分类: politics

  • T&T STILL VULNERABLE

    T&T STILL VULNERABLE

    As Trinidad and Tobago paused this week to commemorate the 36th anniversary of the 1990 attempted coup, a fiery exchange has erupted over the current administration’s handling of critical national security infrastructure, with a former top security official accusing the sitting homeland security minister of misappropriating a landmark intelligence facility.

    Gary Griffith, who previously led the Ministry of National Security, used a public Facebook post to anchor his criticism in the firsthand lessons he learned during the 1990 uprising. As one of the youngest active-duty soldiers deployed during the crisis, Griffith saw firsthand the systemic failures that allowed the coup attempt to catch state authorities off guard: within the first 48 hours of the insurgency, dozens of law enforcement officials abandoned their posts, leaving frontline personnel to defend critical state infrastructure without support or coordination.

    In the aftermath of the failed coup, a government-appointed Commission of Enquiry was convened to unpack what went wrong. The commission ultimately identified deep structural flaws in national security operations and laid out 34 concrete recommendations designed to prevent a similar crisis from unfolding again. Griffith argues that for more than a decade after the commission released its findings, successive governments largely ignored the report entirely—a failure he says is only possible in a state with weak democratic accountability, what he calls a “banana republic.”

    During his own tenure leading the national security ministry, Griffith prioritized implementing the commission’s recommendations, carrying out 13 of the 34 proposals before leaving office. The flagship recommendation from the commission was the creation of a dedicated National Operations Centre (NOC), a step directly prompted by the 1990 failure of separate intelligence agencies to share critical threat information with one another.

    Griffith explained that this intelligence sharing gap left law enforcement completely unprepared for the 1990 insurgency: with no coordinated predictive intelligence, the state was forced into reactive damage control rather than launching a pre-emptive strike to stop the uprising before it began. Built at a cost of $500 million, the NOC Griffith established was designed as a cutting-edge, high-technology hub that would enable real-time intelligence gathering and cross-agency collaboration. Its core mandate was to bring all branches of the national intelligence community together to aggregate, analyze, and act on threat information, stopping national security risks before they escalated into crisis.

    During Griffith’s time in office, the NOC delivered tangible results, he says: in 2014, Trinidad and Tobago recorded the largest single drop in serious crime in 31 years, a reduction achieved without implementing a disruptive national state of emergency.

    Today, however, Griffith accuses the current administration and its Homeland Security Minister Roger Alexander of fundamentally altering the NOC’s core mandate, stripping it of its critical intelligence role and reducing it to a basic police dispatch center that duplicates the work already done by the existing E 999 emergency dispatch service. “Sadly, the present administration, through a Minister of Homeland Security whose knowledge is limited primarily to policing, has reduced this highly advanced system to a dispatch centre working alongside E 999, even though E 999 already has its own dispatch centre,” Griffith said. “The National Operations Centre was not built to duplicate E 999.”

    Griffith’s final warning is stark: the failure to fully implement all 34 of the 1990 Commission of Enquiry’s recommendations, paired with the gutting of the NOC’s intelligence function, has left Trinidad and Tobago just as vulnerable to a major security crisis as it was three and a half decades ago. “Poor intelligence gathering was the principal weakness in 1990,” he noted. “The failure to implement the remaining recommendations of the Commission of Enquiry, combined with the failure to utilise the National Operations Centre as intended, has left this country exposed. Thirty-six years later, we are not one step closer to ensuring that what happened in 1990 will never happen again.”

  • ‘I missed you all’: hugs, kisses as Hadeed returns to work

    ‘I missed you all’: hugs, kisses as Hadeed returns to work

    It was an emotional homecoming for Dominic Hadeed, executive chairman of Blue Waters Products Ltd, on Tuesday, as he stepped through the doors of the company’s Tacarigua headquarters for the first time since being freed from state custody. The 52-year-old business leader was greeted by a workplace prepared to celebrate his return: cheery blue balloons lined sections of the Orange Grove Road compound, and dozens of employees gathered to meet him with warm applause, tight hugs, and firm handshakes.

    As Hadeed made his way through the facility, stopping to embrace every member of staff individually, he offered a simple, heartfelt message to the team that had stood by him during his weeks away: “I missed you all.” Many workers were moved to tears during the reunion, with several kissing and hugging their returning employer. Hadeed in turn thanked his team for their unwavering support throughout his detention.

    Hadeed’s return comes just days after he and his 42-year-old wife Genevieve were released from almost a month of preventive detention held under national state of emergency rules. The couple were taken into custody on June 24, when police executed search warrants across their properties as part of a probe into an alleged conspiracy to assassinate Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar and other high-ranking government officials. To date, no criminal charges have ever been filed against either Dominic or Genevieve Hadeed.

    Their detention sparked a drawn-out series of legal battles that worked its way through Trinidad and Tobago’s court system, starting at the High Court, moving to the Court of Appeal, and ultimately reaching the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, the country’s highest court of appeal for constitutional and criminal matters.

    Last Thursday, Homeland Security Minister Roger Alexander formally revoked the Preventive Detention Orders that had kept the couple in custody. In his announcement, Alexander cited three key factors for the decision: formal recommendations from the independent State of Emergency Review Tribunal, pressing medical considerations related to Hadeed’s health, and an assessment that continued detention while the state’s appeal against an earlier ruling favoring the Hadeeds remained pending was disproportionate.

    The case has drawn significant public attention over the use of preventive detention powers granted under the current state of emergency, with legal advocates highlighting the lack of charges brought against the couple after 30 days in custody.

  • Column; Gouddossier 6: Niet de wetten ontbreken, maar politieke moed

    Column; Gouddossier 6: Niet de wetten ontbreken, maar politieke moed

    For decades, Suriname has grappled with a persistent, well-documented crisis in its gold mining industry that has yet to see meaningful resolution. The scope of the problem is no secret to policymakers, regulators, and the public alike:
    Authorities know exactly where unregulated, illegal gold extraction operations are located across the country. They are fully aware that artisanal and illegal mining has poisoned rivers with toxic mercury, cleared vast swathes of old-growth forest, and encroached on protected natural reserves that are critical to biodiversity conservation. They can calculate with reasonable accuracy the hundreds of millions in lost state revenue that illegal mining siphons away from national budgets every year. They also acknowledge the rampant human rights abuses plaguing informal mining camps, including child labor, systemic worker exploitation, and human trafficking.

    Yet despite decades of public discussion, official commissions, draft reform plans, and repeated promises of new enforcement measures, almost no tangible progress has been made to fix the broken sector. This is the defining paradox of Suriname’s gold industry: the problems are not hidden, they have been widely recognized and discussed for generations, but action has consistently failed to follow recognition.

    Even political leaders now openly admit that the barrier to reform is not a lack of solutions or regulatory tools. Ronny Asabina, chair of the Basic Party for Renewal and Democracy (BEP), correctly points out that the national government already possesses all the necessary legislation and legal authority to bring the sector under effective regulation. The failure, he argues, lies not in weak rules, but in weak enforcement of existing laws.

    In a notable, high-stakes remark during parliamentary budget debates, Natural Resources Minister David Abiamofo pulled back the curtain on the root of this enforcement failure, revealing that top political figures from every major party hold direct or indirect financial stakes in the mining sector. This revelation cuts to the heart of the crisis: when influential leaders across the political spectrum have personal financial interests in the very industry the government is tasked with regulating, serious questions about the independence and effectiveness of any policy reform become unavoidable. This is not an unfounded accusation—it is an open reality that demands full, unflinching transparency from the country’s political class.

    While political leaders delay action, the damage of inaction continues to pile up across the country. Ecological destruction grows more visible by the day: illegal mining operations continue to operate unimpeded along the Marowijne River, which forms the border between Suriname and French Guiana. A 2021 border protocol aimed at curbing cross-border illegal activity has sat unratified for years, though Suriname’s parliament, the National Assembly (DNA), is finally set to revisit the agreement this week.

    Recent observations from National Assembly President Jennifer Simons further highlight the deep flaws in the current regulatory framework. Simons noted that nearly 40 companies hold active gold mining concessions, yet only a tiny fraction of these permit holders actually export gold legally. This fact alone demands a fundamental reckoning with how the country’s permitting system works, raising urgent unanswered questions: What is the true scale of gold smuggling out of Suriname? How much tax revenue does the state forfeit each year to unregulated extraction? How many concessions are actually put to active mining use, and how many exist only as tradable assets for speculative profit? Most critically, how much of the wealth extracted from Suriname’s soil actually benefits the broader Surinamese public?

    These are not simple questions to answer, but they must be addressed to build a sustainable, transparent gold sector that serves the national interest. This debate has long outgrown being just about gold: it is now a test of governance, government credibility, and commitment to transparency. Ultimately, it is a test of whether Suriname’s rule of law can consistently enforce its own regulations, regardless of who holds influence. The stakes extend far beyond ecology: unregulated mining is a disaster for public health, erodes the quality of life for indigenous and local communities in the interior, and undermines the country’s already strained public finances.

    No one can claim that Suriname’s authorities do not know what needs to be done to fix the sector. But for decades, a stubborn gap has persisted between acknowledging the problem and implementing solutions. This gap costs the country critical revenue, irreparably damages vital ecosystems, erodes public trust in government, and undermines the legitimacy of the rule of law. As one of Suriname’s core economic pillars, the gold sector deserves far more than the endless cycle of new plans, new commissions, and unfulfilled promises that has defined reform efforts to date.

    President Simons has made a public promise to finally bring order to the gold sector. History will judge this promise not on words, but on tangible action—and that is where the greatest challenge lies. If the government is truly serious about reforming the sector, it will have to make difficult, unpopular choices that cut against the interests of powerful players. It will have to enforce the law against illegal activity, no matter who is involved or what political or financial interests stand to be harmed. That will almost certainly mean making choices that are unpopular within ruling party ranks and across the governing coalition.

    History will not judge the current government on its pledge to reform the gold sector. It will judge it on whether the government was willing to apply the law equally, to all parties, without exception or favor. The laws to regulate the sector already exist. The only remaining question is whether Suriname’s political leadership has the will to finally put them into practice.

  • In an act of subservience to the U.S., Colombia’s President-elect announces he will sever ties with Cuba

    In an act of subservience to the U.S., Colombia’s President-elect announces he will sever ties with Cuba

    In an official statement released on July 28, 2026, the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs delivered a firm rejection of the recent announcement from Colombia’s incoming president, Abelardo de la Espriella Otero. On July 26, Otero revealed plans to shutter the Colombian Embassy in Havana and severe all governmental relations between the two neighboring Latin American nations, a move that Cuban officials say breaks sharply with the longstanding fraternal ties that have connected Cuba and Colombia for generations.

    The Cuban government stresses that the planned cut to diplomatic ties is entirely without justification, and runs counter to the core national interests of the Colombian people. According to the statement, the proposed decision makes clear that Colombia’s next administration will subordinate its regional policy to the longstanding U.S.-backed agenda of division and confrontation between the two countries. The move also aligns with the most extreme, baseless strands of anti-Cuban politics that have emerged in Colombian political circles in recent years, Cuban officials added.

    This break in bilateral relations stands in direct opposition to the vision of Latin American and Caribbean unity that the founding leaders of both nations fought to advance, a goal that communities across the region have sacrificed greatly to achieve. For years, Cuba and Colombia have maintained an open, productive bilateral relationship marked by meaningful progress across economic cooperation, cross-border trade, joint development initiatives and academic exchanges — advances that have delivered tangible benefits to citizens of both countries. Cuba has long prioritized deepening and expanding these mutually beneficial ties, the statement reaffirmed.

    Cuban officials emphasized that the incoming Colombian administration’s unfounded hostile action does not reflect the true feelings of the Colombian people. For decades, Cuba has stood in unwavering solidarity with Colombians working toward a lasting peace via negotiated political settlements to the country’s long-running internal armed conflict, a commitment the nation will continue to uphold.

    In line with the 2016 Colombian peace accords negotiated in Havana, Cuba will continue honoring all of its commitments to Colombian medical students currently pursuing their education on the island. The statement closed with a reaffirmation of the enduring brotherhood between the Cuban and Colombian peoples, noting that this people-to-people bond will outlast any political attempt to weaken it.

  • Message from the Army General to the people of Pinar del Río

    Message from the Army General to the people of Pinar del Río

    On July 28, 2026, a personal message from Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, a key leader of Cuba’s revolutionary movement, was officially released to the residents of Pinar del Río, following the province’s hosting of the national central ceremony marking the 73rd anniversary of the 26th of July Movement.

    The historic assault on the Moncada and Carlos Manuel de Céspedes barracks, carried out in 1953, is widely recognized as the foundational event that launched Cuba’s revolutionary struggle, and the date is annually celebrated across the nation as National Rebellion Day. Each year, Cuba selects a host community to hold the main national commemorative event, honoring the ongoing commitment of that region to the values and goals of the revolution.

    In his heartfelt message, Raúl Castro extended warm affection and formal recognition to the people of Pinar del Río, noting that the province earned the privilege of hosting the 2026 central act through the collective hard work, unwavering dedication to the revolutionary cause, and innovative, persistent labor of its residents. The message closed with a warm embrace to all people of the province, reinforcing the connection between revolutionary leadership and local communities across Cuba.

    The message was accompanied by an official photo distributed via the WhatsApp Channel of the Presidency of the Republic of Cuba, and was first published by Cuban state media outlet Granma with full attribution to Raúl Castro Ruz.

  • We Cubans today are also conquerors of the impossible

    We Cubans today are also conquerors of the impossible

    On July 26, 2026, a date marking the 73rd anniversary of the 1953 assault on the Moncada and Carlos Manuel de Céspedes barracks — Cuba’s National Rebellion Day — Miguel Mario Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba and President of the Republic, took the stage at the main commemoration in Pinar del Río. The gathering fell in the “Year of the Centennial of Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz,” carrying extra symbolic weight for Cuba’s revolutionary movement. Opening the event, Díaz-Canel shared a pre-recorded message from retired Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, the historic leader of the Cuban Revolution, who conveyed warm affection and recognition to the people of Pinar del Río for their tireless dedication to the revolutionary cause and the honor of hosting this year’s national ceremony.

    Framing Cuba’s current struggle as a “new Moncada,” Díaz-Canel drew a direct parallel between the 1953 rebels’ risky charge against the Batista dictatorship’s barracks and today’s generation’s fight against what he called a genocidal foreign policy designed to suffocate the Cuban people and seize control of the island. He recalled that while critics dismiss the 1953 assault as a failure, that small spark of rebellion ignited the broader movement that ultimately brought the Cuban Revolution to triumph in 1959, echoing Fidel Castro’s core lesson that victory can emerge even from the greatest setbacks. He paid tribute to the legacy of Fidel, who famously declared in his historic self-defense trial that being Cuban carries an unnegotiable duty, and that abandoning that duty is an act of treason. Díaz-Canel also paused to honor the late revolutionary commander Ramiro Valdés Menéndez, a hero of the 1953 Moncada assault who passed earlier this year, marking the first National Rebellion Day since 1959 without his presence, calling for eternal glory to all who took part in the 1953 uprising.

    Díaz-Canel explained that Pinar del Río was chosen to host the main ceremony not only for its measurable political, economic and social gains, but because those victories stand as a testament to everyday Cuban heroism amid profound national hardship. He highlighted a striking local statistic: an infant mortality rate of 4.8 per 1,000 live births and a full year of zero maternal deaths, achieved despite widespread power outages and acute shortages of critical goods — results he called the definition of revolutionary heroism. The province has exceeded national expectations in advancing the Cuban government’s Economic and Social Program, meeting economic plan targets and balancing the state budget, growing export earnings, cutting the number of unprofitable state enterprises, and boosting domestic food production through collaborative work with small producers, while streamlining the process of granting land usufruct rights, a top national priority. He also celebrated Pinar del Río’s iconic tobacco industry, a globally recognized symbol of the region and a key export earner, as well as the food sector’s growing successful partnerships with non-state economic actors. The local Hermanos Saíz Montes de Oca University was highlighted for its commitment to tying scientific research and innovation directly to regional development, offering a model for other Cuban institutions. Despite widespread adversity, Díaz-Canel noted that Pinar del Río, a region with deep cultural roots and home to leading Cuban literary and artistic figures, has kept its cultural flame alive, protecting national heritage, expanding community cultural access, and delivering strong arts education outcomes as part of a collective effort to defend Cuban identity.

    Turning to the international context, Díaz-Canel issued a fierce condemnation of what he described as escalating aggression from Cuba’s historic adversaries, noting that as right-wing and far-right forces gain influence across Latin America, the United States has ramped up unilateral sanctions targeting Cuban companies, public officials, and even private or foreign entities that trade with or invest in the island. He singled out the latest round of U.S. sanctions, which target Cuban public health officials and medical services, calling the move a new low in infamy. He compared U.S. State Department officials, who draft sanctions lists and invent pretexts for coercion, to medieval authors of repressive military edicts and Nazi propagandists during World War II, arguing that Washington acts as if the entire world is its colony, dictating terms under threat of punishment. Díaz-Canel argued that the U.S. has declared a global war on left-wing movements and positioned Cuba as a primary target, claiming that U.S. leaders scapegoat Cuba to distract from domestic inequality that has sparked protests from working-class and impoverished communities, while criminalizing legitimate dissent to sustain their harmful policy toward the island.

    “Cuba is no threat to the United States or any nation on Earth,” Díaz-Canel emphasized. He pointed to Cuba’s decades-long history of global solidarity: sending doctors and teachers to regions where other powers send weapons, training thousands of young professionals from low-income nations around the world even amid its own hardship. Just this academic year, he noted, Cuban universities graduated 30,185 new professionals, including 735 from 62 foreign nations — among them 23 new Palestinian doctors and 5 American doctors. He argued that the true threat to regional and global security is not Cuba, but the U.S. policy of aggression that causes famine, mass impoverishment, uncontrolled migration, widespread instability, and tens of thousands of preventable deaths across the globe. He stressed that Cuba is the current victim of this campaign of economic suffocation, which is designed to provoke social unrest and install a government loyal to U.S. imperial interests, and explicitly denounced the six-decade U.S. blockade as a coldly calculated act of genocide.

    Díaz-Canel laid out the devastating human cost of the intensifying blockade, detailing that the U.S.-imposed energy and financial siege has caused prolonged national blackouts that often last more than 24 hours, shut down industrial production, and left tens of thousands of workers out of work. He shared grim national statistics that tell the story of widespread suffering: preventable deaths from a lack of medications that Cuba once produced and distributed freely or at low subsidized prices; more than 100,000 surgeries delayed or canceled due to unreliable power and a lack of fuel for backup generators; more than 118,000 cancer patients, including 1,200 children, who are forced to use less effective second- and third-line treatments because they cannot access first-line care; and a national rise in infant mortality to 9.3 per 1,000 live births, up from 4 to 5 in previous years. Behind every number, he said, is a child who died as a direct result of the blockade and its genocidal intent. He noted that the United Nations General Assembly has repeatedly condemned the U.S. unilateral coercive measures as violations of international law, arguing that it is illegal and criminal to torment an entire people simply to force them to overthrow their government. The latest U.S. slanderous report claiming Cuban subversion, he said, is nothing more than a mediocre propaganda pamphlet designed to build support for potential military aggression, and he held all those who design, implement, and tolerate the blockade accountable for the suffering and deaths of the Cuban people.

    Issuing a global appeal to the international community, Díaz-Canel warned that silence in the face of aggression against Cuba weakens international law and erodes the principle of national non-interference, clearing the way for future aggression against other sovereign nations. He drew a direct parallel to the ongoing crisis in Gaza, noting that global solidarity for the Palestinian people came too late for more than 70,000 Palestinians, including 21,000 children, killed by what he called a Zionist genocide that has turned the strip into mountains of rubble. “Defending Cuba from the cruelty of its executioners is not something that can wait,” he declared. He argued that defending Cuba’s right to sovereignty is a global fight against 21st-century colonialism, white supremacy, xenophobia, and hegemony, stressing that no nation is superior or inferior, and the old world order of emperors and subjects can never be restored.

    Díaz-Canel expressed profound gratitude to the global solidarity movement that has stood with Cuba despite U.S. pressure, including social movements across Latin America and the Caribbean, human rights organizations that have denounced the blockade at the United Nations and other global forums, parliamentary groups that work to end illegal sanctions, European civil society organizations that maintain ties with Cuban institutions, anti-imperialist and pacifist movements, and blocs of Global South nations that share the belief that national sovereignty is non-negotiable. He specifically thanked all governments that voted for the annual Cuban resolution condemning the blockade and the energy blockade at the UN General Assembly, despite heavy U.S. pressure, and recognized the international solidarity groups present at the ceremony, including Pastors for Peace, Carlota’s Warriors from New York, the Australian Association for Solidarity with Cuba, the José Martí Cultural Association of Miami, and the Marcapasos project. “Your presence is living proof that we are not alone,” he said, noting that defending Cuba at a time of maximum pressure is an act of courage that exposes the hypocrisy of powers that claim to defend human rights but stay silent in the face of genocide.

    Reaffirming that Cuba will never surrender, Díaz-Canel said that Cubans respond to the blockade’s suffocation with ingenuity, creativity, and the unyielding joy that defines the Cuban people, even in hard times. He echoed Raúl Castro’s 2024 call that unity is Cuba’s most important strategic weapon, stressing that unity does not mean uniformity — it means all Cubans, regardless of differences in approach, share the core goal of building a sovereign, independent, socialist, dignified, and prosperous Cuba that leaves no one behind. He noted that any fracture of national unity has always derailed the Cuban revolution in the past, making unity an non-negotiable priority.

    While praising the heroism and creativity of the Cuban people, Díaz-Canel stressed that individual effort alone cannot break the blockade, making ongoing national economic and social transformation a top strategic priority. He explained that Cuba is pursuing a process of macroeconomic restructuring, strengthening all forms of productive management, motivating workers and farmers, and opening pathways for responsible investment, always guided by the sacred principle that change cannot come at the cost of social justice. He noted that the revolutionary legacy of the Moncada assault demands that Cubans not fear change, but any transformation must always be rooted in the pursuit of the highest possible level of social justice, and that all economic and political decisions will remain in Cuban hands, with no foreign power allowed to dictate the island’s future.

    He noted that 2026, as the centennial of Fidel Castro Ruz’s birth, holds global significance, with revolutionary activists and friends from every continent set to travel to Cuba to take part in a colloquium and other events celebrating Fidel’s legacy. These events will offer a space to analyze Fidel’s extraordinary ideological contributions, assess Cuba’s current place in the world at one of the most difficult moments in its revolutionary history, and renew commitment to the revolutionary principles Fidel left to the Cuban people. Díaz-Canel called on all Cubans to honor Fidel’s centennial not just with words, but with action: through work, unity, dignity, and urgent determination to implement the transformations the current moment demands.

    Turning directly to Cuba’s young people, Díaz-Canel called them the present and the future of the revolution, noting that they are the heirs to the courage of the 1953 Moncada generation, and the first generation of Fidel’s centennial. He called on young Cubans to lead the current transformation from every neighborhood and every corner of the island, working to build change for the common good, just as previous generations fought for a better future for young Cubans.

    Closing the address, Díaz-Canel cited Cuban independence hero José Martí, who once said that a people’s greatest strength is faith in its own power. He issued a national call to action: no waiting, no lamenting, no settling for hardship, but thinking like a sovereign nation, pursuing new alternatives with creativity and boldness, protecting every scarce resource, increasing production, substituting imports, and developing national potential. He called on every Cuban, at their workplace, in their fields, in their schools, and in their neighborhoods, to see themselves as protagonists of the national transformation needed to overcome the current crisis. He ended with a message of hope, noting that just as the 1953 rebels faced overwhelming odds with courage and optimism, today’s Cubans are also conquerors of the impossible. Reaffirming Cuba’s commitment to the homeland, the revolution, and socialism, he closed with the iconic revolutionary slogans: “Long live July 26th! Long live the National Rebellion! Long live Cuba, sovereign and independent! Long live international solidarity with Cuba! Socialism or Death! Fatherland or Death! We will prevail!”

  • Here’s The True Cost of Feeding Belize’s Soldiers

    Here’s The True Cost of Feeding Belize’s Soldiers

    In a developing story that has put Belize’s public spending transparency under renewed scrutiny, leaked procurement records for the Belize Defense Force (BDF) 2023-2024 fiscal year food supply contracts have raised serious questions about potential overpayment, excess purchasing, and a lack of oversight in taxpayer-funded military spending.

    The documents, which outline contracts awarded to a small group of local suppliers for staple and premium food products for BDF kitchens, show that the Ministry of Defense paid far above national average retail prices for core goods, with price gaps reaching 64 percent for some items. When compared against monthly consumer price data collected by the Statistical Institute of Belize (SIB), which tracks average national costs for household goods, the discrepancies are impossible to overlook.

    For example, SIB data shows the highest average national price for a pound of chicken breast recorded between 2023 and 2024 was $4.73, reached in April 2024. However, leaked tender records reveal the Ministry of Defense paid J&J Imports $7.76 per pound for 1,000 pounds of chicken breast delivered monthly—more than $3 above the peak national average, and enough to generate $33,000 in potential annual savings even if the ministry had negotiated a rate of just $5 per pound. A second supplier, Kukulcan, charged the ministry $5.50 per pound for an additional 873 pounds of chicken breast each month, bringing the BDF’s total monthly chicken breast purchase to 1,873 pounds at a cost of more than $12,500.

    That level of purchasing for chicken breast alone has raised red flags, even before accounting for the 24,550 pounds of whole chicken the BDF bought from Kukulcan every month at $3 per pound. Across a full year, the defense ministry purchased more than 22,476 pounds of chicken breast and 294,600 pounds of whole chicken, totaling 317,076 pounds of chicken annually.

    The pattern of large-volume, above-average pricing extends to other protein items on the BDF menu. Kukulcan charged the ministry $23 per pound for 1,000 pounds of fish fillet monthly, amounting to $276,000 per year, while J&J Imports supplied an additional 1,466 pounds per month at $20.71 per pound, costing more than $30,000 monthly. Combined, the two suppliers delivered nearly 29,600 pounds of fish fillet each year.

    Other high-cost purchases include 1,320 pounds of baby back ribs annually ($19,260 total), 4,980 pounds of shrimp ($177,420 total), nearly 1,000 pounds of lobster ($24,402 total), and 15,312 pounds of ground steak ($157,500 total). When all counted, just these six meat items add up to nearly 360,000 pounds of meat per year, or an average of almost 986 pounds of meat per day. Even this figure does not include additional purchases of beef steak and ground chicken, which would push the annual total toward half a million pounds of meat.

    Cabinet Minister Kareem Musa, who is part of the ongoing investigation into the contracts, emphasized that procurement decisions should prioritize lower cost and full public transparency to protect taxpayer interests.

    “So if the Miras are offering the same vegetables at a lower cost than say, Save U and or Brodies then we should go the Miras, but at the end of the day it should be published for transparency purposes,” Musa said.

    SIB officials confirmed that the organization collects consistent, nationwide price data every month for its consumer price index survey, providing a reliable baseline to compare against the defense ministry’s contracted prices. Investigators are now focusing on two core questions: First, whether the Belizean government overpaid for food supplies by millions of taxpayer dollars by accepting inflated prices from selected suppliers, and second, whether the volume of meat purchased aligns with the actual consumption needs of BDF soldiers, raising questions about unreported diversion of supplies or inadequate contract monitoring. Coverage of this ongoing investigation was reported by Paul Lopez for News Five.

  • Were BDF Rifle Purchases Handled Like Questionable Food Contracts?

    Were BDF Rifle Purchases Handled Like Questionable Food Contracts?

    What began as a procurement scandal rooted in questionable food supply contracts at Belize’s Ministry of Defense has expanded into an investigation of military weapons purchases, with new allegations of improper bidding and off-book payment practices emerging.

    The controversy centers on a 2026 acquisition of 120 Taurus brand rifles by the Belize Defense Force (BDF), arranged before current Ministry of Defense Chief Executive Officer Francis Usher assumed his post. In an interview with local outlet News Five, Usher confirmed the purchase went forward but declined to share key details, including the identity of the supplier and specifics of how the transaction was funded. Usher cited an ongoing government audit covering the time period of the rifle acquisition as the reason for withholding information.

    Unconfirmed but credible sources familiar with the deal have told News Five that the selected supplier received preferential treatment tied to political connections, rather than winning the contract through a fair, competitive bidding process. Additional scrutiny falls on the payment structure of the deal: sources indicate the total cost was split into multiple transactions each valued under the $10,000 reporting threshold — the exact same problematic practice that is currently under investigation in the food procurement portion of the scandal. Usher told reporters he has not been able to access the original financial records for the rifle purchase to confirm or deny these claims.

    The total estimated cost of the acquisition also raises new questions. A standard military-grade Taurus rifle typically retails for between $1,500 and $2,000 USD, meaning the 120-rifle purchase would carry a total price tag well into six figures, far above the $10,000 threshold that was split through multiple transactions.

    On the question of operational suitability, Usher noted that the Taurus rifles are considered acceptable for military use, but added that BDF and the Belize Coast Guard have a long-standing preference for Colt rifles, which have a well-documented reliable track record for the nation’s security forces. In 2025, the Ministry of Defense completed a transparent procurement of 350 Colt rifles through a formal competitive bidding process, where Fort Point Security was selected as the winning vendor. Usher outlined that the 2025 Colt contract followed standard protocol, requiring a 50% down payment upfront and the remaining 50% balance due upon delivery, a transaction that has since been fully completed with no irregularities reported. Each Colt rifle was acquired for approximately $6,000 USD under that formal contract.

    As public attention remains focused on the initial food supply corruption probe, the emerging questions around the Taurus rifle purchase have left many asking whether the problematic procurement practices are isolated to food contracts, or represent a broader pattern of corruption extending to core equipment acquisitions for Belize’s national security forces.

  • The Scandal Is Growing, and So Is the Pressure on Cabinet

    The Scandal Is Growing, and So Is the Pressure on Cabinet

    July 27, 2026

    What began as an isolated controversy over questionable military contracting has rapidly ballooned into a full-blown political crisis that is shaking the nation’s cabinet and sparking widespread demands for greater governmental accountability. The unfolding Ministry of Defense procurement scandal, widely referred to in public discourse as the “Mira Millions” affair, has already drawn multiple senior cabinet officials into the eye of the political storm, forced several sitting ministers to take temporary leave from their official duties, and placed the entire defense department under unprecedented public and parliamentary scrutiny.

    As the crisis deepens, Public Service Minister Henry Charles Usher has emphasized that the top priority right now must be an unimpeded, independent audit of the entire affair. In comments to reporters this week, Usher stressed that independent auditors must be given full autonomy to carry out their work without political interference, set the scope of the investigation according to professional standards, and pinpoint any gaps in oversight or failures of internal controls that allowed the questionable deals to proceed without detection.

    “All relevant information has already been released into the public domain, and the Auditor General’s office has already begun its on-site audit work,” Usher stated in an interview. “We will have to wait for the final findings to know the full scope of what occurred. What matters most is that any systemic weaknesses that enabled this controversy are addressed, and new safeguards are put in place to prevent this from happening again. Long before the Auditor General formally launched this probe, I called for a full independent audit, and that process is now moving forward as it should.”

    Usher noted that he has not yet seen the formal engagement letter that outlines the full parameters of the audit, a document that typically specifies the areas of inquiry, timeline for the probe, list of individuals to be interviewed, and specific records that auditors will review. He confirmed that the document is understood to have been delivered directly to the Ministry of Defense, and that the specific scope of the inquiry will be set entirely by the lead audit team, regardless of whether that role is filled by the Auditor General or an independent forensic auditor.

    “Forensic audits require clear terms of engagement to function properly,” Usher explained. “That document lays out every step the auditors intend to take, from interviews to document reviews, and it is critical that their work remains completely independent, open, and free from any political interference. That is the standard we are committed to upholding through this process.”

    This report is a transcript of an evening television broadcast, with all Kreole language content transcribed using a standardized spelling system for accuracy.

  • Public Service Minister Says SARA Legislation Coming

    Public Service Minister Says SARA Legislation Coming

    As of July 27, 2026, uncertainty lingers among employees of the Belize Tax Service Department as the government moves forward with a planned restructuring that will convert the department into a semi-autonomous revenue authority (SARA). Frontline public officers have raised repeated concerns, demanding clearer information about how the institutional overhaul will impact their employment status, job placements, and long-term career trajectories.

    In a recent public statement addressing the growing unrest, Minister of Public Service Henry Charles Usher confirmed that the foundational SARA legislation is currently in active development, and that collaborative, productive working sessions have been held with relevant stakeholders since the last official update on the proposal. Usher emphasized that the drafting and formal approval of this new legislation is the non-negotiable first step in the entire restructuring process, and no final decisions about employee reassignments will be made until the legal framework is fully finalized.

    “We have ongoing work on the legislation, and productive meetings have been held since our last public update,” Usher noted. “I cannot yet confirm an exact date when the bill will be tabled for legislative review and debate, but that step must be completed before we move forward with any transition plans for public officers. Once the legislation is settled, we will then work through placement options: some employees may remain with the new revenue authority, while others may be reassigned to other roles across the broader public service sector.”

    This report is a transcribed excerpt from an evening television news broadcast, with all Creole-language comments formatted according to a standardized spelling system for accessibility.