分类: politics

  • TUD candidate calls for better pay, training and career growth for healthcare workers

    TUD candidate calls for better pay, training and career growth for healthcare workers

    At a Wednesday press conference hosted at Roseau’s iconic Fort Young Hotel, Christine Dupuis-Dubique, the Team Unity Dominica (TUD) candidate running for the Paix Bouche and Calibishie Constituency seat, laid out a sweeping set of proposals to uplift the island nation’s healthcare workforce and improve care access for all Dominican patients.

    Dupuis-Dubique centered her remarks on the urgent need to prioritize frontline healthcare workers, who she argues have long been undervalued by the current administration. She outlined five core pillars of workplace reform that her team would advance if elected: equitable competitive compensation, safer minimum staffing ratios to prevent worker burnout, full and fair work allowances, sustained access to continuing professional education, and transparent, merit-based pathways for career advancement.

    The candidate specifically highlighted gaps in support for entry-level public health aides and other workers who enter the field through Dominica’s National Employment Program (NEP). Far too many of these early-career professionals are stuck in temporary, precarious roles with no clear path forward, she explained. To address this, Dupuis-Dubique called for standardized formal training, clearly outlined role expectations, consistent professional supervision, industry-recognized certification for entry-level staff, and structured roadmaps that connect entry-level work to long-term career growth in the healthcare sector.

    A key signature policy Dupuis-Dubique proposed is the establishment of a national Dominica Health Professional Return and Retention Program. The initiative is designed to reverse the ongoing brain drain that has siphoned off many of the island’s most talented healthcare workers to overseas roles. Under the plan, the government would create specialized, meaningful roles for returning clinicians, formally recognize professional experience gained outside Dominica, provide financial and logistical support for relocation, and offer competitive compensation packages that encourage domestic healthcare workers to build their careers on the island instead of seeking opportunities abroad.

    “Every healthcare worker on our island deserves the chance to grow professionally, and every Dominican patient deserves access to safe, high-quality care when they need it,” Dupuis-Dubique emphasized, adding that improving working conditions for staff is directly tied to improving care outcomes for the public.

    Beyond workforce reforms, the candidate also called for urgent investment in emergency medical infrastructure, specifically the deployment of a fully operational mobile emergency care unit. She stressed that the unit must be stocked with fully functional, well-maintained medical equipment to ensure it can deliver life-saving care to communities across the constituency when called on.

  • Gonsalves neither supports nor opposes gratuity bill

    Gonsalves neither supports nor opposes gratuity bill

    On a Tuesday parliamentary sitting, Opposition Leader Ralph Gonsalves delivered an extended, technically detailed analysis of the Daily Paid and Minor Salaried Officers (Compassionate Gratuity) Bill, 2026 — but declined to state a clear position on whether he supported or opposed the proposed legislation. Despite Parliament ultimately moving forward to pass the bill, Gonsalves warned that his unaddressed concerns over the policy would remain a persistent “running sore” for the country’s public sector.

    The newly enacted law extends one-time compassionate gratuity payments to low-income, non-pensionable public sector workers when they retire or die while in active service. While government Members of Parliament and two sitting opposition senators, Carlos James and Keisal Peters, confirmed their public support for the bill, Gonsalves deliberately avoided committing to a clear yes or no stance, weaving equal parts praise and criticism through his hours-long parliamentary address without aligning with either side of the debate.

    “Those who want to say whether I support or I oppose, you have heard me, and the people have heard me,” Gonsalves stated as he closed his remarks, noting that the legislation serves two core purposes: it codifies a longstanding informal practice stretching back more than 25 years, and makes targeted adjustments to that existing framework that he characterized as both positive and harmful.

    Drawing on his decades of experience as a trained lawyer and former prime minister, Gonsalves framed the policy as a sui generis, one-off law crafted specifically for the underserved group of non-pensionable public workers, but emphasized that it cannot be interpreted or implemented separately from the country’s existing Protection of Employment Act and Pensions Act. He acknowledged that codifying the 25-year informal practice of granting compassionate gratuity is a positive step, and praised the legislation for removing the previous 26-year cap on reckonable service, extending the maximum eligible service period to 33 and one-third years — a change he called explicitly commendable.

    “To the extent that this bill codifies existing practice … I am pleased, and to the extent that it improves in certain areas on existing practice, I’m pleased,” Gonsalves said. Still, he repeatedly pushed back on a number of provisions that he argued leave low-paid workers worse off than they should be.

    One of Gonsalves’ core criticisms centers on the legislation’s payment formula. When the practice of granting compassionate gratuity first began, governments adopted the two weeks pay per year of service formula laid out in the original Protection of Employment Act. However, that legislation was updated in 2004 to introduce a more generous sliding-scale formula for severance pay: two weeks per year for workers with 2 to 10 years of service, three weeks per year for 11 to 25 years, and four weeks per year for any service exceeding 25 years. Gonsalves argued the new gratuity bill should have adopted this more worker-friendly formula as well, but instead retained a flat two weeks per year of service regardless of tenure.

    Gonsalves conceded that it is fair to point out his own administration, which was voted out of office in November after 25 consecutive years leading the government, never made this adjustment during his time in office. Even so, he insisted that now that Parliament has chosen to formalize the longstanding practice in legislation, it has a responsibility to “do better” for the low-income workers the bill is designed to support.

    The Opposition Leader also raised objections to the bill’s seven-year minimum service requirement for gratuity eligibility. He noted the threshold appears to be copied directly from the Pensions Act, which sets similar requirements for pensionable public workers, but argued the rule is poorly suited to non-pensionable employees, who lack the job security that pensionable workers enjoy and can be dismissed far more easily by supervisors.

    Another major point of contention is Clause 9(2) of the bill, which grants the responsible minister discretionary power to reduce or fully withhold a worker’s gratuity if the minister finds the worker guilty of negligence, work irregularity, or misconduct. Gonsalves distinguished this problematic provision from Clause 9(1), which clarifies that the bill does not create an absolute legal right to gratuity and preserves existing powers to dismiss workers without compensation — language he called standard, aligned with Section 5 of the Pensions Act, and acceptable.

    By contrast, he argued Clause 9(2) transplants a misconduct provision designed for pensionable workers into a completely different employment context where it serves no just purpose. Pensionable public workers have strong job protections, and dismissal requires lengthy, complex procedural steps, so reducing pensions as a disciplinary consequence makes sense in that framework. For non-pensionable workers, however, supervisors already have the authority to dismiss workers with basic notice or payment in lieu of notice, making the discretionary ministerial power “wholly unnecessary” that should be removed from the law entirely.

    Gonsalves also expanded on concerns already raised by the two opposition senators who support the bill, backing their call for the legislation to outline a clear, low-cost administrative appeal process for workers who disagree with gratuity decisions, rather than forcing workers to pursue costly, time-consuming civil court claims. He additionally proposed that similar gratuity protections should be extended to non-pensionable workers employed by statutory bodies and public enterprises, a change that could be implemented by adding appropriate cross-reference language to the new law.

    Toward the end of his address, Gonsalves connected the debate over the gratuity bill to broader conversations about public sector pension reform, warning that the long-term fiscal sustainability of the country’s overall public pension system is at risk. He noted that some currently eligible public workers can receive combined pension payments from the National Insurance Scheme and the state that add up to as much as 116% of their final working salary.

  • Quorumproblemen overschaduwen unanieme aanname VN-protocol tegen doodstraf

    Quorumproblemen overschaduwen unanieme aanname VN-protocol tegen doodstraf

    On Thursday, Suriname’s National Assembly reached a unanimous vote to approve the country’s accession to the United Nations protocol opposing the death penalty, but the landmark legislative proceeding was marred by persistent quorum issues and widespread absences among elected representatives.

    The session was delayed from its scheduled start time, and was forced into an unexpected mid-proceeding suspension after headcounts confirmed fewer than the constitutionally required 26 members were present in the chamber. The disruption sparked sharp rebuke from both National Democratic Party (NDP) parliamentary leader Rabin Parmessar and acting assembly chair Ivanildo Plein, who called on absent lawmakers to uphold their democratic responsibilities to constituents.

    The suspension occurred even as Minister of Justice and Police Harish Monorath prepared to present a formal oral statement to the chamber. Acting Chair Plein, standing in for the vice-chair, was required to halt proceedings mid-introduction. “Minister, I have to suspend this meeting temporarily, because I do not have the required number of members on the floor at this moment. I am suspending before you begin reading your oral act,” Plein stated publicly. Lawmakers were summoned back to the chamber, and proceedings only resumed once the minimum quorum was met.

    Following the resumption, Parmessar doubled down on his criticism of chronic absenteeism, noting that the morning session had already been delayed by the same quorum failure. “We have a massive backlog of work to complete for the people of this country,” Parmessar said, adding that poor attendance is drawing negative public attention amid ongoing public discourse over assembly member compensation. He urged political party leaders, who nominate parliamentary candidates, to hold their elected members accountable for consistent attendance and active engagement. He also extended public recognition to the lawmakers who maintain regular participation in both committee and plenary sessions.

    A leaked pay slip for assembly members, published alongside the report, shows that a Suriname legislator earns a gross monthly salary of 132,139 Surinamese dollars. After mandatory deductions totaling 37,262.04 SRD, the net monthly payout comes to 94,876.96 SRD. The gross compensation package includes multiple pre-approved allowances for representation, housing, security, vehicle use, and telecommunications expenses.

    Responding to the criticism, Progressive People’s Party (VHP) leader Asis Gajadien clarified that three VHP members were out of the country on official business, and all remaining members of his caucus were in attendance for the vote. Plein emphasized that his call for better attendance applies to all 51 members of the assembly, including himself. “Showing up just to sign the attendance sheet and leaving immediately is not the job. The work is staying and contributing to the nation’s business,” Plein said, clearing the way for Minister Monorath to continue his address.

    In the final vote, the bill to approve accession was passed unanimously with 31 members in support, backed by every parliamentary caucus in the assembly. Accession to the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights formally embeds Suriname’s abolition of the death penalty into binding international law. Suriname first removed the death penalty from its civilian penal code in 2015, and eliminated it from military criminal law in 2021.

    Minister Monorath emphasized that the death penalty is an absolute, irreversible punishment; if new evidence emerges that proves a wrongful conviction after execution, there is no way to undo the harm. He added that accession to the protocol reaffirms Suriname’s ongoing commitment to protecting fundamental human rights and freedoms. The protocol also requires member states to submit regular public reports detailing measures they have taken to maintain abolition and comply with the agreement’s terms.

  • Al-Rawi: Hadeeds fully free

    Al-Rawi: Hadeeds fully free

    In a significant development in a high-profile national security case in Trinidad and Tobago, businessman Dominic Hadeed and his wife Genevieve have regained full, unrestricted liberty after Homeland Security Minister Roger Alexander revoked their Preventive Detention Orders (PDOs) earlier this week. Senior Counsel Faris Al-Rawi, the couple’s lead legal representative, confirmed the revocation to reporters at Port of Spain’s Altus Court Wednesday evening, clarifying that the order is fully void with no residual conditions attached.

    Al-Rawi emphasized that the revocation erases the detention order from legal standing entirely. “The revocation of a preventive detention order is as good as it never existed,” he stated. “It is a complete return to liberty. There are no conditions attached to that. This is not home detention.” He added that a full revocation inherently invalidates the original grounds for detention, noting that the state would not have reversed the order if the justifications for detainment still held.

    Minister Alexander announced the decision earlier in the day, explaining that he made the call after a comprehensive review of the legal, medical, and constitutional considerations tied to the couple’s detainment. Alexander concluded that continuing to hold the Hadeeds during the ongoing police investigation was no longer proportionate under the law.

    The couple was first arrested by the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service on June 24, as part of a wide-ranging probe into an alleged plot to assassinate Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar and other senior members of her government. Three days later, on June 27, PDOs were issued against them under the 2026 Emergency Powers Regulations, enacted during the current national state of emergency. A third suspect, Star Sabga, who was detained alongside the couple, remains in custody, with a court hearing scheduled for Thursday to challenge her continued detention. Al-Rawi noted that Sabga, an elderly woman, has been separated from her family for an extended period and has felt the significant toll of her detainment, but declined to comment further on her case.

    While the Hadeeds have now regained full freedom, Al-Rawi stressed that the broader criminal investigation into the alleged assassination plot remains active, and multiple ongoing legal proceedings tied to the case are still pending before national and international courts. The constitutional and judicial review challenges that the legal team filed on the couple’s behalf remain active. Additionally, the state has not withdrawn its appeal to the Privy Council, challenging a prior Court of Appeal ruling that granted the couple conditional release. That appeal is scheduled to be heard in October.

    Al-Rawi framed the earlier Court of Appeal ruling as a landmark moment for judicial oversight of emergency measures. The court, led by Justice of Appeal Peter Rajkumar, established that courts retain supervisory jurisdiction over PDOs issued during a state of emergency — upending a long-held assumption that citizens could not challenge detainment through the courts once a state of emergency was declared. “The courts have recognised and we endorse the propriety that the State is subject to the supervisory jurisdiction of the court,” Al-Rawi said.

    The upcoming appeal hearing before the Privy Council will address a core legal question: what constitutes sufficient objective grounds to issue a PDO. While these orders are often based on sensitive intelligence protected by public interest immunity, Al-Rawi argued that there must still be verifiable, objective evidence to justify depriving a citizen of their liberty. The ruling in this case will set a precedent that extends far beyond the Hadeeds, affecting any future individual subject to a preventive detention order in Trinidad and Tobago. Al-Rawi noted that even though the PDOs have now been revoked, the appeal remains relevant, as its outcome will clarify legal standards for future cases across the country.

    Addressing recent reports surrounding Dominic Hadeed’s health during detention, Al-Rawi clarified that the claim Hadeed refused offered medical treatment is inaccurate. “Mr Hadeed never refused medical treatment offered by the State. Mr Hadeed received no medical treatment from the State,” he explained. The confusion arose when the government proposed that Hadeed’s neurological condition be assessed by a neurosurgeon, a recommendation the legal team declined after consultation with medical experts. “The person who was recommended by the State was not qualified to do the job,” Al-Rawi said, adding that he does not believe the recommendation was made with malicious intent, but simply represented a misjudgment of the required specialist qualifications. Al-Rawi declined to discuss Hadeed’s specific medical condition further, framing it as a private matter that was only brought before the court to uphold the state’s legal obligations to detainees, and declined to speculate on whether Hadeed’s health influenced Minister Alexander’s decision to revoke the PDOs.

    When asked whether the couple plans to pursue damages or additional legal action against the state, Al-Rawi said no decisions have been made, and no conversations about seeking compensation have taken place at this stage. He confirmed that the existing judicial review proceedings remain active, but said the couple’s primary goal is clear: “They wish to clear their names, move on with their lives. They are not against any government in Trinidad and Tobago…and we will let the courts work this out.”

  • Calendar conflict

    Calendar conflict

    A planned celebration of Indian Diaspora Day, originally set for August 1 in Port of Spain, has been pushed back to August 8 following widespread public anger across Trinidad and Tobago over what community members and leaders labeled a deliberate insult to the nation’s annual African Emancipation Day commemoration. The controversy has sparked a formal appeal to India’s top leadership demanding a review of the Indian High Commissioner’s conduct in the country.

    Randall Mitchell, former Trinidadian tourism, culture and the arts minister and ex-member of parliament, penned an official letter addressed to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, copied directly to the Indian High Commission in Port of Spain, calling for urgent action to address the scheduling misstep. In the letter, Mitchell demanded that High Commissioner Dr. Pradeep Singh Rajpurohit be instructed to immediately move the event away from the date of Emancipation Day, and issue a formal public statement acknowledging the deep cultural and historical significance of the observance to all Trinbagonian people. He also called on Indian authorities to launch a full review of the High Commissioner’s decision-making to assess whether he remains fit to effectively represent India in the dual-island nation.

    Public backlash began almost immediately after the Indian High Commission published its initial invitation for the open house celebration, targeted at local Indian community and diaspora members, to be held at the mission’s Victoria Avenue location. Hundreds of residents took to social media to voice their anger and frustration over what many framed as a profound act of cultural insensitivity toward Trinidad and Tobago’s large Afro-Trinidadian population and the country’s long history of multicultural coexistence. Multiple online commentators went so far as to claim the overlapping schedule was a deliberate snub against the national commemoration.

    Mitchell also publicly called out the mission’s vague wording in its announcement of the rescheduled event. In a Facebook post addressing the change, the High Commission captioned its update noting the open house had been moved to August 8 “in view of August 1 being a public holiday.” Mitchell pushed back against this framing in his own social media response, writing: “A Public Holiday??!!!!??? It’s African Emancipation Day! You’ve been here long enough to know this. Thanks for rescheduling and deleting your offensive post, though.”

    Local news outlet The Express reached out to the Indian High Commission for comment on the controversy, but the mission declined to issue any public statement addressing the backlash or the allegations against it.

    In his formal letter to Prime Minister Modi, Mitchell emphasized that he was writing as both a citizen of Trinidad and Tobago and a former cultural affairs leader to express his profound disappointment with the mission’s original scheduling choice. He stressed that August 1’s African Emancipation Day is far from an ordinary public holiday: the date marks the formal abolition of chattel slavery, honoring the hundreds of thousands of enslaved Africans whose forced labor formed the economic foundation of modern Trinidad and Tobago.

    The observance, Mitchell explained, commemorates one of the darkest chapters of global human history, while paying tribute to the struggle, sacrifice and resilience of generations of Afro-Trinbagonian people who were stripped of their fundamental freedom. “For many citizens, it is a solemn national observance before it is a celebration,” he wrote.

    Mitchell underlined that diplomatic missions accredited to foreign states hold a core responsibility to understand and respect the host nation’s history, cultural traditions and key national commemorations, noting this expectation is a foundational principle of global diplomacy. He clarified that the controversy does not stem from the Indian High Commission’s right to host events for the local Indian diaspora — every diplomatic mission holds that right and responsibility, he acknowledged. Instead, the offense lies in choosing the one national holiday that carries unique historical and emotional weight for a large segment of the Trinbagonian population.

    “There were 364 other days on which such an event could have been held without creating the appearance that the significance of African Emancipation Day was being overlooked or diminished,” Mitchell wrote. Whether the scheduling conflict was intentional or accidental, he added, the choice demonstrates a serious lack of cultural awareness and sensitivity toward the host nation and its people.

    “By choosing to host an official diaspora event on this solemn national day, the High Commission has unnecessarily introduced a source of division where there should have been national reflection,” Mitchell said. He added that the most troubling consequence of the decision is the risk it poses to social cohesion in Trinidad and Tobago, a deeply diverse multicultural society made up of people of African, Indian, Indigenous, Chinese, European, Syrian-Lebanese and many other ancestral backgrounds.

    Trinidad and Tobago has spent generations building a foundation of mutual respect and understanding across its diverse communities, Mitchell noted, and that hard-won harmony cannot be taken for granted. “It must be protected through sensitivity, respect and good judgment—particularly by foreign diplomatic missions,” he wrote.

    African Emancipation Day, he underscored, is one of the few national observances that calls on all citizens, regardless of background, to reflect on the enduring legacy of chattel slavery and the ongoing importance of national unity, human dignity and equal justice. Mitchell emphasized that India and Trinidad and Tobago share a generations-long, deeply meaningful bilateral friendship, and that this relationship deserves diplomatic representatives who appreciate the history of both nations and exercise sound judgment when handling matters tied to national identity and historical remembrance.

    “This decision falls well below that standard and risks undermining social cohesion in a multicultural society where racial harmony must never be taken for granted,” Mitchell wrote. “It is precisely because of the seriousness of that risk that I believe this matter warrants immediate intervention by the Government of India.” He closed his letter by expressing trust that the Indian government will treat the issue with the seriousness it deserves and take appropriate steps to preserve the long-standing warm friendship between the two nations.

  • Griffith: Fire Alexander

    Griffith: Fire Alexander

    A major political firestorm has erupted in the country’s national security circles after former police commissioner Gary Griffith publicly called for the immediate dismissal of Homeland Security Minister Roger Alexander. Griffith’s demand came just moments after Alexander announced he was revoking controversial preventive detention orders (PDOs) that had been in place for months against local businessman Dominic Hadeed and his wife Genevieve.

    In his official statement following Alexander’s announcement, Griffith launched a scathing attack on the government’s handling of the entire case, labeling it as “total incompetence at the highest level” of government. He issued a stark warning that ordinary taxpayers could end up being forced to cover a massive multimillion-dollar legal settlement if the couple pursues legal action over their wrongful detention. “Somebody must pay for this—and not the taxpayers,” Griffith emphasized, pushing directly for the minister to step down to take accountability.

    Alexander defended his decision to revoke the PDOs, outlining that he made the call after a full re-evaluation of all circumstances surrounding the couple’s detention. Key factors that shaped his ruling included an official recommendation from the State of Emergency Review Tribunal, which concluded that keeping the Hadeeds in detention was “not necessary or expedient in the public interest,” as well as new, undisclosed medical information related to Dominic Hadeed’s health. The minister also stressed that the active criminal investigation into the alleged plot to assassinate Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar and other senior government leaders remains fully ongoing, with no changes to the probe’s status.

    Despite this explanation, Griffith argued that the sequence of events—first detaining the couple for months without charges, then releasing them—lays bare deep, systemic flaws in how the government is exercising emergency powers granted during the state of emergency. He pointed out that Alexander alone, acting on his sole authority and citing what was claimed to be “credible intelligence,” ordered the couple’s months-long incarceration without any formal criminal charges being filed.

    “This is tantamount to what takes place in a police state or a dictatorial country,” Griffith said, adding that if the initial intelligence used to justify the detention had actually been as solid as the government claimed, law enforcement and investigators would have been able to convert that information into court-admissible evidence to support formal criminal charges. Instead, Griffith said, the intelligence failed so completely that authorities were never able to meet that basic legal threshold.

    The former police commissioner also publicly questioned Alexander’s professional qualifications to hold the senior national security post, arguing that the minister lacks the relevant, on-the-ground experience needed to properly oversee the country’s entire national security apparatus. He reiterated his warning that the legal consequences of the botched detention will likely carry a huge price tag for public coffers, saying “This incompetence is now likely to cost taxpayers tens of millions of dollars.”

    Griffith also pushed back against Alexander’s previous claim that he only signed off on the detention orders based on materials put before him by other officials. “He is not a rubber stamp,” Griffith said, noting that the emergency powers legislation explicitly places sole authority for approving PDOs with the minister—no other official, including the Commissioner of Police or Chief Justice, holds that power. He warned that the broad discretionary authority granted to the minister under the Emergency Powers Regulations, which allows for depriving citizens of their liberty based solely on intelligence assessments, carries a high risk of abuse, noting that what counts as “credible intelligence” is ultimately a subjective call dependent on the minister’s personal judgment.

    Griffith concluded by saying that Alexander’s mishandling of the high-profile case has already caused significant embarrassment to both the sitting government and the country as a whole. He added that this embarrassment could be prolonged as the case moves through domestic courts and potentially even reaches the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, the country’s highest court of appeal.

  • Court fast-tracks Hadeed case

    Court fast-tracks Hadeed case

    In a significant legal development regarding the challenge to preventive detention orders (PDOs) against a local businessman and his wife, Trinidad and Tobago’s Appeal Court has issued a ruling granting the constitutional challenge the highest possible priority for expedited processing.

    The landmark ruling on an urgent procedural appeal was delivered on Wednesday morning, mere hours before Homeland Security Minister Roger Alexander issued a public statement announcing his decision to revoke the PDOs targeting Dominic and Genevieve Hadeed.

    The legal battle dates back to July 17, when High Court Justice Vigel Paul declined to fast-track the couple’s judicial review and constitutional challenge against their detention, adjourning the case to mid-September for preliminary directions. Dissatisfied with this timeline, the Hadeeds’ legal team launched an urgent procedural appeal to the Appeal Court, arguing the case required immediate resolution given the couple’s ongoing detention and Dominic Hadeed’s worsening health status.

    During Wednesday’s hearing before Justices of Appeal Eleanor Donaldson-Honeywell and Joan Charles, State attorney Gerald Ramdeen clarified that while the government would not formally consent to expediting the matter, it would also not oppose the request. Ramdeen noted that given the Hadeeds’ continued custody and new medical evidence of Dominic Hadeed’s declining condition, moving forward directly with the High Court judicial review rather than pursuing the full procedural appeal would save significant time for all parties involved.

    Ramdeen also emphasized that his position did not reflect a belief that Justice Paul had erred in his initial adjournment decision, noting the new medical evidence that prompted the urgency had not been presented to the High Court at the time of the original ruling. The appellate justices commended Ramdeen and the State for adopting this flexible position, and also noted they had observed Dominic Hadeed appearing visibly uncomfortable during the virtual hearing, further underscoring the need for urgency.

    After hearing submissions from both Ramdeen for the State and senior counsel Rishi Dass for the Hadeeds, the Appeal Court issued a formal order mandating accelerated, urgent progression of all directions for the High Court proceedings.

    Wednesday’s hearing came exactly one week after a separate three-judge Appeal Court panel ordered the couple to be released from prison and transferred to house arrest at their Bayshore, Westmoorings residence under strict monitoring conditions. However, just hours after that initial release order, a different panel led by Chief Justice Ronnie Boodoosingh granted the State an interim stay of the ruling, keeping the Hadeeds in custody at Golden Grove Prison in Arouca. The Chief Justice’s panel extended the stay the following day, pending the State’s final appeal of the release order to the London-based Privy Council, the nation’s apex appellate court.

    Originally, legal teams expected the Privy Council appeal to be heard before the end of the current law term at the close of July. But on Wednesday, attorneys were notified that the appeal could not be scheduled any earlier than October. Without an expedited ruling on the Hadeeds’ judicial review or a revocation of the PDOs, the couple would have remained in prison custody at least until the current state of emergency (SoE) expires on September 17.

    The Hadeeds’ 70-year-old relative, Star Sabga, is also being held under a separate PDO at Golden Grove Prison. Both the Hadeeds’ and Sabga’s judicial review claims are scheduled to be recalled before Justice Paul on Thursday. While the Hadeeds’ PDOs have now been revoked, the cases will proceed unless the couple formally withdraw their claims.

    A separate dispute over Dominic Hadeed’s access to medical care also emerged during Wednesday’s hearing. Ramdeen told the court the State had written to the Hadeeds’ lead attorney Faris Al-Rawi, SC, on Wednesday morning arranging for a government-approved doctor to visit Hadeed in prison to assess his medical condition. However, the Hadeeds’ legal team refused consent, arguing the selected doctor lacked specialized qualifications to treat Hadeed’s specific condition.

    Al-Rawi confirmed the correspondence, but added that no medical treatment of any kind has been provided to Hadeed since he was taken into detention, despite a previous Appeal Court order issued the previous Friday requiring the State to allow Hadeed’s own personal doctors to provide care. The appellate justices noted that the Chief Justice’s panel had already formally ordered Hadeed be granted access to his own physicians, and that refusing this order could amount to contempt of court.

    Ramdeen responded that the State had not blocked access, but had been waiting for the Hadeeds’ legal team to initiate contact to arrange the visit, a step that had not yet been taken. He reiterated that the State remains fully willing to facilitate any legitimate request for Hadeed to receive required medical care.

  • US imposes 12.5 percent “forced-labour” tariff on Guyana’s exports

    US imposes 12.5 percent “forced-labour” tariff on Guyana’s exports

    In a major trade action announced Thursday, the United States has implemented a 12.5 percent additional tariff on nearly all exports from the South American nation of Guyana, triggering an immediate pushback from Guyanese officials who deny any systemic forced labor in the country’s supply chains.

    The new tariff measure, announced by U.S. Trade Representative Jamieson Greer, places Guyana among 60 trading partners facing higher tariffs for what Washington describes as a “failure to impose and effectively enforce a prohibition on the importation of goods produced with forced labor.” The punitive step caps years of investigation by the USTR, a process that included two rounds of public hearings, more than 2,100 public submissions from stakeholders, and direct diplomatic engagement with affected nations to address longstanding U.S. concerns about forced labor in global supply chains.

    In an official statement following the announcement, Ambassador Greer emphasized that decades of informal diplomatic pressure had failed to eliminate forced labor from cross-border supply chains. “The United States has had a forced labor import ban for nearly a century, and rigorously enforces it; it’s well past time for our trading partners to do the same,” Greer said. He framed the new tariffs as a corrective measure that addresses both a widespread human rights abuse and a market-distorting trade practice, with the ultimate goal of improving working conditions for laborers worldwide. Greer also noted that he welcomed progress from trading partners that have already adopted forced labor import prohibitions, and looks forward to verifying their effective enforcement going forward.

    USTR’s multi-month review process included the analysis of more than 1,600 written public comments on the proposed tariff plan, followed by three days of in-person public hearings from July 7 to 9, where more than 100 witnesses delivered testimony and answered questions from agency officials.

    But Guyanese officials have pushed back strongly against the U.S. action, rejecting the premise that Guyana tolerates forced labor in its domestic production or trade. Sharon Roopchand-Edwards, Permanent Secretary of Guyana’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, told a USTR public hearing earlier this year that any allegations of forced labor must be resolved through lawful, evidence-based investigations, rather than broad punitive tariffs.

    “To date, the Government of Guyana is not aware of evidence demonstrating that goods produced through forced labour are being manufactured in, imported into, or exported from Guyana,” Roopchand-Edwards told the hearing. She emphasized that Guyana shares the U.S. commitment to protecting core labor rights and eradicating forced labor globally, pointing to a robust domestic legal and institutional framework already in place to prevent the practice.

    Backing up the government’s position with domestic enforcement data, Roopchand-Edwards noted that as of June 2026, Guyana’s Ministry of Labour had completed more than 2,000 targeted inspections across all major economic sectors, and had not found any substantiated evidence of systemic forced labor. The Guyana Revenue Authority has also not detected any forced labor-produced goods entering the country through imports, she added.

    Under existing Guyanese law, Roopchand-Edwards explained, customs authorities already have the legal authority to block imports of goods confirmed to be produced by forced labor. The country’s constitution and national legislation, including the Combating of Trafficking in Persons Act, explicitly ban forced labor, and Guyana is also bound by its obligations under International Labour Organization (ILO) Conventions 29 and 105, which globally prohibit forced and compulsory labor.

    Guyana has formally requested that the U.S. reverse the new tariff penalties, and offered full cooperation on any specific, verified cases of forced labor that U.S. authorities can present. Roopchand-Edwards added that Guyana would welcome capacity-building support, information sharing, and exchanges of best practices from the U.S. to strengthen the country’s existing detection and enforcement mechanisms.

    She also noted the deep existing economic ties between the two nations: U.S. exports to Guyana have grown steadily over the past two decades, and American firms hold a major market position across Guyana’s economy, most notably in the fast-growing energy sector. “These facts demonstrate that U.S. commerce is neither restricted nor burdened in the Guyanese market,” she said, adding that the two countries are already in active discussions to finalize a reciprocal trade agreement that covers labor standards, including protocols for forced labor-produced goods. Roopchand-Edwards urged U.S. officials to reconsider the tariff penalties before they enter into force.

  • Column: De goudsector zonder gezag, de les van Sarakreek

    Column: De goudsector zonder gezag, de les van Sarakreek

    Some events carry far more weight than the official statements governments release to explain them. The July 14 security operation in Suriname’s Sarakreek region is one such case. The official account from Minister of Justice and Police Harish Monorath frames the joint police and military operation as a targeted raid on armed Chinese workers, claiming that Vice President of the National Assembly and ruling coalition ABOP leader Ronnie Brunswijk was merely a bystander who only informed authorities of the activity and happened to be in the area.

    This narrative, however, directly contradicts the public footage and imagery that emerged in the wake of the operation. In those recordings, Brunswijk, not uniformed security forces, takes center stage, being cheered by crowds as if he personally led the mission to restore order. On social media, the public narrative never coalesced around an official state operation – instead, the dominant framing cast the event as a power play by a politician who also holds a gold concession, clearly positioning himself as the lead actor.

    This public perception cannot be dismissed as an accidental coincidence of circumstances. Brunswijk wears multiple overlapping hats in Suriname’s gold sector: he leads a major coalition party, serves as the country’s parliamentary vice president, holds a large gold concession, and is the single most influential figure in the national gold industry. During the previous administration, he was even tasked with leading the government’s effort to formalize and regulate the sector. For him to be present on the ground during an armed state operation inside a gold concession, by its very nature, raises urgent political questions that cannot be ignored.

    When a politician with massive personal economic stakes in a sector participates in an armed state operation within that same sector, the government is obligated to draw a crystal-clear line between political influence and the independent operations of police and military forces. To date, that clarity has not been provided.

    An independent investigation into Brunswijk’s exact role is a necessity, given his high political office, his overlapping economic interests in gold, and his very public appearance as the celebrated “hero” of the operation. Beyond Brunswijk’s role, security forces must explain how the operation was planned, who issued operational orders, and why bystanders and unauthorized artisanal miners were apparently allowed to move freely through the operation’s camp during the action.

    These questions have only grown more serious following a detailed reconstruction of background events released by the management of Sarakreek Resource Corporation. The company does not only confirm the presence of 16 Chinese workers and seized firearms; it lays out a years-long conflict over a 22,500-hectare gold concession. The claims include widespread illegal mining activity, an ongoing lawsuit against the Surinamese state, persistent security threats, stolen property, and individuals who operate as informal “landlords” in the region while openly claiming association with Brunswijk. These are serious, far-reaching allegations that demand full, independent investigation.

    The Sarakreek incident is not an isolated outlier. It is just the latest in a long line of evidence proving that Suriname’s gold sector has operated outside effective state control for decades. Successive governments have launched commissions, announced formalization programs, and spent large sums of public money on regulation efforts. Years ago, a special commission was even created specifically to oversee gold sector reform, receiving substantial public funding – yet no tangible, verifiable progress toward a regulated sector ever materialized.

    Illegal gold mining remains rampant, conflicts over overlapping concession claims are growing more frequent, and informal power structures continue to consolidate authority. In many mining regions, political connections carry more weight than official permits, court rulings, or government policy. This is a clear case of systemic governance failure: the Surinamese state has failed to establish sustained rule of law, state authority, and legal certainty across the country’s gold mining regions. This vacuum has allowed a parallel, unregulated system to emerge, where concession holders, illegal miners, local factions, brokers, speculators, and politicians all advance their own claims through informal power and competing influence.

    The damage of this failure extends far beyond lost state revenue from gold sales. Unregulated mining has devastated local ecosystems through widespread deforestation, mercury contamination, and river pollution. Rural village communities have been torn apart by conflict, and traditional governance structures have been eroded. More often than not, access to mining territory is determined by wealth and violence, not legal right. Where state control is absent and huge volumes of gold and untraceable cash circulate, organized criminal activity has flourished. As a result, the broken gold sector is not just an economic liability for Suriname – it is a growing national security threat and a direct challenge to the country’s rule of law.

    Without full transparency, and most importantly without genuine political will to reform the sector, “gold sector formalization” will remain nothing more than a buzzword governments use to signal progress, while the interior continues to operate by a separate, unregulated set of rules.

    Real formalization requires difficult, deliberate choices. It means auditing and enforcing concession rights, ending all illegal mining activity, clearly codifying historical and traditional land rights, mandating public disclosure of political figures’ private economic interests in the sector, allowing police and military to operate independently of political influence, collecting owed taxes and royalties, enforcing environmental protection rules, and ensuring court rulings are enforced regardless of who holds the most local influence.

    What unfolded in Sarakreek is far more than a conflict over a single gold concession. It is an indictment of a government that has allowed control of one of the country’s most important and economically sensitive sectors to slip away for far too long.

  • Cuban President visits Havana Science and Technology Park

    Cuban President visits Havana Science and Technology Park

    On July 24, 2026, Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, who also serves as First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, conducted his third official visit to the Havana Science and Technology Park, marking a continued high-level priority for the country’s science, innovation and digital transformation agendas.

    Founded in 2020, the park has matured into a fully functional innovation ecosystem that nurtures homegrown technology ventures, many of which began as small-scale startup projects launched by local university talent. During this visit, Díaz-Canel held in-depth discussions with executives and founding representatives of technology-focused micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs) that were incubated within the park’s boundaries.

    In his remarks following the meetings, the president highlighted the impressive track record of solutions the park has fostered, crediting the skilled talent pipeline cultivated by Cuba’s higher education system for these achievements. He called for deeper cross-sector integration between state-owned and non-state business entities, framing collaborative alliances as a critical driver to advance the nation’s research, development, and innovation (R&D&I) goals. He emphasized that these collective efforts must align with Cuba’s broader national development priorities, urging stakeholders to build greater public awareness of the impact of domestic innovation work.

    Díaz-Canel also pressed attendees to leverage the full potential of the country’s recent economic and social policy reforms, singling out the information and communications technology (ICT) sector as an area with untapped transformative potential for the Cuban economy.

    During the dialogue, the president received briefings on two standout technology MSMEs launched from the park. The first, Laberinto Tech, specializes in developing custom IT solutions for business operations and e-commerce initiatives. Yunior Almaguer, the company’s director and a recent graduate of the University of Computer Sciences, walked Díaz-Canel through the firm’s flagship fleet management system, built for leading Cuban tourism rental operators Transtur and Ecotur.

    The second venture, Gemellux, focuses on data asset management, helping public and private organizations convert fragmented, unstructured data into actionable, high-value resources to inform strategic decision-making. Tatiana Delgado Fernández, Gemellux’s director, outlined the company’s ongoing partnerships across multiple key sectors, including the National Institute of Hydraulic Resources, tourism, and environmental management.

    Speaking to reporters on the sidelines of the visit, Rafael Torralbas Ezpeleta, president of the Havana Science and Technology Park, outlined the institution’s core mission: to support the founding and scalable growth of new technology-focused enterprises. Acknowledging the significant headwinds facing new ventures in Cuba’s current impacted economic and social landscape, Torralbas noted that every resource the park provides acts as critical support for early-stage startups to survive and expand.

    The park currently delivers three tiers of support for incubated ventures: basic infrastructure services, core technological resources, and high-impact value-added assistance. Torralbas emphasized that value-added services, which cover everything from legal consultation and financial guidance to market access support and investor connections, are often the most critical for small growing companies. The park also leverages its growing global network to help domestic ventures access international market and partnership opportunities beyond Cuba’s borders.

    As of the visit, the park hosts 40 technology-based startups at varying stages of the incubation process: some have advanced to fully operational, growing business status, while others remain in early nascent stages of development. This visit marks the third presidential inspection of the park, following trips in its founding year of 2020 and again in 2023, underlining the Cuban government’s consistent prioritization of science, innovation and digital transformation as core pillars of its national governance agenda.