分类: politics

  • Sherman Boston: ‘What we need is unity’

    Sherman Boston: ‘What we need is unity’

    As the Roseau North by-election approaches, independent contender Sherman Boston is calling for an end to partisan political division, arguing that cross-community unity is the only way to resolve the years-long unaddressed challenges that have plagued the Dominican constituency.

    Boston laid out his platform during a public forum hosted by the Dominica Business Forum on Wednesday evening, held in the auditorium of the Dominica-China Friendship Hospital. The candidate, who has decades of experience working on local infrastructure projects, pulled from his own firsthand knowledge to detail the gaps in development that have left Roseau North residents underserved.

    Among the examples he cited was the unfinished Netball Stadium, a project he helped conceptualize in the early 2000s that has yet to be completed. He also pointed to major highway infrastructure he worked on near Stock Farm and the local college, noting the critical safety gap created by the absence of sidewalks along the high-traffic route. For more than a year, Boston has been a vocal advocate for resolving longstanding problems with the constituency’s landfill, a issue that continues to impact surrounding communities.

    These infrastructure shortcomings are not isolated, Boston explained, cutting across multiple neighborhoods spanning Stock Farm, Yampiece, Gutter, Tarish Pit, and Fond Cole. One of the most pressing issues he highlighted is the lack of vehicle access for hundreds of residents who hold legal land titles to their properties. Even after the government sold them the land and issued official documentation, many homeowners are still forced to walk long distances to reach their homes, carrying their belongings on foot because no access roads have been constructed.

    Vulnerable populations bear the brunt of this neglect, Boston emphasized, adding that elderly residents in Yampiece, Gutter, and Fond Cole face disproportionate hardship due to the lack of safe, reliable access to their communities.

    While Boston outlined a lengthy roster of unmet needs across the constituency, he made clear that his core campaign message is not just a list of grievances — it is a call for systemic change to the partisan tribalism that has stalled progress for years. “I could stand here all night listing every problem that needs fixing in Roseau North,” he told attendees. “But my priority tonight is to tell you that what we need first is unity.”

    He argued that ongoing political factionalism has prevented meaningful progress on even the most basic community needs, and it is long past time for these divisions to end. Facing the complex current and future challenges that Dominica as a whole must confront, Boston said every citizen has a role to play in moving the country forward. “We need all hands on deck,” he stated.

    Closing his remarks at the forum, Boston urged all Dominican people to set aside partisan divides and come together to build a nation that all residents can be proud of.

  • COMMENTARY: Nicaragua’s Abandoned Ballot: What the OAS Can and Cannot Do

    COMMENTARY: Nicaragua’s Abandoned Ballot: What the OAS Can and Cannot Do

    On the 47th anniversary of the Sandinista Revolution that once toppled a decades-long dynastic dictatorship, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega delivered a bombshell announcement that stripped away the last veneer of democratic legitimacy from his regime: there will be no future elections that allow opposition parties to contest for national power. Accompanying this declaration, Ortega pledged to enact new legislative barriers targeting individuals his administration labels as coup plotters and traitors to the state.

    This moment stands as a bitter irony for Nicaraguan history. The popular uprising that ended the Somoza family’s authoritarian rule has itself given way to a new dynastic administration, led by Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo, who serves as co-president alongside him.

    As Antigua and Barbuda’s Ambassador to the United States and the Organization of American States (OAS), and Dean of the OAS Corps of Ambassadors, I immediately issued a public condemnation of Ortega’s announcement on X. My statement was clear: this move is a deliberate assault on core democratic principles and fundamental human rights, and all governments committed to democratic governance must reject this unacceptable power grab. The Nicaraguan people have already endured far too many years of repression under this regime.

    While Ortega’s announcement marks a dramatic shift in official rhetoric, it changes little about the on-the-ground reality of Nicaraguan politics. For years, elections have been nothing more than a hollow gimmick, maintaining the visual of popular choice without any of its substance. Ahead of the 2021 general election, all major opposition parties were banned from participating, dozens of prospective presidential candidates were arrested, independent media outlets were shuttered, and civil society organizations were either forced to shut down or drive into exile. Ortega’s latest statement simply removes the last remaining pretense of competitive electoral democracy.

    In the weeks following the announcement, several individual OAS member states have publicly condemned Ortega’s edict. OAS Secretary General Albert Ramdin correctly framed the elimination of competitive elections as a direct denial of the Nicaraguan people’s sovereign right to select their own government. However, neither the Secretary General nor individual member states can speak for the organization as a whole. While the OAS General Assembly adopted a declaration addressing the steady deterioration of democracy and human rights in Nicaragua just one month before Ortega’s announcement, the organization has yet to issue an official collective response to the latest attack on democratic governance.

    To address this institutional silence, delegations from Canada and Chile began drafting a collective statement for OAS member states, and I contributed language to the text that firmly condemns Ortega’s actions and calls for the restoration of genuine multi-party electoral competition in Nicaragua. As of this writing, the draft statement has not yet been taken up for consideration by the OAS Permanent Council, and the United States has separately proposed its own resolution on the issue that also awaits deliberation.

    The core point of contention now before the OAS is how to legally and politically characterize Ortega’s actions. There is no question that Nicaragua currently faces a deep crisis of representative democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. The Ortega-Murillo administration’s systematic revocation of basic civil and political rights has deepened widespread instability and fear across the country, pushing thousands of Nicaraguans to flee repression via irregular migration routes and creating new humanitarian pressures for neighboring receiving states.

    But this internal human rights crisis does not automatically equate to a threat to hemispheric peace and security. Nicaraguans fleeing political persecution are victims of repression, not security threats to the countries that grant them refuge. This distinction is not merely semantic; it carries critical legal weight for the OAS and its member states.

    In November 2023, Nicaragua formally withdrew its membership from the OAS, a process that took effect when I was serving as President of the OAS Permanent Council. At that time, the organization made clear that Nicaragua’s withdrawal does not absolve the regime of its binding international human rights obligations, including those enshrined in the American Convention on Human Rights. Nicaragua chose to leave the OAS after a majority of member states pushed back against its ongoing democratic and rule of law violations, at a time when suspension under the OAS Charter and Inter-American Democratic Charter remained a possible outcome. Crucially, suspension provisions only apply to current member states, so that mechanism is no longer available to the organization.

    This legal reality does not mean the OAS is required to remain silent or inactive in the face of Ortega’s crackdown. It simply means the organization must draw a clear line between political and human rights actions that fall within its existing competence, and coercive measures that would require a legal basis the OAS does not possess.

    Within the inter-American system, binding collective sanctions can only be pursued, if at all, by member states of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (commonly known as the Rio Treaty). This separate procedure is only open to parties to the treaty, and requires a formal, evidence-based determination that the peace of the Americas is actively endangered. Not all OAS member states are parties to the Rio Treaty, and Nicaragua is no longer an OAS member in any case. More importantly, while Ortega’s oppression of the Nicaraguan people is morally reprehensible, it does not constitute an armed attack against another state, nor does it meet the legal threshold for a threat to hemispheric peace and security. International law cannot be stretched to fit a desired political outcome just because we find Ortega’s conduct offensive. Overextending legal frameworks to punish objectionable conduct would only weaken the rules-based international order that democracy advocates seek to uphold.

    Even without coercive sanctions, there are many meaningful, legally grounded actions the OAS can and should take to address the crisis. The Permanent Council has the authority to adopt a clear resolution condemning the elimination of meaningful electoral competition, and rejecting the arbitrary exclusion of opposition candidates and civil society groups solely for their peaceful opposition to the Ortega-Murillo regime. It can demand the immediate release of all political prisoners, the restoration of full civil and political rights for all Nicaraguans, and the reopening of civic space for independent media and civil society organizations.

    The OAS can also keep Nicaragua under active and sustained consideration in line with the June 2024 General Assembly declaration, receive regular monitoring updates from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and support the Commission’s ongoing monitoring work, public hearings, and precautionary measures for at-risk Nicaraguans. The organization can formally call on Nicaragua to comply with rulings and provisional measures issued by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The Secretary General can offer his good offices to facilitate dialogue, even if the Ortega regime refuses to engage. Individual OAS member states can also provide support to exiled Nicaraguan civil society groups, cooperate with United Nations human rights mechanisms to preserve evidence of abuses, and extend protection to Nicaraguans forced to flee their country.

    Individual governments retain the right to implement their own lawful diplomatic measures in response to the crisis, but these actions should be clearly acknowledged as national policy choices, not misrepresented as collective OAS action unless formally authorized by the organization’s competent governing bodies.

    The message from the inter-American community to Ortega and Murillo must be clear and unmistakeable: Nicaragua’s withdrawal from the OAS does not place their regime beyond international scrutiny or accountability. The OAS must maintain constant vigilance over the situation, document ongoing human rights abuses through its existing human rights institutions, keep the crisis under active consideration by its political organs, and insist that all those responsible for violations are held accountable under applicable international law.

    Ortega abandoned free and fair elections because he fears the verdict of the Nicaraguan people. The inter-American community must not normalize his authoritarian conduct, nor allow the crisis to disappear from hemispheric attention. The OAS response must be united, persistent, and unambiguous – while remaining firmly rooted in international law and the rules-based order.

  • PVC-vrouwen veroordelen uitspraken Van Samson: Leiderschap kent geen geslacht

    PVC-vrouwen veroordelen uitspraken Van Samson: Leiderschap kent geen geslacht

    PARAMARIBO, Suriname – July 31 – The women’s wing of the Progressive Communication Party (Partij van Communicatie, PVC) has issued a strong statement condemning recent controversial comments made by Cedric van Samson, a sitting member of the National Assembly from the ruling VHP party. Van Samson’s remarks, which implied that women are inherently less suited to hold Suriname’s highest political office, have triggered sharp pushback from gender equality advocates and political groups across the country.

    As a political organization rooted in the core values of gender equity, mutual respect, and inclusive political representation, the PVC’s women’s caucus made clear that it rejects all forms of gender-based stereotyping and discrimination in unmistakeable terms. The group emphasized that political leadership should never be evaluated based on a candidate’s gender, but rather on their policy vision, personal integrity, professional expertise, and genuine commitment to serving the Surinamese public.

    The statement highlighted that the PVC has long made a deliberate, principle-driven choice to reserve prominent positions for women on its electoral candidate lists. This decision, the group noted, stems from a deep-held conviction that women make an irreplaceable contribution to national development in Suriname. Their unique perspectives, expert knowledge, and leadership capabilities deserve full recognition, public trust, and widespread respect across all sectors of society.

    Going further, the PVC’s women’s wing issued a call to action for all political parties, elected representatives, and public officials across Suriname to conduct national and local political and social debate with a greater sense of responsibility. Words carry tangible social weight, the group argued: comments from sitting political leaders play a major role in shaping societal norms, and they must never be used to discourage or exclude women who aspire to take on senior governing responsibilities.

    Reaffirming their long-term commitment, the PVC women’s caucus pledged to continue working toward building a more inclusive Surinamese society where every woman has equal access to opportunities to develop her talents, hold leadership positions, and make a full, meaningful contribution to the country’s future. The statement closed with a clear core message: leadership has no gender. It is defined by character, competence, integrity, and dedication to serving the public good.

  • PM, Bramble confident as petitions trial hits halfway mark

    PM, Bramble confident as petitions trial hits halfway mark

    As a high-stakes election eligibility trial centered on dual citizenship reached its halfway milestone in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on Thursday, Prime Minister Godwin Friday and his legal team have struck a confident, unyielding tone in defending their position.

    The case, being heard at the Kingstown High Court before retired appellate justice and acting High Court Judge Gerthel Thom, was brought by opposition Unity Labour Party (ULP) members Carlos Williams and Luke Browne. The petitioners argue that Friday and Foreign Affairs Minister Dwight Fitzgerald Bramble are ineligible to hold their elected seats from the November 2025 general election, due to the pair holding both Vincentian and Canadian citizenship. The challenge comes after Williams and Browne lost their respective races in Northern Grenadines and East Kingstown in the November 27 poll, where Friday’s New Democratic Party secured a landslide 14-1 victory, ending 25 years of ULP rule.

    Speaking to reporters after three consecutive days of witness testimony, Friday framed the proceedings as far more than a personal legal battle: he called it a critical test of both his administration’s democratic mandate and the independence of the tiny Caribbean nation’s institutions. “I am extremely upbeat about our position — our legal team has performed exceptionally well,” Friday stated. “There are actors seeking to overturn the mandate the people of this country gave me, and I will do everything in my power to protect that outcome. That is why I have been present in court every single day, and I will remain here until the court issues its ruling.”

    Lead counsel for the respondents Anand Ramlogan, a former Attorney General of Trinidad and Tobago, confirmed the trial has reached its halfway point, with the petitioners having concluded all evidence testimony. Ramlogan shared that he completed cross-examination of all the petitioners’ witnesses, including Sarah McKinnis, a Canadian immigration law expert who testified virtually, and said several key revelations emerged during the intense questioning that the defense will highlight to the court. The defense will present its case when proceedings resume in the first week of September, with formal legal submissions scheduled for November. “We remain extremely confident in our position, and we trust the presiding judge will deliver a ruling aligned with law and the best interests of the public,” Ramlogan added.

    Friday, who has attended every session of the trial so far, emphasized that his consistent presence is a core part of his duty to uphold the will of voters. “As prime minister, I would rather be focused on governing than sitting in a courtroom for three days of testimony, but I am here because the people placed me in this role, and I respect their mandate,” he explained. “The entire country has accepted the election result, but a small number of opponents simply cannot accept defeat, so they have turned to the courts to undermine the outcome. We will not back down from protecting and defending the mandate the people gave us.”

    He added that he would not make token, occasional appearances at the trial, saying, “I will be here for every single minute of every day. I am here to represent the people of this country, and I will remain until this matter is vindicated.” Ramlogan also pointed out that the challenge comes surprisingly late, noting that Friday has served in Parliament for 25 years — making the sudden post-election objection to his eligibility “curious”.

    At its core, the case turns on a long-debated question: does Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’ constitution bar dual citizens from serving in Parliament or holding senior public office? Friday argued that the law is already explicit, pointing to Section 25 of the national constitution as clear support for his position. Ramlogan, who has handled similar dual citizenship disputes across the Commonwealth Caribbean, noted that the ruling will have implications far beyond Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. “Many Caribbean island nations have larger diaspora populations living abroad than they have residents at home,” he explained. “These citizens often gain valuable international experience, advanced education and specialized expertise that they can bring back to drive national progress. Cutting off this talent pool by barring dual citizens from public office is a self-inflicted wound that holds back development.” He added that the time has come to reevaluate outdated restrictions, saying “There is no reason a loyal dual citizen who chooses to live and serve their home country should be barred from public office solely because of their second nationality.”

    For their part, the petitioners framed the challenge as a legitimate effort to clarify constitutional ambiguity that serves a broader public good. “We are simply exercising our constitutional right to challenge the validity of this election, and we trust the legal process will run its course,” said petitioner Luke Browne, a ULP candidate and attorney. He added that the high-profile proceedings have already provided a valuable educational opportunity for local law students and young attorneys, who are able to observe seasoned senior counsel from across the region argue the case. Fellow petitioner Carlos Williams echoed that framing, saying “Constitutional integrity is a national priority. Where there is ambiguity in the law, it is necessary to bring the matter to court to get a clear ruling — that is exactly what we are doing here.” The petitioners are represented by Senior Counsel Stuart Young, a former Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago.

    Bramble, the respondent and MP for East Kingstown, acknowledged the petitioners’ legal right to bring the challenge but criticized their judgment in doing so. “It is striking that after 25 years of Prime Minister Friday serving in Parliament, this objection only surfaces now after he won the general election,” Bramble said. “That demonstrates very poor judgment in how they have chosen to exercise this right. For my part, I will continue focusing on serving my constituents in East Kingstown, as I was elected to do, until the people of this constituency decide they no longer want me in office — nothing and no one else will change that.”

    Throughout the proceedings, both sides have emphasized their respect for the court’s authority, even as they maintain conflicting positions on the case’s merits. Ramlogan noted that beyond legal arguments, widespread public support for Friday is on clear display outside the courthouse every day. “The law is the law, but no ruling can take away the deep public affection and support the prime minister has earned from the people of this country,” he said.

  • “The path is difficult, the situation is complex, but our will to overcome is unwavering”

    “The path is difficult, the situation is complex, but our will to overcome is unwavering”

    On July 30, 2026, amid the nation’s commemoration of the ‘Year of the Centennial of Commander-in-Chief Fidel Castro Ruz’, Cuban President Miguel Mario Díaz-Canel Bermúdez delivered a landmark closing address to the 7th Ordinary Session of the 10th Legislature of the National Assembly of People’s Power, opening with a tribute to revolutionary icon Ramiro Valdés Menéndez that framed the nation’s current struggle against external aggression.

    Díaz-Canel honored Valdés, a founding member of Cuba’s parliamentary system since 1976 and a core figure of the revolutionary Centennial Generation, as a living paragon of the ethical and patriotic legacy left by Fidel Castro, Raúl Castro, Che Guevara and other revolutionary leaders. Echoing José Martí’s famous maxim that ‘all the glory of the world fits into a grain of corn’, he highlighted Valdés’ lifelong commitment to revolutionary unity and unwavering resistance to imperialism, noting that his example remains a critical inspiration for Cuba as it confronts unprecedented modern challenges.

    The president painted a stark portrait of the global and domestic context facing Cuba in 2026, describing the months since the December 2025 assembly session as a period marked by an ‘extremely complex and threatening scenario’ that has left the nation functioning as a ‘besieged fortress’. Pointing to the January 2026 military intervention in Venezuela and the deepening crisis in Gaza, he warned that the current U.S. administration’s neo-fascist policies mirror the expansionist horrors of 20th-century German fascism, with rising xenophobia, cult of personality, ideological repression, and resource plundering threatening global order and peace. He drew particular attention to the ongoing humanitarian catastrophe in Gaza, where UN estimates place the death toll between 75,000 and 90,000, 60% of them women and children, with nearly 2 million people displaced into a tiny 35 to 40 square kilometer strip, creating unsustainable conditions for basic survival.

    Díaz-Canel emphasized that this pattern of aggression is now being directly applied to Cuba, where a U.S.-enforced energy and economic blockade has pushed the Cuban people’s suffering to levels incompatible with basic modern needs. He detailed that a January 2026 executive order from the U.S. president threatens third countries with sanctions for supplying fuel to Cuba, a measure that has left Cuba receiving just one fuel shipment in seven months. The resulting energy crisis has stripped the national electrical grid of 1,400 megawatts of daily generation capacity, extending blackouts that have crippled water access, disrupted agricultural planting and harvesting, paralyzed industrial production, damaged the critical tourism sector, and put patients at risk in hospitals and intensive care units. All imports – from medical supplies and food to power plant repair parts and private sector raw materials – face months of delays in international ports due to U.S. threats against shipping companies. Cuban medical collaboration, a key source of revenue for the nation’s universal public healthcare system, is also targeted with false claims, worsening shortages of critical medical supplies.

    Additional May 2026 secondary sanctions targeting any foreign individual or company doing business with Cuba have created the most extensive effort to cut off the small island nation’s economy from the global community in modern history. Díaz-Canel rejected the U.S. denial of the energy embargo and its false claims of providing aid to Cubans, noting that the cumulative cost of the decades-long blockade now exceeds $150 billion, a harm that touches every aspect of daily life. He highlighted that the international community has overwhelmingly condemned the policy, with the United Nations General Assembly voting 136-9 in July 2026 to reject the U.S. attempt to block debate on the blockade. He also recognized the growing opposition to the blockade within the U.S. itself, from honest members of Congress to long-standing solidarity organizations including The People’s Forum, Pastors for Peace, and Code Pink, expressing confidence that the American people, once informed of the truth, will stand on the side of justice.

    Against this backdrop of external aggression, Díaz-Canel outlined Cuba’s sovereign plan for domestic economic and social transformation, rooted in the nation’s long-standing commitment to socialist construction and adapted to meet current challenges. Drawing parallels to the Special Period economic crisis, he explained that 176 targeted reform measures have been developed in line with the 2011 Party Congress policy guidelines and shaped by popular input from thousands of community assemblies held across the country ahead of the December 2025 parliamentary approval of the government program. He acknowledged legitimate public concerns about private capital growth, wealth concentration, potential privatization, inequality, corruption, and the ideological impact of capitalist relations, stressing that the reforms are not designed to advance capitalism, but to strengthen socialism that puts human needs at its center.

    As of the address, 120 of the 176 measures are ready for implementation, prioritized to unlock productive forces, strengthen both state and non-state business sectors, expand municipal autonomy, increase domestic supply of goods, improve wage-price balance, boost export earnings, and attract foreign investment through structured partnerships between state, private, and cooperative sectors. Five core supporting regulations have already been approved by the National Assembly, providing legal certainty for all actors. Díaz-Canel stressed that the reforms are a sovereign decision, not a concession to the United States, and that key public sectors including health, education, science, and culture will remain fully public, free, and universal, with reforms focused on generating resources to improve their quality rather than privatizing them.

    He emphasized that successful implementation depends on deepening popular participation, decentralizing economic authority to provincial and municipal levels, breaking bureaucratic inertia, combating corruption, and ensuring that economic growth goes hand in hand with social recovery that prioritizes vulnerable populations. ‘Economic efficiency must serve social justice, which encapsulates much of the meaning of the Revolution and its commitment to the people,’ he stated.

    Díaz-Canel also highlighted grassroots progress already underway across Cuban communities: growing adoption of renewable energy by state and private entities, private and public partnerships to deliver water and collect solid waste, collaborative solutions to cash flow gaps for worker and retiree payments, and improved support for the Family Care System and 32 other social assistance programs, all driven by collective solidarity at the local level. He acknowledged the ongoing intensity of daily hardship, but praised the tireless work of Party, state, military, and community organizers who have worked around the clock to support the population.

    Turning to regional and global geopolitics, Díaz-Canel warned that the current U.S. regime has put Cuba under explicit military threat, spreading false claims that the small island poses a threat to U.S. national security to manufacture a pretext for aggression. He reaffirmed Cuba’s commitment to peace and its willingness to resolve bilateral differences through dialogue based on sovereign equality, but stressed that the nation will not surrender its independence. He noted a growing shift toward extreme right-wing rule across Latin America and the Caribbean, driven by U.S. imperial pressure, that has reversed decades of progress toward regional integration and sovereign independence, even as Cuba retains the solidarity of regional peoples and progressive governments. He condemned new U.S. attempts to criminalize Cuba’s legacy of international solidarity and rewrite history, reaffirming that anti-imperialism and international solidarity remain core components of Cuban national identity.

    Closing the address just days ahead of the centennial of Fidel Castro’s birth, Díaz-Canel celebrated the enduring legacy of the revolutionary leader, noting that ten years after his death, Fidel’s ideas continue to grow in influence across generations and continents, inspiring movements for justice globally. ‘Fidel lives and promises to continue fighting battles for a better world,’ he declared. He closed with the iconic revolutionary slogans that have defined Cuba’s resistance for decades: ‘Socialism or Death! Homeland or Death! We will win!’

  • Column: Cedric van Samson kan groter worden dan zijn woorden

    Column: Cedric van Samson kan groter worden dan zijn woorden

    Some public comments are so poorly phrased that they take on a life of their own, and that is exactly what has happened to Cedric van Samson, a member of the Surinamese parliament from the VHP party. After reviewing the full recording of his recent interview on Amsterdam-based Stanvaste Radio, there is no avoiding the conclusion: the elected official made a serious misstep.

    It is entirely appropriate, even a core responsibility, for a politician to deliver sharp criticism of a sitting president. But Van Samson’s words left the clear impression that his objection extended beyond President Jennifer Simons’ performance in office to her very identity as a woman. Since the interview, Van Samson has attempted to walk back his comments, offering nuanced explanations of what he claims he actually meant. But ongoing public debate makes clear that these clarifications have not eased the widespread discomfort his words sparked. This may be because the conversation has long since shifted beyond what Van Samson actually said, to the deeper meaning his words evoked for so many Surinamese.

    This moment actually presents Van Samson with an opportunity to demonstrate genuine leadership, rather than endlessly repeating explanations for his original comment. For politicians, who rely entirely on public trust to hold office, strength does not only come from articulating clear convictions. It also comes from taking accountability when words land differently than intended. Today, Van Samson has the chance to rise above his own harmful phrasing.

    Van Samson must recognize that his comment is no longer merely a dispute over criticism of President Simons’ policy or leadership style. It has unearthed a much broader, long-simmering conversation about gender equality and the place of women in public governance. This is not a new debate, but many had thought that this specific form of open gender bias was a thing of the past in Suriname.

    Today, Van Samson’s remarks resonate far beyond the original comment, touching every woman who holds political ambition or aspires to public office. This issue is particularly sensitive in Suriname, where women have fought a long, hard battle to earn full participation in public life. Less than 80 years ago, Surinamese women were denied the right to vote, legally deemed unfit to make their own decisions, and barred from carrying out most independent legal actions without their husband’s explicit permission. The path to full political equality was never a given, and progress remains fragile.

    This fight for gender equity in politics is not unique to Suriname. For decades, activists across the globe have organized to secure equal rights and equal opportunity for women in public life. A defining milestone came in 1995, at the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, where the Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action was adopted. Suriname was among the signatory nations, committing to the core principle that women and men must have equal access to participation in political and public life.

    Van Samson’s comment stands in direct opposition to that international commitment Suriname made. The core principle holds that political office must be open to all, regardless of gender. This does not mean that women are inherently better leaders than men, nor does it bar robust criticism of a female president. It does mean that criticism should focus on policy, governance decisions and leadership, not the gender of the person holding office.

    This debate also touches on the fundamental principle of freedom of expression. Is Van Samson legally allowed to say what he said? The answer is straightforward: yes. Freedom of speech is a foundational pillar of any democratic constitutional state. But freedom of expression has never meant freedom from the consequences of one’s words. In fact, even this fundamental right has clear limits. It protects citizens from arbitrary government censorship, but it does not give anyone an open license to say anything without being held accountable for the impact of their words. Anyone who exercises this freedom must also take responsibility for the outcomes of their speech. Freedom without accountability loses all meaning and devolves into recklessness. This is true for every citizen, and it carries even more weight for an elected representative.

    A member of parliament does not speak only as a private individual. He speaks as a legislator and a representative of the entire Surinamese people. That is why his words carry far more weight than an ordinary citizen’s. This is not because elected officials have fewer rights than others, but because they bear greater responsibility. That is precisely why this moment is an opportunity for Van Samson: rather than rehashing explanations or arguing over context and interpretation, he can demonstrate real leadership.

    In political culture, an apology is often misread as a sign of weakness. Many assume that acknowledging a mistake means abandoning one’s core convictions. The opposite is true. When a politician takes responsibility for harmful words, it proves that they understand the weight of the office they hold. A straightforward apology would not diminish Van Samson. It would lift him up.

    It would demonstrate that he understands words often travel further than the speaker ever intended. It would prove that he recognizes a poorly phrased comment can ignite a debate the speaker never meant to start, and that he understands the difference between clinging to a core political conviction and clinging to an accidental harmful turn of phrase.

    Strong leadership does not mean never making mistakes or never misspeaking. What sets strong leaders apart is the courage to admit when they have gone wrong. Modern politics is unforgiving, and social media amplifies every misstep into a national conversation. That makes it all the more important for leaders to be able to say simply: “I should have phrased this differently.”

    At the end of the day, this debate is not just about Cedric van Samson. It is about the kind of political culture Suriname will build: one where scoring points matters more than accountability, or one where leaders understand that authority is built not just through words, but through self-reflection. Cedric van Samson can rise above his words today. And the one word that could deliver his greatest political victory right now is simply: sorry.

  • Transcript weerspreekt beroep Van Samson op ‘verkeerd citeren’

    Transcript weerspreekt beroep Van Samson op ‘verkeerd citeren’

    A firestorm of political controversy has erupted in Suriname after ruling party lawmaker Cedric van Samson of the VHP made an incendiary public claim that the nation should never again elect a woman to the presidency, triggering a walkout of coalition lawmakers and an indefinite adjournment of parliamentary proceedings. Through it all, van Samson has repeatedly insisted he was misquoted and deliberately misinterpreted by critics, even releasing a formal statement following a tense parliamentary debate to reaffirm this narrative. But a full review of the complete transcript from his original radio interview with Stanvaste Radio Amsterdam tells a different story, confirming the controversial remark was made voluntarily and verbatim by the lawmaker, with any qualifying context added only after the interviewer called out the comment as discriminatory.

    The core of the dispute centers on the sequence of van Samson’s comments during the interview, which touched on the performance of incumbent Suriname President Jennifer Simons. Van Samson drew his own unprompted conclusion mid-discussion, stating explicitly: “En daarom moeten we nooit meer een vrouw hebben als president worden. Nooit meer moeten we deze vergissing maken.” Immediately after this remark, he continued, arguing that responsibility and accountability are inherently expected of male leaders in a way that does not apply to women.

    It was only after this unprompted statement that interviewer Frans Pinas interrupted to point out that van Samson’s comments amounted to gender discrimination. Only then did van Samson shift his tone, claiming he was not discriminating, and that he was judging the current president based on her job performance rather than her gender. He added that the incumbent should not receive special treatment because of her gender, and that all presidents should be held to the same standard of political accountability. This sequencing is critical: the blanket ban on female presidents was not made in response to a leading question or as part of an initial nuanced argument. The clarification came only after the discriminatory nature of the original remark was explicitly flagged.

    When the controversy spilled into the National Assembly (DNA) for a heated debate this week, van Samson doubled down on his claim that reporters had shared only selective snippets of his full interview. Acting VHP party leader Dew Sharman backed him up, accusing critics of “framing” the lawmaker by taking an isolated quote out of context. But National Assembly Speaker Ashwin Adhin pushed back, noting that van Samson had failed to produce any evidence that he was misquoted, and had only argued that his remarks should be placed in a broader context.

    The debate quickly escalated, with all female lawmakers from the ruling coalition walking out of the chamber in protest of van Samson’s refusal to retract his comment or issue a public apology. Their male coalition colleagues quickly joined the walkout in solidarity. Ruling coalition faction leader Rabin Parmessar then requested an immediate adjournment of proceedings, and issued a formal apology on behalf of the entire coalition to the people of Suriname, and to women in particular. Parliament was then adjourned for an indefinite period.

    Even after the chaotic parliamentary session, van Samson has refused to backtrack, reiterating in a post-debate public statement that his words were deliberately misrepresented. The full transcript confirms that the controversial remark was made word-for-word as it was originally reported, with nuance added only after the fact. What began as a single off-air interview comment has now grown into a national political crisis, with the question of gender equity in Suriname’s highest office at the center of a growing public and parliamentary reckoning.

  • Caribische Hof: Uitleveringsprocedure tegen Guyanese oppositieleider en zijn vader kan doorgaan

    Caribische Hof: Uitleveringsprocedure tegen Guyanese oppositieleider en zijn vader kan doorgaan

    In a landmark ruling that ripples through Guyana’s volatile political landscape, the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) delivered a decisive decision Wednesday, allowing the extradition process of Guyana’s top opposition leader Azruddin Mohamed and his father Nazar Mohamed to move forward. The court rejected the pair’s legal challenge against the extradition request filed by the United States, clearing a critical procedural hurdle in a high-stakes case that carries far-reaching implications for the oil-rich South American nation’s politics and rule of law.

    The United States has charged both Mohameds with large-scale gold smuggling and money laundering offenses. According to the U.S. Department of Justice, the pair illegally exported over 10,000 kilograms of gold into the United States and evaded more than $50 million in tax obligations. Long among Guyana’s most prominent gold traders and exporters, the Mohameds built a sprawling business empire that included gold sales to buyers in Miami and Dubai, alongside a profitable currency exchange operation and extensive real estate holdings across the country.

    Azruddin Mohamed, who was elected leader of the opposition in Guyana’s parliament earlier this year and founded the up-and-coming political party We Invest in Nationhood, has consistently denied all allegations against him. His rapid political ascent—just six months after launching his new party—cemented his status as a major power player in a country where systemic corruption and persistent political tensions have been longstanding issues.

    The case has thrown into sharp relief the growing pains Guyana faces as it navigates an unprecedented economic boom driven by massive newly discovered offshore oil reserves. This newfound energy wealth has drawn billions in global investment, but it has also exacerbated internal political divisions and amplified widespread accusations of corruption and abuse of power among the country’s ruling and opposition circles. Complicating the political dynamics of the extradition case further is the longstanding close diplomatic and economic relationship between the U.S. and the current administration of Guyanese President Irfaan Ali, a tie that has sparked unconfirmed speculation among local political observers about behind-the-scenes influence.

    Holding its public hearing in Trinidad, where the CCJ is based as the final appellate court for multiple Caribbean nations, presiding judge Winston Anderson described the case as uniquely “complex.” The defense team for the Mohameds argued that several of the charges brought by the U.S. did not qualify as extraditable offenses under regional and international law, but the CCJ rejected all of these legal arguments in its full 256-page ruling.

    Following the court’s decision, Azruddin Mohamed addressed his supporters via social media, striking a defiant but respectful tone. “The fight continues,” he wrote. “While the CCJ did not rule in our favor, we respect the decision of the court.” His father Nazar added that the pair’s legal team is still reviewing the full ruling, and confirmed they are prepared to continue fighting the extradition request “until the end.”

    The Mohameds have been released on bail since their arrest last year, but the greenlight for extradition proceedings means they could be compelled to travel to the U.S. in the near future to face the charges against them. Legal and political analysts warn that a potential extradition would reshape Guyana’s political balance ahead of upcoming general elections scheduled for 2025, and could set a major precedent for cross-border anti-corruption and anti-crime enforcement across the Caribbean region.

  • What Will Fifteen Boxes of Defense Ministry Records Reveal?

    What Will Fifteen Boxes of Defense Ministry Records Reveal?

    In a high-stakes probe into public spending governance at one of the government’s most sensitive departments, the Auditor General’s Office has secured 15 boxes of five years of financial records from Belize’s Ministry of Defense, launching a thorough review that will examine potential conflicts of interest, procurement irregularities, and improper ties between elected officials and contracted suppliers.

    Auditor General Maria Rodriguez, in an interview with local outlet News Five, outlined that her team has prioritized investigation into alleged conflicts of interest, the core public concern that triggered the urgent record retrieval process. Following public claims of obvious conflicts of interest – including allegations that contracts were awarded to relatives of sitting ministers – Rodriguez emphasized that her office’s review will be strictly evidence-based, rejecting premature conclusions about wrongdoing.

    Under Belize’s constitution and public service regulations, public officials are required to avoid not just actual conflicts of interest, but also the perception of such conflicts. Rodriguez confirmed that her team is conducting its review in line with these constitutional requirements, with ongoing legal support to ensure all findings are legally sound. She pushed back against claims of obvious, pre-proven misconduct, noting that it would be unfair to label any party as guilty before documentary evidence is thoroughly reviewed.

    Amid public speculation about the experience and capability of the audit team, Rodriguez offered a full-throated defense of her staff. The lead auditor on the case is a certified fraud examiner (CFE) accredited by the Association of Certified Fraud Examiners, with a master’s degree, and all other team members hold bachelor’s degrees in accounting. With 26 years of personal experience as an auditor and a CFE credential herself, Rodriguez conducts final quality control checks on every report that leaves her office, saying any gaps that the team might miss would be caught in her review.

    She also addressed circulating misinformation and disinformation about the team’s qualifications, noting that even experienced auditors build their expertise on the job, and dismissing calls to rule out less tenured staff as unfair. Rodriguez added that the 15 boxes of records were retrieved immediately after the audit was announced, out of caution that documents might be removed or altered if the team delayed. The audit process has expanded to include interviews with multiple stakeholders and key players involved in the ministry’s procurement processes, with investigators working to trace all spending to contracted businesses, as is standard for financial probe.

    When the first audit report is completed by the end of September 2026, it will not be released directly to the public. Instead, it will first be submitted to Ministry of Defense CEO Francis Usher, with copies provided to the Financial Secretary and Accountant General. Critics have already questioned whether the final report will result in any meaningful action, but Rodriguez pushed back against these claims, pointing to a decade-long track record of impactful audit reports from her office dating back to 2015.

    “All our reports have created impact. We have not created a report that does not have impact,” Rodriguez said, adding that her office conducts audits to drive change, not just document procedural violations. She called on the public to trust the process: “I know that the expectations are high. I know that for sure, but I say trust the process, trust the work.”

    Rodriguez confirmed that all individuals named in the financial documentation will be called in for interviews, including Belmopan Area Representative Oscar Mira and former Minister Marin. While her office does not hold the authority to prosecute or discipline public officials directly, the audit will issue formal recommendations: if evidence of misconduct is found, the case can be referred to national police for criminal investigation or to the Public Service Commission for disciplinary action. The Auditor General’s office will also serve as witnesses in any resulting legal proceedings.

  • Requena Asked If His Ministry Uses Same Payment Practice

    Requena Asked If His Ministry Uses Same Payment Practice

    As an ongoing audit of Belize’s Ministry of Defense unfolds, a growing controversy over questionable low-value payment procedures has spilled over to other government portfolios, putting cabinet officials directly in the spotlight. On July 30, 2026, during a public event held in Belize City, Cabinet Minister Oscar Requena shared his perspective on the unfolding situation with reporters, acknowledging that the emerging scandal represents a significant test for the current administration that cannot be ignored.

    Requena, who leads a ministry tasked with advancing rural transformation initiatives—work that requires regular procurement of hardware and infrastructure supplies—was directly asked whether his department engages in the same under-$10,000 payment practice that is now the focus of official scrutiny. The practice has raised red flags among observers for its potential to circumvent formal public procurement rules designed to ensure accountability and transparency in government spending.

    When asked if the controversial payment structure amounts to a violation of procurement regulations, Requena avoided directly judging the practice used by other agencies, instead noting that every government ministry operates with its own internal administrative systems. He emphasized that regardless of transaction size—whether $10,000 or $50,000—core principles of full accountability and total transparency must govern all public spending. Requena added that the government already has clear financial regulations in place, and all officials with spending authority bear a personal responsibility to adhere to these rules.

    Pressed again to confirm whether his own ministry uses the scrutinized payment approach, Requena offered a clear, categorical denial. “I want to categorically say, no we don’t, and what I want to say is that we make sure that we follow the procedure,” he stated.

    On the broader controversy stemming from the Defense Ministry audit, Requena expressed confidence in the government’s response to the emerging issues. He argued that when public administrations face challenges, the appropriate path forward requires acknowledging problems, identifying their root causes, and putting permanent structures in place to resolve them. He noted that Prime Minister has already overseen the launch of a formal review process, and the public should allow that process to run its course. Ultimately, Requena said, the outcome of the process will guide necessary improvements to address gaps that have been exposed.

    This report is adapted from a transcript of an evening television news broadcast, with all translated statements from Kriol language adjusted to conform to standard English spelling conventions for clarity.