Carib Scope

分类： politics

  • ‘Money spent on cheese paste, champagne’

    ‘Money spent on cheese paste, champagne’

    In a fiery address to Trinidad and Tobago’s Parliament during a vote to approve the Standing Finance Committee’s report, Attorney General John Jeremie launched a scathing attack on the prior People’s National Movement (PNM) administration, accusing it of wasting $1 million in public funds on a premature, extravagant opening ceremony for the Port of Spain General Hospital’s new Central Block back in March 2025.

    Jeremie detailed that the event, which drew three-quarters of the former PNM cabinet, centered on unnecessary luxury spending that included cheese paste and champagne, even as the facility remained wholly unequipped to deliver even the most basic patient care. At the time of the high-profile opening, he explained, the Central Block only held a certificate of practical project completion—a designation that meant full operational readiness was still far from achieved. More than 10,000 pieces of medical equipment had yet to be installed, plumbing infrastructure remained unfinished, rendering all restrooms unusable, and the building held no beds, no stock of medications, not even common over-the-counter pain relievers like Panadol for event attendees who might have fallen ill. Construction on the structure would drag on for months after the ceremony concluded, Jeremie added.

    Beyond the hospital spending controversy, the Attorney General pinned the blame for recent international credit and economic downgrades for Trinidad and Tobago squarely on the PNM’s previous term in office. He defended the current United National Congress (UNC) administration’s economic management, arguing that the former finance minister Colm Imbert and his colleagues were responsible for the country’s ongoing economic challenges. Jeremie also pushed back against opposition criticism of the current government’s new fiscal measures, clarifying that recent increased penalties across multiple sectors are not new taxes, but enforcement penalties for violations of the law. He accused the PNM opposition of deliberately spreading misinformation to stoke public fear and anger toward the ruling administration.

    Jeremie also used the parliamentary address to reinforce the current government’s commitment to equal application of the law, stating that no person—regardless of their social status, political connections, or ties to powerful institutions like banks or former prime ministers—is above the law. He contrasted this with what he claimed was the PNM’s long-standing culture of applying different rules to people based on their connections, adding that the opposition’s default response to policy disagreement is to incite unrest rather than engage in constructive debate.

    The Attorney General claimed that recent attempts at unrest have included collaborations between opposition-aligned elements and two notorious local gangs, known as Sixx and Seven, to stir up public disorder. He closed by reiterating his accusation that opposition lawmakers have spread ignorance and stoked dangerous social tension in recent debates, with one unnamed opposition representative engaging in particularly “loathsome and repugnant” rhetoric to drive division.

  • Padarath denies staff intimidation

    Padarath denies staff intimidation

    A contentious confrontation between the ruling United National Congress (UNC) and opposition People’s National Movement (PNM) has erupted in Trinidad and Tobago following a heated Standing Finance Committee meeting last Friday, centered on a photograph taken by Government Business Leader Barry Padarath of a parliamentary audio technician. The incident has escalated into a broader political firestorm, with accusations of intimidation, institutional overreach, and even seditious racial rhetoric flying between the two major parties.

    Speaking to reporters outside the Port of Spain Parliament building on Abercromby Street one day after the clash, Padarath, who also serves as the Member of Parliament for Couva South, pushed back hard against claims that his decision to photograph the technician was intended to intimidate parliamentary staff. He explained that the snapshot was taken solely for identification purposes, rooted in a simmering dispute over alleged improper muting of government lawmakers’ microphones during proceedings.

    During the Friday committee session, UNC government representatives raised formal complaints that their microphones had been cut off unexpectedly while they were attempting to speak. Padarath subsequently approached the technical staff member responsible for managing the chamber’s audio system and captured the photograph. The interaction immediately devolved into shouting matches between government and opposition lawmakers across the floor of the House of Representatives, turning a routine committee meeting into a high-stakes partisan standoff.

    Padarath defended his choice to photograph the staff member, noting that identification is a required step for any formal complaint brought before Parliament’s Broadcasting Committee. “It is the only way that we can identify them, because we don’t know the staff of the Parliament,” he told reporters. He stressed that the act was never meant to function as an intimidation tactic: “It was meant just to identify where the possible challenges are, so when we go to the Broadcasting Committee, we can say, ‘Well, these are the technicians. These are the persons who were muting the mics at that point in time.’”

    Pressed on the combative tone his party has taken in Parliament amid the ongoing dispute, Padarath rejected any suggestion that the UNC’s approach was inappropriate. “Politics is not a tea party; the war is on and the UNC will not roll over and play dead,” he stated. He added that the ruling party has endured unfair treatment and biased procedural practices for far too long, and that the incident was simply meant to draw public attention to ongoing problems inside and outside the legislature.

    The Couva South MP also dismissed opposition demands for a criminal investigation into his conduct, arguing that PNM lawmakers were only using the incident as a distraction from inflammatory comments made by one of their own colleagues. He fired back by calling for a criminal probe into PNM MP Kareem Marcelle, questioning whether Marcelle’s recent remarks amounted to sedition.

    The comments in question date back to a PNM public rally held Thursday night at the Laventille Community Centre, where Marcelle accused the UNC-led government of using the “PNM” label as a racial slur targeting Afro-Trinidadians. Marcelle declared at the rally: “They don’t like we, and they will never like we. But I want them to know that we don’t like them and we will never like them.” He went further, claiming that “Whenever they say ‘PNM people’ on social media, to me, it is the new N-word. They hate African people. They hate black people…A bunch of racist clowns in this country.”

    Over the weekend, Padarath doubled down on his position, saying he was “ready for war” and accusing the PNM of deflecting attention from what he labeled Marcelle’s “racist and seditious” comments.

    PNM MP Stuart Young, representing Port of Spain North/St Ann’s West, pushed back against Padarath’s framing during his own press briefing outside Parliament Monday. Young questioned the meaning of Padarath’s repeated “war” rhetoric, asking: “Is it a war against public servants? Is it a war against independent parliamentary staff? That is the question that needs to be asked.”

    Young said he was speaking on behalf of all “civic-minded and right-thinking citizens of Trinidad and Tobago” to condemn any and all attacks on non-partisan parliamentary staff and public servants. He noted that all elected parliamentarians have a duty to uphold the standards of public office, even within the inherently adversarial structure of the Westminster parliamentary system.

    While Young acknowledged that robust partisan clash is a normal part of legislative debate, he argued that Friday’s incident crossed a fundamental line. “What we saw on Friday is not in that category. Parliamentarians on either side of the aisle thrusting against each other is expected,” he said. “That was a line crossed.”

    Addressing the core complaint of improper mic muting, Young clarified that the audio system operates according to long-standing, standard parliamentary procedure. “Once a person has the floor, that is the person whose mic is going to be on. The Speaker will stand up, the Speaker’s mic will be on and everybody’s mic is off; so it is whoever has the floor and command of the floor and it is their turn to speak,” he explained. “Everybody’s mic can’t be turned on at the same time, so there’s absolutely nothing abnormal with that.”

    Young concluded by accusing the current ruling UNC of exploiting procedural questions to force their uninvited comments onto the official parliamentary record, a practice he said runs counter to established legislative norms.

  • ‘Missing plane’ found; investigation ‘very delicate’ — Leacock

    ‘Missing plane’ found; investigation ‘very delicate’ — Leacock

    A missing Dominican-registered light aircraft that disappeared en route from St. Vincent and the Grenadines to Tobago earlier this month has been located, with no fatalities or crash having occurred, according to the country’s top security official. But St. Clair Leacock, Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of National Security, has urged the public to remain patient as investigators navigate what he calls a highly sensitive ongoing security operation, limiting what details can be released publicly.

    The incident unfolded on June 12, when a twin-engine Beechcraft Baron B58T, registered HI1145, departed Argyle International Airport at 11:52 a.m. local time, bound for Tobago’s A.N.R. Robinson International Airport. Two people were on board, and the flight was scheduled to take just one hour and five minutes. Civil aviation authorities confirmed that the aircraft maintained normal radio communication with Argyle air traffic control until it reached a point 40 nautical miles south of the airport, the southern boundary of St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ controlled airspace. After communication was handed off to the next air traffic control jurisdiction, contact with the plane was lost, and it never arrived at its destination.

    The loss of contact triggered an immediate alert and the activation of a formal distress phase, with search and rescue operations launched shortly after. In a public statement, the Ministry of Tourism, Civil Aviation and Sustainable Development confirmed it remained committed to upholding safe and secure flight operations within the country’s airspace, and pledged to share new updates as they become available.

    Speaking on the ruling New Democratic Party’s weekly radio programme “New Times” on NICE Radio this Monday, Leacock shared the first official confirmation that the missing aircraft has been located. Drawing on information provided by regional and international security partners, the minister confirmed the plane had not crashed, and no lives have been lost. He emphasized that the situation remains an extremely delicate security matter, and that strict operational confidentiality constraints limit what he can disclose to the public.

    Leacock told listeners he has been in constant contact with St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ Police Commissioner as well as regional security agencies since contact with the plane was lost on Sunday. “I have been very guarded in what I say,” he noted, adding that the investigation remains at a stage where specific details of the outcome cannot be released publicly. “To the best of my knowledge, the aircraft has not crashed and there had not been a loss of life, and international, regional, and national agencies are following developments very closely. Aircraft don’t fly themselves — there are people operating that aircraft, so agencies are working to determine the appropriate course of action,” Leacock said.

    Leacock acknowledged that the public’s desire for more details is understandable, but said his office must balance the public’s right to transparency with critical operational security requirements. “I, out of professional duties and responsibilities, cannot at this time provide the public with more details as to what is happening in this very delicate security matter,” he said.

    This is not the first such unexplained aircraft incident in St. Vincent and the Grenadines in recent years, Leacock confirmed. In December 2023, a 21-seat Gulfstream aircraft departed the island of Canouan for a scheduled sightseeing trip, with three passengers and one pilot on board. The plane was expected to return to Canouan two hours after departure, but all contact was lost just six minutes after takeoff. The aircraft was eventually located thousands of miles away in Africa months later. Then-prime minister Ralph Gonsalves reported at the time that intelligence from regional and international partners suggested the plane’s transponder had been intentionally turned off, and Vincentian authorities were in contact with relevant Latin American governments over the case.

    Responding to a caller on the radio programme who pressed for more details and public reassurance, Leacock reiterated that he is barred from sharing additional specifics, but confirmed that relevant security agencies already have full knowledge of the aircraft’s current location, flight history, and the identities of the people on board. “I can tell you that no lives are lost. The international agencies know where the plane is. The regional agencies — the CARICOM IMPACS, regional security system — our own police force know where the plane is, they have names, they know the flight history… but they are still in the middle of an active operation, and speaking prematurely would compromise the quality of the work that’s taking place,” Leacock said. “Those who would like me to speak in more specific terms have to understand that sometimes for the Minister of National Security, less said is better,” he added.

    Leacock also addressed growing criticism of his handling of the case on social media, where he said users have resorted to personal attacks and name-calling. “I see people on social media call me by all kind of bad word names, and so forth, but sometimes I still got to keep a wise head,” he said. He warned that disclosing sensitive details prematurely could put both the ongoing operation and personal safety at risk, noting “I have to look at my own safety and welfare and well-being, and others as well.”

    One caller raised broader institutional questions, arguing that two unexplained aircraft disappearance incidents in just a few years demonstrate that civil aviation oversight should be moved from the Ministry of Tourism, where it currently sits, to the Ministry of National Security, given the clear national security implications of these events. Leacock responded that the assignment of ministerial portfolios is ultimately a decision for the prime minister, and the arrangement is not as clear-cut as critics suggest. “Civil aviation can have a relationship too with tourism, because it’s dealing with airports, dealing with aeroplanes, dealing with pilots… It can logically be placed there. But in the same breath, airports fall under infrastructure alongside seaports, and wherever you have aviation and airport travel, there’s a huge element of security… So it could also fall under national security,” Leacock explained. He stressed that even though civil aviation does not formally fall under his portfolio, national security agencies have played a central role in the response to this incident from the start. “It is not fixed and cast in stone… It is now not under national security, but that doesn’t mean that national security doesn’t have an interest,” he said.

    Leacock also connected the current response to broader regional security cooperation efforts he has participated in recently, noting that during recent meetings in Trinidad and Tobago and Barbados, he received briefings on joint regional systems designed to track both air and maritime movements across the Caribbean. He noted that as the U.S. government has reduced its maritime patrol presence in the region, the number of unvetted vessels and aircraft transiting Caribbean airspace and waters has increased, making shared regional surveillance capabilities more critical than ever. The same network of agencies and tracking technology used for broader regional security is now being deployed in this aircraft investigation, Leacock confirmed.

  • Gajadien: Begroting rust te veel op toekomstige olie-inkomsten

    Gajadien: Begroting rust te veel op toekomstige olie-inkomsten

    During parliamentary budget deliberations in Suriname, Asis Gajadien, leader of the VHP faction and a sitting assembly member, has delivered sharp criticism of the core financial assumptions underpinning the government’s 2026 draft budget. Gajadien argues that the administration paints an unrealistically rosy picture of the country’s economic outlook, while public finances remain deeply fragile and the entire budget framework leans heavily on unproven projected oil revenues.

    When accounting for all off-budget and financing components that the government excluded from its official calculations, Gajadien’s own analysis puts the actual budget deficit at roughly 7.7% of gross domestic product, far higher than the 5.1% figure the government has publicly reported. This discrepancy, he says, means the state’s actual financial standing is significantly weaker than official presentations have claimed.

    Beyond headline deficit figures, Gajadien points out that even the budget documents released by the government confirm that purchasing power for workers, pensioners, and all other income groups has still not recovered to pre-crisis levels. He pressed the administration to answer when ordinary citizens will actually feel the benefits of reported economic growth in their household budgets. “Society continues to struggle under the weight of persistently high consumer prices,” Gajadien told the assembly. “Glowing growth statistics mean little if working families do not see any improvement in their daily finances.”

    A major focus of Gajadien’s critique was the country’s growing public debt burden. He warned that a large share of Suriname’s external debt is denominated in foreign currencies, leaving the national economy extremely vulnerable to sudden exchange rate fluctuations. What is more, he noted, the structure of current debt agreements will leave future generations of Surinamese saddled with crippling repayment obligations that will constrain their economic options.

    Gajadien also took aim at the government’s recent sovereign debt refinancing operation. He argued that the administration failed to provide sufficient justification for choosing relatively high-cost borrowing options, even when cheaper international financing alternatives were reportedly available. He also raised questions about the unusually high transaction costs associated with the refinancing deal, calling for greater transparency around the process.

    Turning to long-term economic strategy, Gajadien emphasized that the government is placing far too much reliance on future oil revenues to balance the budget and drive growth. Instead, he called for targeted investment and policy support to diversify Suriname’s economy by boosting non-oil sectors including agriculture, tourism, manufacturing, and small and medium-sized enterprises. Reducing overreliance on the volatile oil and gas sector, he argued, would make the country’s economic foundation more stable and resilient.

    Gajadien also highlighted a series of persistent structural bottlenecks that are holding back development of both the oil and gas sector and the broader local economy. Key challenges he named include crumbling nationwide infrastructure, glacial government permit approval processes, labor market imbalances, a widespread housing shortage, and the urgent need for a more efficient and streamlined public administration.

    To attract much-needed private investment and lay the groundwork for sustainable long-term growth, Gajadien called for a series of governance reforms: strengthening the country’s Court of Audit, improving internal financial controls across government, fully implementing the existing Public Procurement Act, and increasing transparency in all government operations. All of these steps, he argued, are non-negotiable preconditions for inclusive, sustained growth.

    On social policy, Gajadien noted that the 2026 draft budget allocates no room for meaningful increases to old-age pensions, child benefits, and other critical social welfare payments. He did, however, express support for further digitalization of social welfare programs and greater community oversight of benefit allocation to root out fraud and misuse of public funds.

    In closing, Gajadien called on the Surinamese government to adopt a more realistic approach to addressing the country’s pressing economic challenges, implement deep structural reforms, and strengthen public governance. Only through these changes, he argued, can Suriname deliver sustainable economic development and shared prosperity for both current and future generations.

  • New Ambassadors-At-Large Urged To Advance Opportunities In The Spanish-Speaking World

    New Ambassadors-At-Large Urged To Advance Opportunities In The Spanish-Speaking World

    A key moment in Antigua and Barbuda’s evolving foreign policy and language strategy unfolded on Thursday, as two new Ambassadors-at-Large — Samantha Nicole Marshall and Joanne Maureen Massiah — took their oaths of office during a formal ceremony at Government House. The event put the Gaston Browne administration’s long-stated vision of positioning Spanish as the country’s second official language front and center, framing the initiative as a core driver of economic and diplomatic growth.

    With Governor General Sir Rodney Williams unavailable for the occasion, Deputy Governor General Sir Clare K. Roberts, KCN, KC, officiated the swearing-in, delivering keynote remarks that outlined the strategic logic behind the government’s dual goals: advancing the language policy and expanding engagement with the broader Spanish-speaking world.

    Sir Clare emphasized that the push to recognize Spanish as a second official language is far more than a cultural adjustment. For the small Caribbean island nation, it is a necessary adaptation to shifting regional dynamics that are reshaping trade, tourism, and even cross-border healthcare across the Americas. He pointed to fast-growing economic and connectivity hubs in Latin America, including Panama City and Colombia’s Cali, as evidence that traditional patterns of regional exchange are being reoriented. To capitalize on these shifts, he argued, Antigua and Barbuda cannot afford to remain passive; it must actively cultivate deeper political, commercial, and people-to-people ties across Central and South America.

    “The Government has articulated a clear vision of making Spanish our second official language. This is not simply a cultural objective; it is an economic and strategic imperative,” Sir Clare told attendees at the ceremony.

    The timing of Marshall and Massiah’s appointments, Sir Clare stressed, is intentional, coming as Antigua and Barbuda refines its foreign policy approach to align with 21st-century regional realities. As Ambassadors-at-Large, the two women will be tasked with a broad mandate: building new bilateral relationships, unlocking new avenues for bilateral trade and foreign direct investment, promoting Antigua and Barbuda’s tourism and investment appeal across Spanish-speaking markets, and serving as bridges between the Antigua and Barbuda government and public and private stakeholders across Latin America and Spain.

    Sir Clare added that both appointees bring decades of complementary expertise across public administration, legal practice, governance, and national development work, making them uniquely suited to advance the government’s expanding international agenda. Their backgrounds align perfectly with the demands of engaging with new partners across the Spanish-speaking world, he noted.

    Beyond advancing the language initiative, the appointments underscore the Antigua and Barbuda government’s broader commitment to ramping up diplomatic outreach and strengthening South-South cooperation between Caribbean and Latin American nations. It also reflects the administration’s proactive approach to adapting to shifting economic and geopolitical conditions in the Western Hemisphere, ensuring the country can compete and benefit from changing regional integration trends.

    After the formal administration of the Oath of Allegiance, Oath of Office, and Oath of Secrecy, Marshall and Massiah officially assumed their new roles. The Office of the Governor General released a statement following the ceremony, extending formal congratulations to both appointees and expressing confidence in their ability to deliver results for the nation during their tenure. The administration has not yet released a detailed timeline for the formal codification of Spanish as the second official language, but the ambassador appointments mark the most concrete step forward for the policy to date.

  • Extraordinary Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba convened

    Extraordinary Plenum of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba convened

    Cuba’s highest Communist Party leadership body has formally confirmed plans to convene a special, one-day gathering of its Central Committee this Wednesday, June 17, 2026, focused exclusively on assessing sweeping proposals for national economic and social transformation.

    The announcement was made public one day in advance of the plenum, on June 16, by the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), via official state media outlet Granma. The decision to call the extraordinary session was previously approved by the PCC Political Bureau, according to confirmation from Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez — who holds dual roles as First Secretary of the PCC Central Committee and President of the Republic of Cuba — in recent comments to press outlets.

    Extraordinary plenary sessions of the Communist Party Central Committee are reserved for high-stakes, time-sensitive policy discussions that fall outside the scope of regularly scheduled annual gatherings. This upcoming session centers on proposals that aim to reshape Cuba’s economic and social frameworks, a topic of ongoing national debate amid the country’s continued efforts to address longstanding economic challenges, external pressure, and evolving domestic development needs.

    As of Tuesday, no additional details have been released regarding the full scope of the transformation proposals up for discussion, or expected voting outcomes following the plenum’s deliberations.

  • Chairmen of parliamentary standing and sectoral committees elected

    Chairmen of parliamentary standing and sectoral committees elected

    Guyana’s National Assembly moved one step forward in solidifying its 13th parliamentary governance structure this Monday, as Speaker Manzoor Nadir convened and chaired a plenary meeting to elect chairmen for all standing and sectoral parliamentary committees. The cross-party appointments, which include representation from both the ruling coalition and opposition blocs, lay the groundwork for parliamentary oversight and policy review across all sectors of national governance.

    Following the voting process, the Parliament Office released the full list of confirmed chair appointments. Key leadership positions include Vishnu Panday from the opposition bloc We Invest in Nationhood (WIN) tapped to lead the high-profile Public Accounts Committee (PAC); Attorney General and Minister of Legal Affairs Anil Nandlall will take the helm of the Constitutional Reform Committee; Retired Brigadier Mark Phillips will chair the Oversight Committee on the Security Sector; and Minister of Parliamentary Affairs and Governance Gail Teixeira will lead the Committee of Appointments.

    For sectoral parliamentary committees, the leadership lineup is as follows: WIN’s Duarte Hetsberger will chair the Economic Services Committee; Dr. Vindhya Persaud will lead the Social Services Committee; WIN’s Odessa Primus will head the Foreign Relations Committee; and Minister Vickram Bharrat will chair the Natural Resources Committee. In accordance with the National Assembly’s Standing Orders, Speaker Manzoor Nadir will automatically serve as chair of four internal committees: the Standing Orders Committee, the Assembly Committee, the Committee of Privileges, and the Statutory Instrument Committee.

    In an official statement, the Parliament Office emphasized that the completion of these committee appointments represents a critical milestone for the 13th Parliament. The establishment of these cross-party bodies will allow elected members to immediately begin their core oversight responsibilities: reviewing all sector-specific policies and government administrative actions, and verifying that government policy implementation aligns with principles of good governance and serves the best interests of all Guyanese citizens, the statement added.

    All committees feature bipartisan representation from the three major parliamentary blocs: the ruling People’s Progressive Party Civic (PPPC), opposition WIN, and opposition A Partnership for National Unity (APNU). For the Public Accounts Committee, the PPPC-led government holds five seats filled by Minister Teixeira, Public Works Minister Juan Edghill, Deputy Speaker Vishwa Mahadeo, and parliamentarians Suresh Singh and Sanjeev Datadin, while WIN holds two seats (Panday and Nandranie Singh) and APNU holds two seats (Ganesh Mahipaul and Juretha Fernandes).

    Other key committees also follow this inclusive power-sharing structure. The Security Sector Oversight Committee counts government ministers Anil Nandlall, Ashni Singh, Hugh Todd, and Oneidge Walrall as members alongside two WIN representatives (Toshana Femey-Corlette and Duarte Hetsberger) and two APNU representatives (Sherod Duncan and Saiku Andrews). The Constitutional Reform Committee includes five government members led by Nandlall, two WIN members, and two APNU members.

    Across all sectoral committees, the inclusive arrangement remains consistent. The Economic Services Committee includes five government members, two WIN members, and two APNU members; the Human Services (Social Services) Committee holds four government seats, three WIN seats, and one APNU seat; the Natural Resources Committee has five government representatives, three WIN representatives, and one APNU representative; and the Foreign Relations Committee includes five government members, two opposition members from WIN, and two opposition members from APNU.

  • Column: Wie bestuurt de Van ‘t Hogerhuysstraat?

    Column: Wie bestuurt de Van ‘t Hogerhuysstraat?

    For years, the Van ‘t Hogerhuysstraat infrastructure project in Suriname has devolved from a simple public works plan into a messy standoff that lays bare deep, structural tensions between national legal sovereignty, international financing rules, and the most basic public interest. What should be a straightforward effort to rebuild a critical roadway has instead become a distorted mirror held up to Suriname’s governance system, bringing together competing claims from the judiciary, the executive branch, the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), private contractors, and civil society. In the end, every side can make a legally defensible claim for their position — yet every stakeholder loses, and worst of all, the Surinamese public bears the cost of the gridlock.

    The conflict began when an independent Surinamese court ruled that the project’s tender process must be reopened and re-evaluated. This is not a non-binding policy recommendation; it is a binding ruling from a judicial body. In a functioning democratic constitutional state, court orders are meant to be implemented without exception. From this perspective, the claimant Baitali has an unassailable point: a government cannot pick and choose which court rulings to enforce, because selective compliance directly erodes the foundation of the rule of law itself.

    But here the dilemma begins. Standing opposite the Surinamese court’s ruling is the IDB, the multilateral institution providing the financing for the $20 million-plus infrastructure project. The IDB’s position is also legally grounded: the tender process is bound not only by Suriname’s domestic laws, but also by the contractual terms the bank set out as a condition for releasing the funding. According to the IDB, the existing award of the contract to selected contractor Kuldipsingh Infra meets all of the bank’s tender requirements. If Suriname deviates from that award to comply with the domestic court ruling, the IDB has stated it will pull the entire financing package.

    This creates an intractable, uncomfortable deadlock: a domestic court has issued a binding order, but the international funder says following that order will kill the project entirely. The standoff forces a fundamental question that goes far beyond this single roadway: who ultimately gets to decide the fate of public projects in Suriname? The nation’s independent judiciary? The elected domestic government? Or the international financial institutions that provide critical capital for public investment?

    Suriname’s Public Works Minister Stephen Tsang has been forced to navigate this unenviable trade-off, weighing the legal obligation to comply with the court against the severe financial consequences of losing funding. If the IDB follows through on its threat, Suriname stands to lose an investment of more than $20 million at a time when public infrastructure investment is badly needed. Furthermore, if the government cancels the already-awarded contract to comply with the court ruling, Kuldipsinghh Infra has a valid claim to seek significant damages for breach of contract, adding another unexpected financial burden to the state.

    Lost in the tangled legal and financial wrangling between all the institutional stakeholders is the group that matters most: the ordinary Surinamese public. While government officials, lawyers, contractors, financiers, and politicians debate procedural technicalities, tender rules, and legal rights, Surinamese residents continue to drive on a Van ‘t Hogerhuysstraat that deteriorates more every day. Local businesses suffer economic losses from the poor road conditions, motorists face higher vehicle maintenance costs, and even ambulance services responding to medical emergencies lose critical minutes navigating the crumbling pavement.

    Average citizens gain nothing from multiple sides claiming they are legally in the right. All they want is a safe, functional roadway. Against this backdrop, the statement from Member of Parliament Ebu Jones — who argues that society should not be taken hostage by this ongoing deadlock — is a politically understandable one. But it also avoids a harder question: can blame for this impasse even be pinned on a single party? Is Baitali at fault for exercising the legal rights to challenge the tender that Suriname’s own laws guarantee? Is the government to blame for running a tender process that ended up being challenged in court? Or is the IDB at fault for insisting on adhering to its own international tender requirements?

    In reality, the core of the problem runs far deeper than this single dispute. This case is not just about one bad roadway; it is a warning sign of a new reality that Suriname will have to learn to navigate more and more frequently in the coming years. That new reality is one where domestic legal rules, international financing conditions, and domestic public interests do not always align seamlessly. This kind of conflict will not be limited to road construction projects. As Suriname moves forward with planned oil, gas, and large-scale infrastructure developments, international financiers, multilateral institutions, and foreign investors will continue to set binding contractual conditions for their capital.

    That is why this small infrastructure dispute deserves far broader public discussion, not focused on which side is legally in the right, but on how Suriname can restructure its governance to prevent these kinds of deadlocks from happening again. It is time to stop asking “who is right?” and start asking a different, more important question: how can we reorganize our governance systems so that society never again ends up the loser when rules, procedures, and interests collide?

    At the end of the day, the Van ‘t Hogerhuysstraat does not belong to Baitali, or Kuldipsingh Infra, or the IDB, or the Surinamese government. It belongs to the Surinamese people, and they are the only party that has gotten the short end of this dispute for far too long. To date, while no construction has even begun on the road, the state of Suriname has already paid out 918,450 Surinamese dollars in penalty fines for failing to comply with the court order — money that could have gone toward actual public works.

  • Parmessar: Begroting 2026 is brug tussen crisis en economisch herstel

    Parmessar: Begroting 2026 is brug tussen crisis en economisch herstel

    Suriname’s National Assembly kicked off one of the most critical legislative debates of the year on Monday, launching deliberations over the amended 2026 national budget. Committee chair Rabin Parmessar, who leads the body of rapporteurs reviewing the proposal, opened proceedings by outlining a grim near-term fiscal outlook, framing the adjusted spending plan as a targeted “bridge budget” designed to steer the country through a turbulent economic transition period.

    Parmessar explained that ongoing severe financial challenges faced by the Surinamese government over recent months forced officials to revise the originally submitted budget via an official amendment note. The revised proposal projects a national budget deficit equal to 5.1% of the country’s gross domestic product, leaving almost no room for additional government spending and requiring tough, targeted political trade-offs, he noted.

    The budget must receive final legislative approval by July 13 at the latest, Parmessar emphasized. Delays in the start of deliberations, triggered by prolonged disputes over government formation, already pushed the process back, forcing the opening of debate more than two hours behind the original schedule. Vice President Gregory Rusland acknowledged the procedural disruptions, noting that government representatives often waited for hours for quorum to be met before sessions could begin. With only months left for implementation after approval, Parmessar added, not every policy priority can be advanced simultaneously.

    Parmessar stressed that the 2026 budget should not be interpreted as a budget of abundance, but rather a necessary intermediate step for the economy. “This is no luxury budget. This is a bridge between crisis and recovery, between debt pressure and future earning capacity, and between today’s social need and tomorrow’s production,” he told the full Assembly. Outlining three core goals for the plan, he said it must protect households through the ongoing economic downturn, continue stabilizing public finances, and lay the groundwork for expanded production, job creation, and long-term economic growth.

    The committee chair argued that macroeconomic stability alone means little if ordinary citizens continue to bear the full brunt of the ongoing crisis. To address this, roughly 30% of the total budget is allocated to social sectors, including social welfare and housing, education, and public health. At the same time, he called for more targeted social spending and stricter action to curb misuse of social support programs, with digitalization and improved oversight playing key roles in these reforms. While social safety nets keep vulnerable households afloat in the short term, Parmessar noted, expanded domestic economic production is required to drive long-term structural progress for the nation.

    To boost productive capacity, he called for increased focus on key strategic sectors: agriculture, small and medium entrepreneurship, infrastructure, tourism, and oil and gas. He also repeated calls for the swift adoption of a Local Content law, which would ensure that domestic Surinamese businesses can meaningfully benefit from upcoming oil and gas development projects. He also urged renewed attention to the position of Surinamese entrepreneurs doing business with mining firm Zijin.

    Debt management took a central spot in Parmessar’s presentation. He acknowledged that the country’s debt burden remains very high, but pushed back against common criticism of new borrowing by drawing a clear line between new lending and refinancing of existing obligations. Critics often only highlight the total size of newly issued bond loans, he explained, but fail to note that a large share of these funds are used to pay down older, higher-interest debt and reduce overall repayment pressure. “Anyone who only says we borrowed $1.575 billion is only telling half the story,” he stated. Parmessar added that every new loan must be transparently accounted for, with full public disclosure of its purpose, interest rate, term, risks, and social return on investment.

    Parmessar also called for a more efficient and accountable public sector. He was careful to note that thousands of public servants carry out their duties properly, but abuses can no longer be ignored. He referenced recent statements from the Minister of Internal Affairs confirming that more than 2,000 public employees collect full salaries despite being absent from work entirely or showing up inconsistently. He also called for additional scrutiny of so-called inactive “available for assignment” public service postings. “Every SRD in salary must be tied to public value,” he said, pushing for a headcount audit across every ministry and concrete action to crack down on prolonged unauthorized absences.

    Even as Suriname stands on the cusp of major new oil revenue streams, Parmessar warned against premature overreliance on those future gains. “Oil must not become a sleeping pill,” he cautioned. He argued that now is the critical moment to strengthen public finances, state institutions, transparency, and budget discipline, so that future oil revenues can be managed responsibly for the benefit of all Surinamese people.

    Closing his opening presentation, Parmessar reaffirmed the role of the amended 2026 budget as a temporary transition plan to carry the nation through its current difficult period. “Social support keeps people upright. Production moves the country forward. And good governance ensures every SRD works visibly for the people,” he concluded.

  • Politic : Amending Public Investment Program 2025-2026

    Politic : Amending Public Investment Program 2025-2026

    As Haiti enters the final quarter of its 2025-2026 fiscal cycle, national planning officials have brought together cross-agency stakeholders to update the country’s core public investment framework, aligning ongoing and planned projects with the government’s top priorities for stability and institutional recovery.

    On June 12, 2026, Haiti’s Ministry of Planning and External Cooperation (MPCE) hosted a dedicated working session focused on amendments to the 2025-2026 Public Investment Program (PIP). The gathering drew leadership from the nation’s Planning and Programming Units (UEPs), senior representatives from all sectoral ministries, and executives from Haiti’s autonomous public agencies, uniting key decision-makers across the public planning ecosystem.

    Opening the workshop, Planning Minister Sandra Paulemon reaffirmed her ministry’s central mandate: steering national development planning, aligning public investment flows, and ensuring all state-backed projects advance the government’s stated strategic goals. She highlighted the foundational role UEPs play across the full project lifecycle, from initial identification and programming to ongoing monitoring and final impact evaluation.

    Paulemon stressed that every project included in the revised PIP must directly advance priorities laid out in the government’s National Pact for Stability and the Organization of Elections, as well as established sectoral development roadmaps. Priority focus areas include public governance reform, expanded infrastructure, improved access to basic social services, broad economic recovery, and long-term institutional strengthening—all core to addressing Haiti’s ongoing systemic challenges.

    With just three months remaining in the current fiscal year, the minister issued a clear call for adhering to strict monitoring and reporting protocols set by the MPCE. She urged all participating institutions to submit required project data within mandated deadlines, a step critical to maintaining transparent and effective management of the country’s entire national investment portfolio.

    A key topic of discussion among attendees was updating PIP performance metrics to be finalized by September 30, 2026. Participants prioritized developing indicators that are measurable, realistic, and objectively verifiable, creating a clear framework to assess exactly how public investments are delivering tangible benefits to Haitian communities.

    In her closing remarks, Paulemon called for deeper collaboration across all branches of the national planning system, urging strengthened inter-institutional coordination, more open information sharing, and a sustained shift toward a results-oriented institutional culture. The ultimate goal, she emphasized, is to amplify the positive impact of all public interventions for the Haitian people.

    MPCE Director General Guy Roméro Latry echoed this call, urging stakeholders to increase their efforts to strengthen project delivery. Latry noted that the success of the revised PIP will hinge on the collective ability of all participating bodies to turn allocated resources into concrete, measurable, and sustainable outcomes that improve daily life across the country.

    Frantz Bastien, Director of Public Investment at the MPCE, framed the workshop as a critical mobilization effort for the national public investment system, designed to accelerate implementation over the remaining fiscal quarter. Bastien emphasized that the revised PIP is far more than a routine administrative adjustment: it is a strategic management tool that allows officials to update existing projects to reflect Haiti’s evolving national context, revise project costs, timelines and delivery strategies, and integrate newly adopted government priorities into active planning.

    Following opening remarks, the workshop moved into a hands-on working phase, where participants conducted a line-by-line review of all projects included in the amended 2025-2026 PIP, assessed current implementation progress, and mapped out next steps for project completion in the coming months.