分类: world

  • Sterke groei in China-Latijns-Amerika handel en samenwerking

    Sterke groei in China-Latijns-Amerika handel en samenwerking

    This month marks the first anniversary of the landmark Five Initiatives for Building a China-Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) Community with a Shared Future, a strategic cooperation framework first proposed by Chinese President Xi Jinping in May 2025. Over the past 12 months, despite a turbulent and fragmented global geopolitical and economic landscape, China and LAC member states have maintained close coordination and advanced the partnership to deliver impressive, tangible outcomes across multiple sectors.

    Trade ties, the backbone of the bilateral relationship, have hit new milestones. Total bilateral trade volume hit a record high of $549 billion in 2025, a figure that underscores the deep economic complementarity between the two regions. This upward momentum has continued into 2026, with preliminary data for the first four months of the year showing an 18.5% year-on-year expansion in trade volume, outpacing many other global trade corridors.

    People-to-people exchanges have also seen unprecedented growth, driven by widespread visa liberalization measures on both sides. China has implemented visa-free entry policies for citizens of major LAC economies including Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Peru and Uruguay, while multiple LAC nations have reciprocated by easing travel restrictions for Chinese visitors. These policy shifts have unlocked rapid growth in cross-border tourism, student exchanges and cultural cooperation, bringing populations on both sides closer together.

    Infrastructure development, a core focus of bilateral cooperation, has delivered widespread, tangible benefits to local communities across the LAC region. Backed by Chinese investment and advanced engineering technology, major projects have upgraded critical connectivity and public services: the Belo Monte transmission project in Brazil now delivers reliable power access to more than 22 million people; renovation work on the Mexico City Metro line has improved commuter safety and efficiency; and the new Bogotá Metro line continues to make steady progress toward completion. Beyond improving quality of life, these large-scale infrastructure projects have created thousands of local jobs and laid stronger foundations for long-term economic growth.

    Cooperation has also expanded into manufacturing and service sectors, generating new employment opportunities and strengthening local supply chains. When Western automakers divested from their production facilities in Brazil, Chinese automotive firms acquired the sites, restarted operations, restored thousands of jobs and revitalized local automotive supply networks. In the service sector, major Chinese consumer brands such as Meituan have expanded their regional footprint, creating new local jobs and spurring innovation in the digital service space.
    Beyond economic and infrastructure ties, the partnership has deepened in education and cultural exchange. China now offers hundreds of annual scholarships to LAC students pursuing higher education in China, and has launched new Confucius Institutes across the region to expand Chinese language learning. High-profile cultural initiatives, including the 2025-2026 China-Brazil Cultural Year, have brought art, performance and cultural exchanges to audiences across both regions, strengthening mutual understanding and people-to-people connections.

    While analysts note that shifting political landscapes and domestic policy changes across some LAC nations create long-term considerations for the partnership, Chinese authorities have repeatedly reaffirmed that their policy toward the region remains consistent and stable, regardless of changes in national governments across LAC. The bilateral relationship is rooted in principles of mutual respect for territorial sovereignty and a focus on shared long-term development interests, creating a resilient foundation for cooperation.

    International policy experts emphasize that the deepening China-LAC partnership is driven by aligned development goals, shared experiences of developing economies, and a common vision for a more balanced global order. In an era marked by rising geopolitical tension, economic fragmentation and global uncertainty, the partnership offers both sides much-needed stability, mutual solidarity and new inclusive growth opportunities.

    Looking ahead, the future of China-LAC relations remains highly promising. Both sides have committed to deepening cooperation across trade, infrastructure, people-to-people ties, innovation and technology, with a shared goal of advancing sustainable, inclusive growth that delivers benefits to all communities across both regions. Over the coming years, continued deepening of the China-LAC partnership is not only expected to boost shared economic prosperity, but also contribute to the development of a more multipolar, fair and equitable global international order.

  • GWP-C participates in critical regional meetings in The Bahamas

    GWP-C participates in critical regional meetings in The Bahamas

    Against a backdrop of growing climate vulnerability for Caribbean Small Island Developing States (SIDS), two landmark regional climate-focused gatherings wrapped up in Nassau, The Bahamas, in late May 2026, uniting cross-sector stakeholders to scale up early warning systems, climate services, and collective climate resilience across the region. Dr. Roxanne Graham-Victor, Regional Coordinator of Global Water Partnership-Caribbean (GWP-C), played a central role in both events, bringing critical expertise on water security and integrated water management to the table.

    The first gathering, the 14th Coordination Partners Meeting of the Consortium of Regional Sectoral Early Warning Information Systems across Climate Timescales (EWISACTs), ran from May 25 to 26, followed immediately by the 2026 Wet/Hurricane Season Caribbean Climate Outlook Forum (CariCOF) Stakeholder Forum, held May 27 to 28. Both events were convened by the Caribbean Institute for Meteorology and Hydrology (CIMH), with core financial and technical backing from the World Meteorological Organisation (WMO), the Climate Risk and Early Warning Systems (CREWS) Initiative, the ClimSA programme, and the European Union.

    GWP-C has long held observer partner status within the EWISACTs Consortium, contributing specialized technical and strategic guidance on issues spanning water security, integrated water resources management, climate adaptation, and the integration of climate data into cross-sector policy and decision-making. At this year’s EWISACTs meeting, representatives from more than a dozen leading regional institutions and development partners spanning climate, water, disaster management, health, agriculture, tourism, and energy came together to advance shared resilience goals. Attendees included delegates from the Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency (CDEMA), the Caribbean Public Health Agency (CARPHA), the Caribbean Water and Wastewater Association (CWWA), the Caribbean Tourism Organisation (CTO), the Caribbean Centre for Renewable Energy and Energy Efficiency (CCREEE), the Caribbean Agricultural Research and Development Institute (CARDI), and the Caribbean Meteorological Organisation (CMO), among other global development partners.

    Over the course of the two-day EWISACTs meeting, participants reviewed progress on ongoing climate services rollout across the region, explored new avenues for collaborative resource mobilization, moved forward work on the expanding Caribbean Climate Impacts Database (CCID), and tightened coordination mechanisms between organizations working on discrete climate resilience initiatives. The meeting also dedicated focused discussion to the proposed Caribbean Climate Impacts Monitoring Network (CCIMNet) and mapped out next steps for ongoing collaboration under the ClimSA programme.

    Following the conclusion of EWISACTs, Dr. Graham-Victor took on the role of chair for the final day of the CariCOF Stakeholder Forum, where participants delved into the emerging tools, cross-sector partnerships, and targeted investment needed to bolster weather, climate, and hydrological services across every Caribbean island nation. Sessions led by Dr. Graham-Victor featured detailed presentations on the existing Global Flood Awareness System (GloFAS) and the newly proposed Caribbean Flood Awareness System (CaribFAS), which would tailor global flood monitoring capabilities to the unique hydrological and geographic needs of the Caribbean. Attendees also explored specialized tools for disaster risk assessment tied to regional weather and climate patterns, and discussed pathways to secure sustainable funding for fit-for-purpose climate and hydrological services tailored to local needs.

    Collectively, the forum sessions underscored a core truth for climate action in the Caribbean: stronger forecasting capabilities, expanded climate information services, reliable hydrological outlooks, and coordinated regional partnerships are non-negotiable foundations for effective disaster preparedness, sustained water security, long-term climate resilience, and evidence-based decision-making across the region’s SIDS.

    In reflections shared after the gatherings, Dr. Graham-Victor emphasized that meaningful climate resilience requires sustained investment not just in technical climate information systems, but also in the regional institutions that translate raw data into actionable policy and on-the-ground action. “Water security, disaster risk reduction, agriculture, tourism, health, and infrastructure planning all depend on access to reliable climate and hydrological information,” she noted. “The EWISACTs and CariCOF meetings helped move this agenda forward by advancing regional collaboration, identifying practical opportunities for resource mobilisation, and strengthening coordination around the climate services needed to support informed decision-making and resilience-building across Caribbean SIDS.”

    Looking ahead, GWP-C reaffirmed its longstanding commitment to supporting regional climate action, continuing to collaborate with Caribbean governments, regional specialized institutions, and global development partners to strengthen collective climate resilience, advance universal water security, and advance climate-informed sustainable development across the Caribbean region.

  • The watchman has walked off the wall

    The watchman has walked off the wall

    As June 2026 ushers in another Atlantic hurricane season, the ritual of preparation for Caribbean communities has changed in form but not in stakes. For generations, islanders have marked the season with old rhymes and quiet urgency: June too soon, July standby, August a must, September remember, October not yet over. Where once communities huddled around radios to catch storm coordinates from distant forecasters, today they track storm cones on social media. But one unchanging truth remains: hurricanes are spotted first by others, and early detection is the line between a disrupted week and a tragic funeral. Today, U.S. policy choices have made that early detection far harder.

    The human cost of this vulnerability is not a new statistic — it is etched into the displaced lives of Caribbean people. I still recall Hurricane Lenny, the 1999 off-season storm that struck Chateaubelair from an unexpected western direction, tearing away a fishing boat one man named Joseph had spent seven years of skipped lunches and mended nets paying off. When the storm cleared, only frayed ropes remained tied to the shore. Joseph never rebuilt his life on St Vincent; a month later, he left to work on a cruise ship out of Miami, and has come home just four times in 25 years. Hurricanes do not always kill. They force you to live out the rest of your life on someone else’s terms.

    That same violence visited the Grenadines just two years ago, in July 2024. Hurricane Beryl, the earliest Category 5 Atlantic storm ever recorded, destroyed 90% of homes on Union Island and stripped every roof from buildings on Mayreau. Three weeks after the storm, I met a mother named Celia who had sheltered with her two young children in a stone church. When the eye of the storm passed over, her four-year-old son Malachi looked up and asked, “Mummy, is God angry at us?” Celia reassured him no, but never shared that the church walls were shaking, that stained glass was exploding into a horizontal rain of colored shards. When they emerged, only one wall of their home remained standing. Pinned to that wall, where their kitchen once stood, was Malachi’s baby photograph — a small, fragile miracle that will likely cross oceans before Celia ever sees a cent of compensation from global climate loss and damage funds.

    The warming of Caribbean waters by nearly 2°F since 1980 is not an abstract climate number. It is why Beryl intensified to Category 5 in July, when storms of that strength almost never form before September. For Caribbean nations, hurricanes are never just weather events — they are reverse development, erasing decades of progress in a single night. When Hurricane Maria hit Dominica in 2017, it destroyed 226% of the country’s annual GDP, 90% of its housing stock, and its entire power grid. Poverty rates were projected to jump to 43%, and with no emergency reserves to draw on, Dominica was forced to borrow against its children’s future to replace infrastructure the country had already paid for once.

    The statistics never tell the full story. Maria hit just two years after Tropical Storm Erika had already gutted the island. A teacher in Roseau described 12-year-old students who had already lost three homes since 2015. Three childhood homes, one single childhood. Caribbean communities are hit again before they can finish rebuilding, mortgaging the same schools and clinics twice in one generation, and forced to pay interest on the debt. We call repeated trauma “resilience” because admitting we have failed these children is too unbearable to face. But these children are not resilient — they are exhausted.

    This year, forecasters at the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) are predicting a below-average hurricane season, and many are breathing a sigh of relief. But Caribbean communities know better than to celebrate. Every forecaster attaches the same critical warning: it only takes one storm to destroy a life, a community, a country. A “quiet” season just means fewer chances that the catastrophic storm will miss your island.

    The question today is, who is watching the sky for us? The answer has been deliberately altered by Washington. In February 2024, the U.S. administration revoked the official legal finding that greenhouse gases endanger human health — even as the U.S. National Academies of Sciences confirmed that the evidence for climate harm is stronger than ever. Far from refuting the science, the administration simply side-stepped it. A cabinet secretary publicly declared that carbon dioxide was never a pollutant. Can we imagine that: a politician sitting in a temperature-controlled office declaring carbon harmless, while the people of Mayreau dig through the wreckage of their homes around a collapsed church? That politician will never have to bury a neighbor killed by a storm he helped make more dangerous. He lives in a world where climate bills are always sent elsewhere — to small islands that contributed almost nothing to global emissions, but will pay almost the full price.

    This climate denial has tangible, deadly consequences. Washington has cut hundreds of jobs from the U.S. National Weather Service and proposed defunding the Miami-based forecasting laboratories that refine storm track predictions for the entire Caribbean. Experts warn this could cut forecasting accuracy by as much as 40%. For a mother in Basseterre, Bridgetown, Castries, Kingstown, Kingston, St George’s or St John’s, that 40% drop in accuracy is the difference between evacuating your grandmother in time and leaving her behind because the forecast said the storm would turn north. That is not an abstract modeling error — that is the difference between a family gathering for the holidays and a search party combing the shoreline. The storms themselves are fueled by ocean waters warmed by the very carbon emissions Washington now calls harmless. The storm cone that tells a family when to board up their home comes from Miami. When Washington blinds its own forecasting system, it blinds us too.

    Caribbean thinkers have long understood our regional reality as a legacy of colonialism: our economies structured to benefit distant powers, and the systems meant to protect our people always held in someone else’s hands. That has not changed. The U.S. has pulled out of the Paris Agreement, abandoned the board of the UN Loss and Damage Fund, and walked away from its global climate pledges. When wealthy nations decide science is negotiable, small island states do not get a vote. We only get the bill and the graves to dig. The colonial mindset did not disappear — it was repackaged as domestic budget cuts, sold to voters as “putting your country first,” while the cost is passed to us.

    But failure is not limited to Washington. Earlier this year, when Pacific island nation Vanuatu brought a landmark International Court of Justice climate ruling to the UN General Assembly, asking member states only to affirm their legal duty to protect vulnerable climate-hit nations, one of our own Caribbean neighbors — Trinidad and Tobago — was absent from the vote. Not opposed, not abstaining, simply not there, while a fellow small island spoke up for all of us. We cannot demand global solidarity if we do not practice it among ourselves.

    This 2026 hurricane season is not a season to endure and then forget. The U.S. president who rolled back climate protections and cut forecasting funding will hold office for this season and two more, but the damage he has done will not expire when he leaves office. A community’s climate resilience takes a decade to rebuild, and can be destroyed in one storm. When we say the Caribbean cannot wait, we mean it: we face three full hurricane seasons with a warning system that has been deliberately weakened on purpose. Our lives are on the line, and waiting is nothing less than betting our people’s lives on good luck.

    We refuse to make that bet. Lament must turn to action, because despair is just dependency dressed in darker clothes. We are not starting from nothing. We already have a regional disaster agency that responded effectively to Beryl, a regional insurance facility that disburses funds within days, and a Caribbean meteorological institute in Barbados that trains our own forecasters. What these institutions lack is scale, sustainable financing, and the global and regional commitment to make them work.

    Now is the time to find partners and build our own regional systems. We need our own independent satellite reception, free from the budget cycles and political whims of foreign governments. We need our own regional forecasting center, free to issue warnings without needing approval from Miami. We need our own regional disaster bond facility, funded by a small levy on the tourism industry that profits from our beautiful beaches — while we bear all the risk of climate disaster.

    Let us set clear, binding deadlines: by the 2029 hurricane season, we will have a fully Caribbean-owned regional forecasting capability. By 2030, we will have a fully regionally capitalized disaster bond facility to cover emergency response costs. This work does not need Washington’s permission. It only needs our own collective resolve.

    We build this for the people who actually call this region home: for Celia and Malachi, for the 12-year-old children in Roseau who have lost three homes before they even hit puberty.

    I think of the faces of my childhood, gathered around the radio, straining to hear a distant voice that could see the storm before they could. That voice is being switched off now, by choice, in another hemisphere. The watchman has walked off the wall and called it freedom. But the wall is still ours. Our children are standing behind it. We have to hold it ourselves. No one is coming to save us.

  • OP-ED: Is the Caribbean paying for a climate crisis it didn’t create?

    OP-ED: Is the Caribbean paying for a climate crisis it didn’t create?

    For generations, Caribbean households have honed a quiet, collective instinct when a major storm approaches. Before the meteorologist finishes their emergency broadcast, mothers are already inventorying non-perishable food in the pantry, children are filling every available container with fresh water, elders are checking emergency lighting, and fathers stand on porches scanning the horizon, passing down generations of storm-watching knowledge. No words need to be spoken: the whole community knows a hurricane is on its way.

    Once, catastrophic hurricanes were once-in-a-generation events seared into collective memory as singular disasters. Hurricane Gilbert in 1988 was exactly that – a terrifying force that tore through the Caribbean, leaving widespread destruction, loss of life, and lasting psychological trauma that communities still recount decades later. But today, that pattern has shifted drastically. Since 2016, devastating Category 5 hurricanes have become a grim, recurring normal for the region.

    The roll call of destruction stretches across the last decade: In 2016, Hurricane Matthew made landfall in Haiti as a Category 4 storm with 150-mile-per-hour winds – the strongest system to hit the country in more than 50 years. It killed more than 500 people, wiped out 90% of the nation’s crops, and left more than 120,000 families homeless. Three years later in 2017, Category 5 Hurricane Maria erased 226% of Dominica’s total gross domestic product in a matter of hours, rolling back decades of hard-won development. In 2019, Category 5 Hurricane Dorian stalled over the Bahamas for days, wiping the town of Marsh Harbour off the map and leaving families searching for missing loved ones for weeks after the waters receded.

    The pace of destruction accelerated sharply in recent years. In July 2024, Hurricane Beryl made history as the earliest-forming Category 5 storm ever recorded in the Atlantic, forming before the official hurricane season had even fully begun. It hit Carriacou as a Category 4, stripping the island of nearly all infrastructure, destroying crops across Jamaica, and leaving the entire region reeling from the shock of yet another unprecedented disaster. Just 15 months later in 2025, Category 5 Hurricane Melissa became the strongest Atlantic hurricane ever recorded, packing 185-mile-per-hour winds that claimed 95 lives and earned its name a permanent retirement from the list of cyclone identifiers.

    This rise in catastrophic storms is not a random coincidence – and it is not a crisis the Caribbean created. The region contributes less than 0.1% of global greenhouse gas emissions, yet it bears the worst brunt of a climate crisis driven by two centuries of fossil fuel dependency driven by the world’s largest economies. While the global north reaped the economic benefits of carbon-intensive development, small island states in the Caribbean are left filling water buckets, rebuilding shattered homes, and burying their dead after every storm.

    The science behind this trend is clear: hurricanes draw their energy from warm ocean water. Decades of carbon pollution have trapped excess heat in the atmosphere, and 90% of that extra heat has been absorbed by the world’s oceans. Today, the Caribbean Sea is far warmer than historic averages, giving every passing storm more destructive power than the one that came before it. Rapid attribution analysis from Climate Central confirms that climate change directly strengthened Hurricane Melissa’s winds, and human-caused carbon emissions made the record-warm ocean temperatures that powered the storm hundreds of times more likely.

    The cumulative toll across the region is immeasurable. When Maria hit Dominica in 2017, then-Prime Minister Skerrit documented the disaster in real time from his storm-battered home, his roof torn away and floodwaters rising around him as the “Nature Island” of the Caribbean fell apart. When Dorian stalled over the Bahamas for two days, entire communities on Abaco and Grand Bahama were completely erased from the map. Beryl damaged or destroyed 90% of all structures on Carriacou, including homes, schools, and the fishing fleets that feed local families. When Melissa made landfall, outer rainbands triggered catastrophic landslides in Haiti, Cuban authorities evacuated 735,000 people in a single night, and western Jamaica was flattened – leaving crops submerged for the second time in less than two years. Time and again, critical infrastructure – hospitals, roads, food supply chains that communities have rebuilt again and again – take another devastating blow.

    Caribbean communities and frontline climate activists have shown extraordinary resilience in the face of repeated ruin, a level of fortitude most of the world will never be forced to demonstrate. But resilience is not a substitute for justice. You cannot rebuild a destroyed hospital with resilience alone, and it is unfair to ask a region to keep “bouncing back” while the fossil fuel policies that create these disasters remain unaddressed. Too often, praise for Caribbean resilience becomes a distraction from the critical question: who is responsible for the unending burden these communities are forced to bear?

    That question is at the heart of the global fight for climate justice, which demands that the world’s wealthiest highest-emitting nations honor their long-overdue climate finance commitments as a legal and moral debt owed, not optional charity to be given or withheld. In a major step forward for the region, the United Nations General Assembly voted in May 2026 to endorse an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice (ICJ) on climate change, a resolution co-sponsored by Caribbean nations including Barbados and Jamaica. The opinion clarifies that all states have binding international legal obligations to protect the global climate system, and that nations that fail to meet those obligations can be held liable for damages and forced to pay reparations to affected states.

    Turning this historic legal victory into meaningful change requires concrete action. It means delivering loss and damage funding to small island developing states as outright grants, not predatory loans that deepen existing debt. It means guaranteeing the Caribbean a full, equal seat at every global table where climate policy is negotiated. It requires all major emitting nations to follow through on the ambitious, actionable emissions cuts they promised in their Paris Agreement Nationally Determined Contributions, and to deliver on those commitments on time.

    For Caribbean communities and advocates, the work continues. Citizens must stay resolute in grassroots advocacy, using their voices to demand justice for the region. Beyond educating themselves on the link between hurricanes and human-caused climate change, they must hold their own leaders accountable to push the international community to act, and support the grassroots and regional organizations fighting for climate justice every day.

    The Caribbean did not create the climate crisis that is destroying our communities, but our experience is more than a warning to the rest of the world. It is irrefutable evidence of the human cost of climate inaction. And the most powerful thing we can do today is refuse to stay silent.

  • Dominica’s Gregor Nassief denied US visa weeks after historic CHTA election

    Dominica’s Gregor Nassief denied US visa weeks after historic CHTA election

    Weeks after securing a historic landmark win as the first Dominican-born, Dominican-based leader to head the Caribbean Hotel and Tourism Association (CHTA), prominent regional tourism executive Gregor Nassief has announced that he and his wife have been denied U.S. visa renewals following their application interview last Friday. This unexpected setback arrives at a critical moment, coming directly on the heels of Nassief’s election as President-elect during the Caribbean Travel Marketplace hosted by Antigua and Barbuda.

    Nassief’s election was widely celebrated across Dominica, marking a breakthrough achievement for the small island nation known as the Nature Isle. It also represented a milestone for the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), placing a Dominican citizen at the helm of one of the Caribbean’s most powerful and influential tourism industry bodies for the first time in the association’s history.

    In a Thursday interview with journalist Shermain Bique-Charles, Nassief outlined his deep concerns that the visa rejection carries cascading consequences that stretch far beyond his personal circumstances, impacting Caribbean tourism representation and regional interests on the global stage. “This is much bigger than me,” he emphasized.

    As the incoming CHTA president, Nassief is tasked with representing the Caribbean tourism sector at a wide range of high-stakes international engagements, including global conferences, investment summits, airline negotiations, trade exhibitions, and cross-border policy dialogues. A large majority of these critical events are held in the United States, which stands as the single largest source market for Caribbean tourism.

    Nassief warned that travel restrictions barring senior regional tourism leaders from entering the U.S. directly undermine the Caribbean’s ability to advocate for its policy priorities and sustain essential working relationships with key tourism stakeholders. One of his most pressing worries centers on regional airlift access, a long-standing core challenge for Caribbean tourism destinations.

    The entire Caribbean tourism ecosystem is deeply dependent on reliable air connectivity to drive visitor arrivals, and the majority of major airlines, travel conglomerates, and key industry partners that shape regional air service are based in the United States. Nassief explained that if regional tourism leaders cannot travel freely to attend in-person meetings and negotiations, it will weaken ongoing efforts to expand flight routes, improve connectivity, and strengthen mutually beneficial tourism partnerships.

    These risks are particularly acute for small island developing states like Dominica, where tourism functions as a central pillar of national economic growth and employment. Beyond the tourism sector, Nassief pointed out that the visa denial highlights broader systemic challenges for Caribbean entrepreneurs and business leaders who rely on U.S. travel to pursue commercial activities, secure foreign investment, and participate in professional industry events. The U.S. remains one of Dominica’s most important tourism and trading partners, making unimpeded access to the country critical for multiple sectors of the island’s economy.

    Prior to the visa denial, Nassief’s ascension to the CHTA presidency was a source of enormous national pride for Dominica, reflecting the island’s growing influence in regional tourism governance. A long-standing leading voice for Caribbean tourism, Nassief has spent decades advancing sustainable tourism development, climate resilience, environmental protection, and cross-regional collaboration. He previously led the Dominica Hotel and Tourism Association, served as Deputy Chairman of the Discover Dominica Authority, and played a key role in shaping the island’s national tourism strategy and international brand.

    His election to the top CHTA post was widely viewed as a well-earned recognition of both his decades of personal contributions to the sector and Dominica’s emergence as a respected, influential voice in Caribbean tourism. Today, industry observers across the region are raising questions about the wider implications of growing travel barriers for Caribbean leaders, business executives, and tourism representatives seeking entry to the United States.

    For Nassief, the core priority remains the future of the Caribbean tourism industry and the region’s ability to engage meaningfully with its key international partners. As Caribbean destinations continue to grapple with global economic volatility, rising operational costs, and growing competition from other global leisure destinations, he argues that maintaining strong, open international connections is more critical than ever. His core takeaway is unambiguous: travel barriers that impact regional leaders do not only affect the individuals involved — they ultimately ripple through tourism, trade, and investment, weakening the Caribbean’s collective voice on the global stage. For many in Dominica, the situation is a striking, disappointing turn of events: just weeks after one of the nation’s most accomplished tourism leaders achieved one of the highest honors in Caribbean tourism governance, he now faces restrictions that threaten to limit his ability to fully deliver in his new role.

  • OP-ED: The Watchman Has Walked Off the Wall What hurricanes cost a small island and why climate denial in Washington is a sentence passed on us

    OP-ED: The Watchman Has Walked Off the Wall What hurricanes cost a small island and why climate denial in Washington is a sentence passed on us

    As June ushers in the 2026 Atlantic hurricane season, the long-held Caribbean rhyme that guides seasonal preparation still echoes across the archipelago: June too soon, July standby, August a must, September remember, October not yet over. For generations, this rhyme has been more than a folk tradition — it is a survival manual, etched into collective memory by countless storms that have rewritten lives and landscapes.

    I grew up in St. Vincent & The Grenadines, and one story has never left me. In November 1999, Hurricane Lenny defied all seasonal expectations, roaring from the west into a coast generations had considered safe. A friend of mine, Joseph, had just finished seven years of skipping lunches and mending nets to pay off his 30-foot fishing boat. He tied it to shore with three heavy ropes, but by dawn, only the frayed ends of those ropes remained. The boat was gone. Joseph did not cry. He just sat on the beach, where the storm had rearranged the sand into an unrecognizable landscape. A month later, he left for work on a cruise ship out of Miami. In 25 years, he has come home only four times. This is what hurricanes do to small island communities: they do not always kill you, but they yank the life you built out from under your feet, forcing you to live it on someone else’s terms.

    The crisis grew more urgent just last year. In July 2024, Hurricane Beryl became the earliest Category 5 storm ever recorded in the Atlantic, cutting a devastating path through the Grenadines. Ninety percent of Union Island’s housing stock was destroyed, and every roof on the small island of Mayreau was torn off. Three weeks after the storm, I met a woman named Celia there, who had sheltered in a stone church with her two children through the worst of it. When the eye of the storm passed over, her four-year-old son Malachi looked up and asked, “Mummy, is God angry at us?” Celia told him no, but she hid the truth: the church walls were shaking, and the stained glass had shattered into a horizontal rain of colored shards. When they emerged, only one wall of their home was still standing. Pinned to that wall, where their kitchen once stood, was Malachi’s baby photograph. That photo will likely cross oceans before Celia ever sees a cent of payout from the global Loss and Damage fund promised to vulnerable nations.

    This is not just a story of bad weather. The Caribbean has warmed by nearly 2°F since 1980. That number is not an abstract statistic: it is why Beryl reached Category 5 strength in July, months earlier than the historic peak of the season. For Caribbean nations, hurricanes are never just weather events — they are reverse development, erasing decades of progress in a single night. When Hurricane Maria hit Dominica in 2017, it caused damage equal to 226% of the country’s annual GDP. More than two full years of the nation’s collective output was destroyed overnight. Ninety percent of all housing was leveled, the entire power grid was knocked out, and poverty rates were projected to jump to 43%. With no disaster reserve to draw on, Dominica was forced to borrow against its children’s future to rebuild what its people had already paid for once.

    What you will not find in World Bank reports is the human cost of repeated disaster. Maria struck Dominica just two years after Tropical Storm Erika had already gutted much of the island. After Maria, a teacher in Roseau told me of 12-year-old students who had already lost three homes since 2015. Three homes, one childhood. Small island nations are hit again before we can finish rebuilding from the last storm, mortgaging the same schools and clinics twice in a single generation — and paying interest on the debt we did not ask for. We call the constant endurance of this trauma “resilience”, but the truth is, these children are not resilient. They are exhausted. We use the word resilience because the alternative — admitting that we have abandoned them to this fate — is too unbearable to face.

    This year, the U.S. National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) is forecasting a below-normal hurricane season, and many breathed a sigh of relief. But we in the Caribbean know better. We cannot afford to relax. Every leading forecaster attaches the same critical warning to this outlook: it only takes one storm to destroy a generation. A “quiet” season does not mean no dangerous storms — it just means fewer chances that the deadly storm will miss your island home.

    Who stands watch with us over the Atlantic sky today? That question has a newly devastating answer: the global power that once led climate science and storm forecasting has deliberately walked away from its post. In February 2025, the current U.S. administration revoked the decades-old legal finding that greenhouse gases endanger human health, even as the U.S. National Academies of Sciences confirmed that the evidence of climate harm is stronger than ever. The administration did not even bother to refute the peer-reviewed science — it simply stepped around it. A sitting cabinet secretary openly declared that “CO₂ was never a pollutant.” Imagine that: a politician sitting in a temperature-controlled office in Washington declaring carbon emissions harmless, while the people of Mayreau climb through the rubble of their collapsed homes and shattered lives. That official will never have to bury a neighbor killed by a storm that could have been forecast. They live in a world where the bill for climate change is sent elsewhere: to small islands that contributed almost nothing to global emissions, but are paying nearly the full price.

    This climate denial is not just words — it has tangible, deadly consequences. Washington has already cut hundreds of jobs from the U.S. National Weather Service and proposed slashing funding for the Miami forecasting laboratories that refine Atlantic storm tracking. Experts warn that without this work, hurricane forecasting accuracy could drop by as much as 40%.

    Translate that into the lived reality of a mother in Basseterre, Bridgetown, Castries, Kingstown, Kingston, St Georges or St John’s. That 40% drop in accuracy is the difference between getting your grandmother to safety before the storm hits, and leaving her behind because forecasters said the storm would turn north. That is not a statistical error in a climate model — that is the difference between life and a search party. Storms draw their strength from warm ocean water, heated by the same carbon emissions Washington now declares harmless. The forecast cone that tells a family when to board up their home and evacuate comes out of those Miami labs. When Washington chooses to blind itself to climate science, it blinds us too.

    The Caribbean scholar Lloyd Best once taught us to see our regional economy as a modern plantation: built for the benefit of wealthy global powers, with our survival treated as an afterthought. The tools meant to protect us have always been held in other people’s hands. The United States has now withdrawn from the Paris Agreement, abandoned its seat on the board of the global Loss and Damage Fund, and let its climate pledges evaporate. When the world’s largest historical emitter decides that science is negotiable, we get no vote. We just get the bill and a fresh grave to dig. The colonial mindset did not disappear — it was repackaged as a domestic budget cut, sold to U.S. voters as “putting America first”.

    But the failure is not only Washington’s. Earlier this year, when the Pacific small island nation of Vanuatu brought its landmark International Court of Justice ruling on climate change to the UN General Assembly — asking only that all nations affirm their legal duty to protect vulnerable climate frontlines — one Caribbean nation, Trinidad and Tobago, was absent from the vote. It did not oppose the measure, did not abstain, it simply did not show up, even as a sister island spoke for all small island developing states. We cannot demand global solidarity if we refuse to practice it ourselves.

    This is no time to endure this crisis and then forget it. The U.S. president who rolled back climate protections will hold office for this season and two more, but the damage he has done will not expire when his term ends. A generation of climate-resilient infrastructure and forecasting capacity can be destroyed in one season, and takes a decade to rebuild. Whoever succeeds him will inherit a watchtower with its eyes already put out. When we say the Caribbean cannot wait, we mean it: we are facing three more hurricane seasons with a warning system that has been deliberately starved of funding and authority. Our lives are on the line, and waiting is just wagering our lives to appease political interests in a distant capital. We refuse to wager our lives.

    Lament must become a vow, because despair is just dependency in darker clothing. We are not starting from nothing: we already have a regional disaster agency that responded rapidly to Beryl, an insurance facility that delivers payments within days, and a meteorological institute in Barbados that trains our own forecasters. All that is missing is scale, sustained financing, and the political will to take ownership of our own protection.

    So it is time for us to build it ourselves. Let us build our own independent satellite reception, free from the budget cycles and political whims of foreign governments. Let us build our own regional forecasting centre, free to issue warnings without needing a signature from Miami. Let us create our own regional disaster bond facility, funded by a small levy on the tourism industry that profits from our beautiful beaches, while we bear all the climate risk.

    Let us set clear, binding deadlines: by the 2029 hurricane season, we will have a fully Caribbean-owned, regional forecasting capability. By 2030, we will have a fully regionally capitalized disaster bond mechanism. This work does not need Washington’s permission — it only needs our collective resolve.

    We must build this for the people who actually call this region home: for Celia and Malachi, for the 12-year-old children in Roseau who have lost three homes before they even hit puberty. I think of those families huddled around their radios, straining to hear a voice that can see the storm coming before it hits them. That voice is being deliberately switched off, thousands of miles away in another hemisphere. The watchman has walked off the wall, and called that action freedom. But the wall is still ours. Our children are still behind it. No one is coming to save us. We have to hold it ourselves.

  • Wereldmilieudag 2026: Caricom pleit voor rechtvaardige transitie

    Wereldmilieudag 2026: Caricom pleit voor rechtvaardige transitie

    On June 5, 2026, World Environment Day, global conversations around climate action center on the 2026 theme “Now For Climate – Accelerating the Transition to a Sustainable Future”, with a sharp focus on the disproportionate climate vulnerability facing small island nations, particularly the Caribbean region. In a compelling official statement marking the annual global observance, Carla Barnett, Secretary-General of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), emphasized that the region’s climate transition must be rooted in principles of justice, inclusivity, and long-term resilience.

    Barnett outlined a clear vision for the region’s future: “The future we envision is not just greener, but also more just and more resilient. It is a future where economic development does not come at the expense of our ecosystems, where our communities are protected, and where future generations inherit a vibrant and safe region.”

    Unlike major global carbon emitters, the Caribbean, along with other small island developing states and low-lying coastal nations, contributes a negligible share of total global greenhouse gas emissions. Yet the region faces some of the most severe and immediate climate impacts, including increasingly powerful hurricanes, extended drought cycles, accelerating coastal erosion, widespread coral bleaching, frequent coastal flooding, and growing food insecurity. These cascading threats undermine critical local infrastructure, cripple core economic sectors such as tourism and agriculture, erode unique regional biodiversity, and put the well-being and physical safety of local populations at constant risk.

    To address these systemic challenges, Barnett stressed that resilience-building and innovative local solutions must lead regional climate strategy. Investments in renewable energy sources including wind, solar, hydropower, and geothermal energy do not only strengthen the Caribbean’s energy security, she noted, they also open new, inclusive economic pathways for regional communities. Additional priority actions include scaling climate-adaptive agricultural practices, advancing sustainable fishing frameworks, expanding water conservation initiatives, and deepening regional collaboration on food production systems – all core measures to cut the region’s overall climate vulnerability.

    Barnett also called for broad multi-stakeholder collaboration that goes beyond national government action. She argued that meaningful progress requires active engagement from the private sector, global financial institutions, civil society organizations, and academic research communities. These cross-sector partnerships are critical to unlocking green investment, accelerating climate innovation, and advancing locally tailored solutions that address the specific climate challenges the Caribbean faces.

    Regional integration remains an indispensable foundation for advancing collective climate progress, from scaling renewable energy access and improving disaster risk management to developing sustainable transportation systems, growing the blue economy, and expanding regional climate data and early warning systems. Barnett also highlighted that young people are the core driving force behind climate action and will be the key builders of the region’s sustainable future.

    Globally, CARICOM has been a leading advocate for upholding the Paris Agreement target of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius above pre-industrial levels. For the Caribbean, this is not merely an international policy target – it is a matter of collective survival.

    Barnett’s call for action comes as the global climate crisis grows more urgent by the year, making the need for coordinated international cooperation and local action clearer than ever. She closed her statement by urging all stakeholders to join in a collective, urgent, and targeted push to accelerate the transition to a sustainable future that leaves the Caribbean just, resilient, and secure for generations to come.

  • World Environment Day highlights growing environmental threats and impact on women

    World Environment Day highlights growing environmental threats and impact on women

    On June 5, 2026, as nations and advocacy groups across the globe mark World Environment Day, senior United Nations officials are amplifying urgent calls for collective climate action, while drawing a sharp focus on the unequal burdens of environmental breakdown that fall on the world’s most vulnerable populations – particularly women and girls.

    In his official address for the annual observance, UN Secretary-General António Guterres opened with a stark warning about the accelerating pace of the global climate crisis, pointing to an 11-year streak of record-breaking high temperatures that confirms the planet is warming far faster than incremental mitigation efforts have addressed. Guterres emphasized that the damage of inaction extends well beyond elevated mercury readings: widespread air pollution, widespread soil degradation, collapsing ocean and terrestrial ecosystems, and accelerating biodiversity loss are already upending daily life for communities across the globe.

    “Environmental harm damages public health, destroys homes, and deepens food insecurity,” Guterres said. “Current trajectories put the world on course to temporarily exceed the 1.5 degrees Celsius warming threshold set by the Paris Agreement. Every incremental tenth of a degree of warming amplifies harm – and the worst impacts fall disproportionately on the world’s most vulnerable nations, including Small Island Developing States.”

    Guterres stressed that the global community still has the power to limit how far, how long, and how damaging this temperature overshoot will be, but only through immediate, decisive systemic action. Key priorities he outlined include deep, rapid cuts to global greenhouse gas emissions, an accelerated just transition from fossil fuels to scalable renewable energy, aggressive reductions in methane pollution, and expanded protection for intact forests, critical land habitats, and marine ecosystems. He also called for expanded investment in adaptive measures to help vulnerable communities cope with existing climate impacts, and reiterated a longstanding demand that wealthy developed nations honor their outstanding climate finance commitments to low-income and developing countries that have contributed the least to the crisis but face the worst consequences.

    “This is the moment to act—for our environment and for our future,” Guterres added.

    Parallel to the Secretary-General’s call, UN Women used the World Environment Day observance to center gender disparities in climate impact, outlining how ongoing environmental breakdown, biodiversity loss, and land degradation hit women and girls disproportionately hard across every region. The organization noted that for women and girls living in low-income and vulnerable communities, environmental threats compound existing risks to food security, livelihoods, physical health, and personal safety. When climate disasters such as droughts, severe floods, crop failures, and freshwater shortages strike, women and girls bear the majority of the resulting social and economic burden, UN Women reported.

    The organization’s analysis links climate shocks to measurable increases in harmful gendered outcomes: rising rates of child marriage in communities facing climate-driven poverty, and higher risks of premature birth and stillbirth linked to sustained high temperatures. Indigenous women and rural women, especially those residing in Small Island Developing States and arid regions impacted by desertification, face the most acute risk – even as these same groups are at the forefront of community-led conservation, climate resilience building, and food security work around the world.

    With a series of high-stakes global summits on climate change, biodiversity protection, and land restoration scheduled for 2026, UN Women is calling on national governments and all global stakeholders to ensure that international climate and environmental commitments translate to tangible, targeted benefits for women and girls. The organization stressed that meaningful climate action cannot be separated from the fight for gender equality: climate crises consistently exacerbate gender-based violence and widen pre-existing economic and social inequalities. To build effective, long-lasting solutions, women’s leadership, rights, and full participation must be centered in all environmental and climate decision-making, backed by targeted financing and transparent accountability mechanisms, UN Women concluded.

  • Duo wanted for AK-47 assault rifle probe surrender to police

    Duo wanted for AK-47 assault rifle probe surrender to police

    GEORGETOWN, Guyana – Updated 11:41 p.m. local time Thursday, June 4, 2026, by Denis Chabrol

    In a major development in an illegal firearms investigation that has gripped Guyana, two of three suspects wanted by the Guyana Police Force in connection with the seizure of 10 fully automatic AK-47 assault rifles have turned themselves in to law enforcement authorities. The third suspect remains at large more than a week after the weapons cache was discovered.

    The two suspects who surrendered are 33-year-old Antonio Alonzo “Lanzo” Lawrie, a businessman based at Lot 959 Farm in the New Housing Scheme on Demerara’s East Bank, and 21-year-old Gregory Anthony Persaud, a wash-bay attendant with addresses in Area ‘G’ Ogle and Farm, both on Demerara’s East Coast. Both men were taken into custody immediately after presenting themselves at the Criminal Investigation Department Headquarters on Vlissengen Road in Georgetown, accompanied by their legal representation, police confirmed.

    Authorities are still actively searching for the third wanted suspect, Ryan “Satan” Singh, who resides at Parika Outfall Seadam. No additional details on the ongoing manhunt for Singh were immediately released as of Thursday evening.

    The investigation traces back to a routine stop-and-search operation conducted overnight between 1 a.m. and 4:30 a.m. on May 28 along the access road leading to the Berbice River Bridge. During the checkpoint, officers attempted to pull over a black Toyota Corolla Fielder with registration number HC 9018. Instead of complying with the order to stop, the vehicle’s driver accelerated away from police, fleeing eastbound along the roadway, according to official police accounts.

    Acting on intelligence gathered following the escape, law enforcement teams launched a targeted search along the public road in No. 11 Village, where they uncovered the cache of 10 AK-47 rifles concealed in plastic wrapping and cloth. The discovery marked one of the largest illegal arms seizures in Guyana in recent months.

    Separately, in early proceedings connected to the case, 33-year-old Stephen Raja of Back Street, Goed Fortuin Village, was arraigned on charges of illegal possession of firearms on May 28. Bail was denied to Raja, and he was remanded into prison custody ahead of his next court appearance, scheduled for June 15.

  • A Haitian-American woman from Jacksonville (FL) pleads guilty to illegally shipping firearms

    A Haitian-American woman from Jacksonville (FL) pleads guilty to illegally shipping firearms

    A federal court case has exposed a large-scale illicit weapons trafficking ring that moved firearms from Florida to violent gangs in Haiti, with a local Haitian-American woman admitting her role in the scheme. U.S. Attorney Gregory W. Kehoe for the Central District of Florida announced May 6 that 28-year-old Francesca Charles of Jacksonville, Florida, has pleaded guilty to two key charges: conspiracy to smuggle goods out of the United States and illegal shipment of firearms and contraband. Charles now faces a maximum possible sentence of 20 years in federal prison, with her sentencing hearing scheduled to take place August 18.

    The case traces back to a major 2025 seizure by Dominican law enforcement, who intercepted a shipping container traveling from Miami bound for Haiti. Inside the container, authorities found a massive cache of illegal weaponry: 25 total firearms, including a .50 caliber Barrett sniper rifle, 17 7.62 caliber rifles, one 9mm rifle, five 9mm Glock pistols, an Uzi submachine gun, plus more than 36,000 rounds of mixed-caliber ammunition, 18 assault rifle magazines, 13 9mm magazines, one .50 caliber magazine, and a firearm silencer.

    Joint investigation by agents from the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF), the Florida Attorney General’s Office, and Homeland Security Investigations (HSI) traced the seized weapons to three Florida-based co-conspirators: Charles, 32-year-old Jacques Pierre and 34-year-old Jeff Pierre, both Haitian citizens residing in the state. Investigators confirmed the trio purchased at least 20 of the 23 recovered firearms included in the seized cache.

    A deeper probe into the group’s activities found that between May 2024 and February 2025, the three defendants acquired at least 46 firearms total, most matching the makes and models of weapons recovered in the Dominican Republic. Thirty-seven of these weapons were bought in just a six-month window between August 2024 and February 2025, with Charles alone accounting for purchases of at least 24 of the 46 documented firearms. Court records also show Jacques Pierre purchased two .50 caliber Barrett rifles – heavy, vehicle-mounted military-grade weapons that are widely used by gangs and drug cartels for violent operations.

    The two Pierre brothers remain involved in separate ongoing legal proceedings. Both have been indicted on charges of conspiracy to smuggle goods, illegal firearms trafficking, and smuggling goods out of the United States. If convicted on all counts, each also faces a maximum sentence of 20 years in federal prison.