ammunition has a limited shelf life, and as a responsible governing body, the administration is obligated to take every necessary step to protect civilian life and public and private property across the islands.

“Every round of ammunition that sits in a store beyond its useful life is a liability,” Wilkin told attendees. “It is a liability to the soldiers who must guard it, to the communities that live near it, and, if it ever leaves that store by the wrong door, to every citizen and resident of the Federation. Today, we begin to remove that liability.”

The entire safe disposal operation is structured under a formal Framework Agreement for Weapons and Munitions Management, signed just one day before the exercise launched on September 22 between SKNDF and MAG Caribbean. All activities are being carried out in full compliance with the domestic laws of Saint Kitts and Nevis, as well as aligned with globally recognized standards including the International Ammunition Technical Guidelines, International Mine Action Standards, and the Modular Small Arms Control Implementation Compendium.

The full project will roll out in three distinct phases through to December 2026 for this initial phase of work. The first phase, which the ongoing training exercise forms a core part of, focuses on the destruction of the federation’s stockpiles of outdated, unsafe ammunition. The second phase will shift to targeted skills development, with MAG specialists providing hands-on training and mentorship to local personnel at Camp Springfield. The final phase will see the delivery of specialized equipment and materials required to conduct safe, independent munitions and ordnance disposal operations domestically going forward.

Crucially, the project is designed to build long-term local capacity rather than relying on external support to address ongoing security risks. “This is not an exercise in having others do our work for us,” Wilkin explained. “The purpose is to build our own national capabilities so that men and women of the defence force, and in time the Royal St. Christopher and Nevis Police Force, are equipped to manage weapons and ammunition safely and accountably for the long term.”

Wilkin added that the framework agreement has been intentionally structured as a flexible platform to accommodate future needs. “It allows us to agree further statements of work as needs arise. And the next priority for this government is to bring our armoury and ammunition storage arrangements fully in line with international standards.”

Officials also publicly extended gratitude to CARICOM IMPACS for its sustained leadership in advancing coordinated regional security initiatives across the Caribbean, as well as to the U.S. State Department for its financial support that made the project possible.

25 9 月, 2026
Saint Kitts and Nevis calls for stronger global partnerships to build SIDS resilience

On the sidelines of the 81st United Nations General Assembly in New York on September 24, 2026, a high-level working lunch for members of the Alliance of Small Island States (AOSIS) brought together key global stakeholders to address the cascading threats facing Small Island Developing States (SIDS). Co-hosted by German Foreign Minister Dr. Johann Wadephul and Palauan Minister of State Gustav N. Aitaro, the gathering became a platform for SIDS leaders to amplify their urgent call for systemic international support.

Speaking on behalf of Saint Kitts and Nevis, Acting Prime Minister Dr. Geoffrey Hanley delivered a stark wake-up call to the global community: the overlapping vulnerabilities SIDS face can no longer be treated as isolated, regional challenges. He emphasized that for small island nations like Saint Kitts and Nevis, climate change, energy insecurity, and economic fragility are not separate issues — they are deeply interconnected threats that undermine every pillar of national stability.

“For us, resilience is therefore not simply an environmental objective. It is an economic and national security imperative,” Hanley told attendees.

Discussions at the working lunch centered on three core priorities: evolving international climate policy, collective resilience building, regional security cooperation, and growing energy vulnerabilities amplified by geopolitical tensions disrupting the Strait of Hormuz. Hanley highlighted how even minor disruptions to global energy markets and international supply chains trigger immediate, disproportionate harm to small island economies, pushing up the cost of fuel, transportation, and imported food overnight, eroding limited fiscal buffers and deepening existing inequalities.

To counter these risks, Hanley outlined a clear path forward: the international community must expand SIDS’ access to low-cost climate finance, accelerate the transfer of renewable energy technology, and invest in climate-resilient infrastructure that can withstand extreme weather events and market shocks. Only through these targeted actions can SIDS shift from a perpetual state of crisis response to long-term, sustainable development.

“Our objective should be clear: to move from vulnerability to resilience through stronger partnerships, greater access to finance and technology, diversified energy systems, and a stronger collective voice for SIDS,” Hanley said.

He closed by reaffirming Saint Kitts and Nevis’ unwavering commitment to collaborating with Caribbean neighbors, fellow SIDS across the globe, and the broader international community to advance practical, actionable solutions that strengthen the resilience and advance the sustainable development of all small island states. This call comes as SIDS face intensifying climate impacts, from rising sea levels that threaten territorial integrity to more frequent extreme weather events that destroy critical infrastructure, alongside growing global economic and geopolitical volatility that disproportionately impacts low-lying, trade-dependent small economies.

25 9 月, 2026
MV Barima salvaging bids still being evaluated – Ali

As Guyana’s President Irfaan Ali participates in the 81st United Nations General Assembly debate in New York, he addressed a key unresolved national crisis during a town hall meeting with US-based Guyanese communities in Queens late Thursday night. More than two months after the devastating MV Barima ferry sinking off Guyana’s Essequibo Coast claimed an estimated 100 lives, the president has pushed back against growing opposition criticism of the government’s slow handling of recovery efforts, confirming that bidding for the vessel’s salvage operation is currently under technical review.

The tragedy, which unfolded on July 18, saw 179 passengers and crew members aboard the capsized ferry. Official records show 77 people were rescued alive from the Atlantic, while 72 remain unaccounted for, bringing the confirmed and presumed death toll to over 100. In the weeks following the disaster, the Guyanese government launched a public procurement process to select a qualified salvager, with a deadline for Expressions of Interest closing on August 14. Ultimately, nine firms submitted initial EOIs, and three bidders — Industrial Fabrications Inc. (InFab), BK International Inc, and Netherlands-headquartered KMS B.V — advanced to the formal bidding stage.

Last Saturday, opposition A Partnership for National Unity (APNU) parliamentarian Ganesh Mahipaul launched a scathing attack on the administration’s timeline. Thirty-seven days after the EOI window closed, Mahipaul said the government had failed to publicly name a contracted salvager or announce a clear mobilization date for the operation. He described the delay as inconsiderate, unacceptable, and argued that the current glacial pace of handling the tragedy amounts to inhumane treatment of the victims’ families. “The government cannot reduce the MV Barima tragedy to another file sitting on a desk somewhere in a Ministry. People died. The Government has a responsibility to demonstrate urgency in getting that vessel recovered,” Mahipaul stated.

Speaking directly to these accusations at the Queens town hall, President Ali rejected repeated claims that his government was deliberately dragging its feet to avoid a full investigation into the sinking. “We are not hiding from salvaging. There is a process, and that process is ongoing. We are not hiding from investigation,” he told attendees. The president added that the decision to run a full public tendering process was intentional, designed to avoid any allegations that he would select a firm with perceived ties to his personal associates.

Public records from Guyana’s National Procurement and Tender Administration (NPTAB) outline the details of the three competing bids. BK International has submitted the lowest offer at US$1,034,000, while InFab has proposed to carry out the salvage for US$1,895,000. KMS B.V, the highest bidder, has quoted a price of US$2,035,100 to recover the vessel, which rests roughly 10 miles off Devonshire Castle village on the Essequibo Coast. KMS B.V. has prior experience in large-scale marine recovery in Guyana, through its parent company Koole Contractors, which was hired five years ago for a GYD$787.6 million project to clear sunken vessels from the Demerara River and sections of Guyana’s coast to improve marine safety. Local firm InFab, meanwhile, has a history of emergency infrastructure work, including extensive emergency repairs to the now-decommissioned floating Demerara Harbour Bridge.

A core requirement of the salvage operation outlined in the EOI terms is that the selected contractor must preserve all forensic evidence from the wreck, to support the upcoming official Commission of Inquiry (CoI) into the causes of the disaster. As of late September, the CoI has not yet begun public hearings. Separately, three individuals facing criminal charges connected to the sinking — the ferry’s captain, first mate, and the Transport and Harbours Department’s goods superintendent — are currently seeking to have their murder charges thrown out. Their legal teams argue that authorities abused legal process by bringing criminal charges before completing a mandatory marine accident investigation under the Guyana Shipping Act.

25 9 月, 2026
Is John Briceno’s PUP Drifting Away from George Price’s Vision?

Seventy years after its founding, Belize’s iconic People’s United Party (PUP) finds itself mired in growing internal and public debate over whether it has strayed from the core social justice vision etched into its foundation by party patriarch George Price. For Price, the PUP was never merely a political organization — it was a movement built to champion poor, marginalized, and working-class Belizeans, prioritizing people over profit and extending opportunity to every corner of the nation, not just wealthy elites and well-connected insiders.

Hector Silva, a historian and early PUP organizer who stood beside Price as the movement took shape, is among the most vocal critics arguing that today’s party has abandoned that foundational mission. In an interview with News Five, Silva aligned with recent public comments from Cabinet Minister Julius Espat, who openly acknowledged that social justice is lacking in the current PUP’s governance. Silva says that across Belize, widespread public discontent over systemic inequity is impossible to ignore. “We are seeing it at the moment that some people are becoming very prosperous yet some people are becoming very poor,” Silva explained. “It is not that we want to take away from the rich, but we want to give more to the poor — that is the social justice promise this party was built on.”

Price’s original framing of social justice was rooted in his Catholic faith, which guided his belief that the role of government is to lift up vulnerable communities, expand working-class opportunity, and ensure all development projects deliver broad public benefit rather than just private gain. Today, as ordinary Belizean families grapple with soaring cost of living, barriers to land ownership, and controversial, top-down development decisions, that framing has become a benchmark critics use to measure the current government’s performance.

The debate over the PUP’s identity has spilled into open conflict within the party’s own ranks, exposing deep rifts between top officials. Prime Minister John Briceno, who leads the current administration, has forcefully pushed back on claims of abandonment, insisting that the PUP remains inherently tied to its founding values. “We are for social justice. The PUP is based on social justice and the time we move from that; we cannot be the PUP,” Briceno said.

But even high-ranking members of Briceno’s own Cabinet acknowledge the party has lost its way. Deputy Prime Minister Cordel Hyde has openly called for a course correction, acknowledging that the current party does not match its original identity. “All is not well,” Hyde stated. “All cannot be well if we are experiencing the kinda crisis that we’re experiencing with the cost of living… We have to just be real. We have to get back to what we were before. We have to get back on track.”

The tension boiled over recently after Espat noted that only he and Hyde remained fully committed to Price’s original vision, a comment that drew a public rebuke from the prime minister. Briceno pushed back on the claim that only a small faction of the Cabinet prioritizes social justice, pointing to other ministers’ policy actions — including a move by Minister Chebat to remove the goods and services tax on electricity to ease household cost burdens — as proof of the entire Cabinet’s commitment.

Still, the public disagreement has laid bare a broader fundamental divide within the party: whether Price’s social justice vision needs to be preserved as a non-negotiable core, or adapted to fit the shifting pressures of modern Belize. Cabinet Minister Dr. Louis Zabaneh notes that the real divide is not over whether to support social justice as a goal, but over how to achieve it in a changing global and national landscape. “It is important to ask the question not whether or not someone say they support social justice, but really how that social justice is to be achieved,” Zabaneh explained.

For critics like Silva, the proof of the PUP’s commitment will never be found in political rhetoric — it will be seen in the daily lives of ordinary Belizeans. He recalled a striking final remark Price shared with him years ago, in which the founding leader called for a “second revolution” to cement justice and shared prosperity for all Belizeans. Ultimately, it will be the Belizean public that delivers the final verdict: asking one simple question that cuts through all internal party debate, who does this government actually serve?

25 9 月, 2026