分类: politics

  • Unlmtd Stages Solo Protest on BelCan Bridge

    Unlmtd Stages Solo Protest on BelCan Bridge

    In a bold shift from digital activism to on-the-ground public demonstration, prominent Belizean artist Bernard Cayetano, who performs and organizes under the pseudonym “Unlmtd”, has brought his calls for systemic change to one of the country’s heavily trafficked crossings. On Wednesday, April 30, 2026, Cayetano launched a one-person protest on Belize’s BelCan Bridge, aiming to force nationwide attention to what he frames as ongoing systemic oppression that marginalizes ordinary Belizean citizens.

    Cayetano stood alone on the bridge for hours, holding a hand-painted placard emblazoned with the rallying cry “Enough is Enough.” The demonstration caused only minor delays for motorists passing through the area, but its unusual nature immediately captured attention from both on-site bystanders and online audiences, with many drivers slowing down to acknowledge the artist’s message before continuing their commute.

    Speaking to reporters covering the protest, Cayetano framed Belizean ordinary people as being held hostage by unfair governing systems in their own homeland. He pointed specifically to recent policy changes in the country’s transport sector as a clear example of top-down decision-making that excludes input from everyday citizens who are most impacted by the rules. The artist argued that while a large share of the Belizean public shares his frustration with the country’s current political and social trajectory, widespread fear and complacency have kept most people from taking public action.

    “Everybody sees what is going on, but we would rather wait out the five-year election term than speak up now,” Cayetano explained. He emphasized that all Belizeans deserve a more fair, inclusive governing system, and urged his fellow citizens to raise their voices in protest sooner rather than waiting for electoral cycles to bring incremental change. Even as he carried out his demonstration without additional supporters on the bridge, Cayetano remains unshaken in his commitment to his cause. He noted that every large, meaningful shift in social and political systems begins with a single, brave voice willing to stand up and be heard.

  • Marabella tenants win appeal in $3m flooding damage case

    Marabella tenants win appeal in $3m flooding damage case

    In a landmark split decision that reshapes landlord-tenant liability rules across Trinidad, the Court of Appeal has handed down a pivotal ruling that reverses a prior High Court judgment, opening the door for two affected commercial tenants to secure millions in compensation for property damage caused by an unforeseen plumbing failure.

    The legal dispute traces back to a 2018 flooding event at Marabella’s Allum’s Shopping Centre. A PVC angle valve connected to an upper-level unit’s kitchen sink, leased by local firm O.T.I. Trinidad Ltd, unexpectedly failed. The resulting leak seeped downward into five ground-floor commercial suites, two of which are operated by Western Industrial Solutions Ltd and entrepreneur Debera Rampersad, who runs the retail outlet Debera Fashion Step Up and Save. The damaged inventory and forced business interruptions pushed the two affected tenants to claim more than TT$3 million in total losses.

    When the case first went to trial, High Court Justice Avason Quinlan-Williams dismissed the claims against the property owner, J.T. Allum and Company Ltd. The trial judge ruled that commercial landlords cannot be held responsible for sudden plumbing failures that occur within spaces exclusively controlled and occupied by their tenants, clearing the company of any legal obligation to compensate the businesses for their losses.

    But the appellate court, a three-judge panel led by Chief Justice Ronnie Boodoosingh alongside Justices of Appeal Nolan Bereaux and James Aboud, rejected this lower-court interpretation of property law. In a 2-1 majority decision delivered Wednesday, the panel found that even though the landlord was not found to be negligent in causing the pipe failure, it still bears legal responsibility for the resulting damage under the law of private nuisance.

    Writing the lead judgment for the majority, Justice Bereaux — whose reasoning was backed by Chief Justice Boodoosingh — explained that the critical factor establishing liability is the landlord’s reserved right under all commercial leases for the property to enter tenant-occupied spaces to conduct inspections and complete necessary repairs. This retained right, the justice argued, is sufficient to uphold a nuisance claim against the property owner. He further noted that the landlord had previously argued in separate legal proceedings against the upper-floor tenant that the site’s plumbing was already in a state of disrepair, meaning the company cannot now claim the hidden defect was unidentifiable through reasonable inspection.

    Justice Bereaux also clarified a longstanding point of nuisance law: when a landlord explicitly retains the right to conduct repairs on a property, they can be held liable for damage caused to third parties even if they had no direct, actual knowledge of the hazardous defect before the incident occurred.

    Justice Aboud issued a dissent, arguing the appeal should have been thrown out. He characterized the pipe failure as an isolated, entirely unforeseeable event: the 10-year-old pipe joint had failed suddenly with no warning signs, and this does not meet the legal standard for a private nuisance. He also cautioned that the majority’s legal reasoning could impose an unfair and unreasonable burden on commercial landlords across the country, forcing them to conduct exhaustive searches for hidden defects in spaces fully occupied and controlled by their tenants.

    On the separate claim of negligence brought by the tenants, the appellate court was unanimous. The full panel agreed to dismiss the negligence claim, as no evidence presented during the trial linked the landlord’s actions or inactions to the pipe failure itself. The court also upheld the trial judge’s ruling to exclude proposed testimony from former landlord employee Vedesh Gopaul, finding his statements about the original plumbing installation were not relevant to the core legal questions in the case.

    The matter will now return to the High Court, where a Master will assess and determine the final amount of damages to be awarded to the two successful appellants. The appellate court also left in place an earlier unrelated order requiring Rampersad to settle all outstanding back rent owed to the property owner, which has no connection to the 2018 flooding incident. Attorneys Chanka Persadsingh and Anand Rampersad represented the two affected tenants, while Shankar Bidaisee, instructed by Rachael Jaggernauth, appeared on behalf of the landlord.

  • Student Named UK High Commissioner for a Day

    Student Named UK High Commissioner for a Day

    In a unique opportunity that bridges youth leadership development and international diplomacy, a young Belizean student has gained unprecedented hands-on experience in diplomatic operations after being selected for a signature outreach programme run by the British High Commission based in Belize.

    Nineteen-year-old Chloé Martinez earned the title of High Commissioner for a Day 2026, beating dozens of other applicants in a rigorous competitive selection process. Judges ultimately selected Martinez for her clear, forward-thinking policy vision, long-standing track record of local community engagement, and unwavering dedication to building inclusive, accessible leadership structures that lift up marginalized groups.

    During her one-day appointment, Martinez shadowed incumbent UK High Commissioner to Belize Alistair White, taking a seat at closed-door official meetings, sitting in on bilateral coordination discussions, and gaining first-hand insight into the quiet, behind-the-scenes work that drives successful diplomatic relations between the United Kingdom and Belize. The experience let Martinez move beyond the textbook understandings of diplomacy she had learned in the classroom, and see how negotiation, relationship-building, and cultural awareness shape daily diplomatic work.

    The programme wrapped up with a public Women’s Networking Event, which drew cross-sector attendees from Belize’s national government, private business sector, local civil society organizations, and the wider diplomatic corps based in the country. The interactive gathering centered on three core goals: expanding access to mentorship opportunities for emerging women leaders, growing female representation in senior decision-making roles, and strengthening intergenerational support networks that connect established women leaders with young people just starting their careers.

    In comments following the event, High Commissioner White emphasized that immersive programmes like High Commissioner for a Day fill a critical gap in youth development. He noted that the initiative is intentionally designed to give young women the practical, on-the-ground experience and built confidence they need to pursue senior leadership and decision-making roles across all sectors, both within Belize and internationally.

    Following Martinez’s selection, the British High Commission issued an official statement congratulating her on the achievement, and extended gratitude to all local and institutional partners that made the 2026 iteration of the programme possible. The statement reaffirmed the British government’s long-term commitment to supporting and empowering the next generation of women leaders across Belize, through targeted development initiatives and leadership programming.

  • COMMENTARY: A Pin, a Principle, and the Integrity of the Caribbean

    COMMENTARY: A Pin, a Principle, and the Integrity of the Caribbean

    In the delicate landscape of global diplomacy, even minor symbolic gestures can expose deep divides over core international principles. The recent uproar over an official Caribbean diplomatic engagement, where a Venezuelan official wore a lapel brooch depicting Guyana’s Essequibo region as Venezuelan territory, stands as a perfect example of this dynamic.

    Critics who brush off this incident as an overblown reaction to a trivial piece of personal clothing miss the point entirely. Dismissing the controversy as mere hypersensitivity to personal attire is not just inaccurate—it deliberately misframes what is at stake here. This is not a debate over fashion; it is a debate over official state conduct.

    When a sitting senior government official wears a territorial claim symbol during an official diplomatic meeting with a third party in a dispute over that land, the act stops being personal expression and becomes an explicit tool of state policy. The gesture is deliberately crafted to communicate, entrench, and normalize a disputed territorial position that is currently the subject of formal international legal proceedings.

    This border dispute between Venezuela and Guyana is far from a theoretical disagreement. Guyana has already brought the case to the International Court of Justice (ICJ), seeking a final, legally binding ruling on the validity of the 1899 Arbitral Award that established the current international border between the two nations.

    Venezuela has framed its claim as rooted in international law and the 1966 Geneva Agreement, but this narrative demands closer inspection. The Geneva Agreement never settled the question of sovereignty over Essequibo, nor did it invalidate the 1899 border award. What it did do was create a framework for peaceful negotiation of the dispute, which ultimately led to the case being referred to the ICJ for adjudication. There is no legal basis for Venezuela to claim the agreement justifies unilateral assertions of territorial ownership while the court is actively considering the matter.

    This contradiction is impossible to ignore: Venezuela claims it upholds international law, yet its actions are clearly designed to shape global public opinion on a case that is currently sub judice—meaning under judicial consideration. No state can credibly claim to submit a dispute to binding international adjudication while simultaneously working outside the courtroom through symbols, legislation, and administrative moves to lock in the outcome it favors.

    The lapel brooch incident is far from an isolated misstep. It fits into a broader pattern of Venezuelan actions: national legislation that purports to annex the Essequibo region, the appointment of unofficial administrative officials to the territory, and a sustained public campaign asserting Venezuelan sovereign ownership. Taken together, these moves show no willingness to exercise restraint while the court rules. Instead, they represent a parallel political campaign to consolidate Venezuela’s claim through non-legal means.

    Against this backdrop, the recent statement from the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) carries outsized importance. Released on April 28, 2026, the CARICOM statement was measured in tone but unmistakeable in its message. It reaffirmed that CARICOM member states retain the right to conduct their own bilateral relations with outside nations, but framed that right within the boundaries of collective obligations laid out in the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas. Most critically, it emphasized that CARICOM regional platforms cannot be used, either directly or indirectly, to advance or legitimize territorial claims that are currently before the ICJ.

    This position is a quiet but firm assertion of regional rules-based discipline, even at a time when critics point to growing disunity within the Caribbean integration movement. The CARICOM statement accomplishes three key goals: it protects the integrity of the international judicial process, preserves the overall unity of the regional bloc, and makes clear that while CARICOM will not interfere in individual member states’ bilateral ties, it will not allow its own forums to be used to advance a territorial claim against one of its own members. That last principle is far more significant than many observers have acknowledged.

    Guyanese President Irfaan Ali’s formal written response to the CARICOM chair was therefore both fully justified and necessary. It was not an overreaction, nor was it empty political rhetoric. It was a principled defense of international law at a moment when ambiguity could have easily damaged that principle.

    For context, this article’s author worked closely with Venezuelan Vice President Delcy Rodríguez between 2015 and 2017, when he opposed efforts by some Organization of American States member states to impose unilateral sanctions on the Venezuelan government that violated the OAS’s own rules. That stance grew out of a core commitment to due process, international law, and fair treatment of all nations, and the author still recognizes Rodríguez as a formidable defender of her government’s interests during a period of intense geopolitical pressure. But this current controversy has nothing to do with personal relationships, political alignments, or pieces of clothing. It is entirely a matter of principle, legal process, and respect for the ICJ’s ongoing adjudication.

    The larger question raised by this incident goes far beyond the Essequibo border: it asks whether all parties will actually back their public commitments to international law with conduct that aligns with those commitments. For this dispute to end in a peaceful, final resolution consistent with international rules, the ICJ’s process must be allowed to move forward without external actions that prejudge or politicize its outcome. That requires deliberate restraint, not provocative symbolism; it demands disciplined adherence to process, not political theater.

    A small lapel brooch cannot redraw an international boundary. But the conduct it represents can either strengthen or undermine the very principles that are supposed to guide the peaceful resolution of this dispute. In this case, the Caribbean community has made its position clear: quietly but unflinchingly, it stands on the side of international law.

  • Postponement of launch of Grenada Decent Work Country Programme

    Postponement of launch of Grenada Decent Work Country Programme

    Grenada’s Ministry of Legal Affairs, Labour and Consumer Affairs has issued an official public announcement confirming that the much-anticipated launch of the 2026–2031 Grenada Decent Work Country Programme (DWCP) will not proceed as originally planned. The official ceremony, which was scheduled to coincide with national May Day celebrations on Carriacou on 1 May 2026, has been rescheduled to a future date that will be shared with the public once finalized.

    The decision to delay the launch was reached through collective consultations among all core governing stakeholders: the Government of Grenada, the Grenada Trades Union Council (GTUC), the Grenada Employers’ Federation (GEF), and the International Labour Organisation (ILO). The delay stems from unforeseen logistical or operational circumstances that were not accounted for during initial planning. All participating parties have emphasized that their shared commitment to the Decent Work Agenda remains unchanged, and the delay is intended to ensure the official launch properly reflects the programme’s national importance and its foundational tripartite structure that includes government, worker representatives, and employer groups.

    As a flagship national policy initiative for the next five years, the DWCP is designed to guide coordinated, cross-sector action across six key priority areas: expanding access to decent and productive employment, strengthening regulatory and institutional governance of the national labour market, expanding accessible social protection for all workers, improving standards for occupational safety and health across all workplaces, scaling up targeted workforce skills development, and reinforcing productive social dialogue between labour and industry stakeholders. The programme itself was already developed through a year-long, inclusive tripartite consultation process, with specialized technical guidance and support provided by the ILO.

    While the formal launch and tripartite signing ceremony have been deferred, ministry officials confirmed that all substantive pre-implementation work and preparatory activities for the DWCP will continue on schedule. The initiative remains a top policy priority for the ministry and all its social partner stakeholders. A new official date for the launch and signing will be announced to the public after additional internal consultations between all participating parties.

    In closing the announcement, the Ministry of Legal Affairs, Labour and Consumer Affairs reaffirmed its longstanding, collaborative partnership with the GTUC, GEF, and ILO. It also restated its unwavering commitment to advancing fair decent work outcomes and social justice for all workers and employers across Grenada.

  • Former Minister Cannot Escape Corruption Charge, Court Rules

    Former Minister Cannot Escape Corruption Charge, Court Rules

    In a historic decision that reshapes the landscape of executive accountability in Belize, the Supreme Court has rejected a legal bid by former Cabinet Minister Rene Montero to dismiss corruption-related charges against him, confirming that sitting and former government ministers can be held criminally liable for abuses of power under the nation’s Criminal Code.

    The case centers on allegations first brought in April 2024, when Montero—who previously served as the Works Minister under the UDP administration—and George Andrews, a former Assistant District Technical Supervisor at the Ministry of Works, were jointly indicted on charges of wilful oppression under Sections 284(1) and 309 of the Belize Criminal Code. Prosecutors allege that between April 2016 and November 2020, the pair deliberately misused their authority to direct and permit the improper diversion of public government resources, causing direct harm to the Belizean public.

    Montero’s legal team launched a pre-trial challenge to have the entire indictment thrown out, grounding their argument in a technical constitutional interpretation. They pointed to Section 131(4) of the Belize Constitution, which explicitly excludes political Ministers from the formal definition of the “public service.” Counsel argued this exclusion should extend to the Criminal Code, placing elected ministers beyond the reach of Section 284(1) which only applies to “public officers.” They further contended that the Constitution intentionally draws a clear line between the political executive—held accountable primarily through electoral democracy—and the permanent public service, which is subject to administrative law oversight; erasing that distinction, they argued, was constitutionally invalid, especially in criminal law where status-based liability must be clearly defined.

    The Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) pushed back forcefully against this interpretation, noting that the Section 131(4) exclusion opens with the limiting phrase “In this Constitution,” meaning it was only intended to apply to the internal operational provisions of the constitutional document itself. The DPP argued Parliament never intended this narrow constitutional definition to override how criminal statutes define liability for public officials.

    In her ruling delivered in late March 2026, Justice Natalie Creary-Dixon sided squarely with the prosecution. She emphasized that Section 299 of the Belize Criminal Code contains its own independent definition of “public officer, created explicitly for criminal law purposes and separate from any definitions laid out in the Constitution. Under the Criminal Code’s wording, a public officer is any person holding a civil office whose appointment and removal falls to the Governor-General or other specified official authority. Since all government ministers are formally appointed by the Governor-General under Section 40 of the Constitution, and hold non-military civil positions in the government, they clearly meet the plain language definition of public officer under the code.

    The judge stressed that the Constitution’s exclusion of ministers from the definition of “public service” applies only to matters covered by the constitutional text itself, and does not grant ministers any blanket immunity from prosecution under ordinary criminal law. In a key passage of the judgment, Justice Creary-Dixon wrote: “The Constitution does not confer immunity upon Ministers from the application of criminal law. On one view, interpreting section 299 so as to include Ministers arguably advances the constitutional value of the rule of law by ensuring that holders of significant executive authority remain subject to legal standards governing abuse of public power.”

    With Montero’s application to quash the indictment rejected, his criminal trial will move forward as scheduled. Legal analysts across Belize widely agree that this ruling will carry far-reaching implications for future cases of ministerial misconduct, establishing a clear precedent that no senior elected official is above the reach of criminal law when accused of abusing public office.

  • Jamaica ranks 68 of 180 countries on Environmental Performance Index

    Jamaica ranks 68 of 180 countries on Environmental Performance Index

    When the 2024 Environmental Performance Index (EPI) released by Yale University placed Jamaica 68th out of 180 nations with an overall score of 48.5, the country’s top environmental official did not downplay the gaps holding the island back from better global standing. While acknowledging solid progress in high-priority environmental sectors, Water, Environment and Climate Change Minister Matthew Samuda emphasized that transformative, systemic change is needed to lift Jamaica’s ranking, during his address to the House of Representatives’ 2026/27 Sectoral Debate on Tuesday.

    The EPI, a leading global benchmark for national environmental performance, scores countries on a 0 to 100 scale, where higher marks reflect stronger environmental governance, policy effectiveness, and natural resource protection. Scores between 80 and 100 signal long-standing, robust policies that deliver strong outcomes for environmental health, ecosystem resilience, and climate action. Scores from 60 to 79 mark moderate performance—meaning basic environmental management systems are in place, but clear opportunities for improvement remain. Scores below 30 indicate critical, unaddressed environmental challenges that demand urgent policy intervention. Jamaica’s 48.5 score falls in the moderate-to-low range, leaving significant room for advancement.

    To the government’s credit, Jamaica ranks among the top global performers in several key environmental metrics measured by the 2024 EPI. The country secured 30th place for climate change action, 27th for protection of marine key biodiversity areas, 28th for forestry conservation, and 30th for sustainable fisheries management. These strong results reflect targeted investments and policy commitments that have delivered tangible progress for the island’s natural ecosystems.

    Despite these wins, Samuda openly acknowledged persistent performance gaps across multiple critical domains. Jamaica ranks far lower in a series of high-priority areas: 126th for biodiversity and habitat protection, 106th for overall environmental health, 127th for species conservation, 147th for protected terrestrial lands, 69th for air pollution control, and 133rd for solid and hazardous waste management. These underperforming areas, Samuda noted, are dragging down the country’s overall EPI ranking and require urgent attention.

    Samuda stressed that incremental, small-scale policy changes will not be enough to address these gaps. Meaningful improvement, he argued, requires systemic overhauls, stricter regulatory enforcement, expanded and improved environmental data collection systems, and targeted capital investment to upgrade infrastructure and capacity. Citing that policy crafted without reliable data is little more than guesswork, and enforcement without data remains inconsistent and ineffective, Samuda announced that his ministry had tabled two landmark policy documents in parliament: the Overarching Protected Areas Policy (White Paper) and the draft Cays Management Policy (Green Paper).

    The new Overarching Protected Areas Policy will replace Jamaica’s outdated 1997 framework, providing clear, updated policy direction for the sustainable management of the country’s entire Protected Areas System. Currently, Jamaica manages more than 350 protected areas spanning national parks, marine reserves, fish sanctuaries, forest reserves, and managed forest areas, all designated under overlapping pieces of legislation including the Forest Act and the Natural Resources Conservation Authority Act. The updated policy will unify governance and streamline management for these critical conservation lands.

    In addition to updating protected area policy, Samuda confirmed that the ministry is working alongside the Forestry Department to repeal and replace the decades-old Forest Act, strengthening the country’s environmental legislative framework. The new bill will include key new provisions outlining processes for land transfer, comprehensive forest and forest land inventory and classification, and the formal establishment of a statutory no-burn season to reduce wildfire risk and air pollution. The draft Forest Bill has already been completed and submitted to the Cabinet’s Legislative Committee for review, and is on track to be tabled in parliament before the end of May.

    The policy package represents a major step forward for Jamaica’s environmental governance, as the country works to turn the EPI’s benchmarking into actionable improvement that lifts both its global ranking and on-the-ground environmental outcomes.

  • Seiveright welcomes passage of NaRRA

    Seiveright welcomes passage of NaRRA

    In the wake of catastrophic damage left by Hurricane Melissa, Jamaica has moved one step closer to a coordinated, accelerated recovery effort after the House of Representatives approved legislation establishing the National Reconstruction and Resilience Authority (NaRRA). Senior government official Delano Seiveright, Jamaica’s State Minister, has framed the bill’s passage as a transformative milestone for the island nation, which is grappling with one of the costliest natural disasters in its recent history.

    Early damage assessments put total losses from the storm at an estimated US$12.2 billion. More than 215,000 structures across the country suffered damage or complete destruction, and critical public services including schools, hospitals, and core transportation and utility infrastructure were knocked offline across wide swathes of the island. Coastal communities like Black River bore the brunt of the storm’s impact, facing near-total disruption to daily life and local economies.

    Seiveright emphasized that the unprecedented scale of destruction rules out a business-as-usual response. “This is not a normal situation. The scale of the destruction demands a structured, coordinated and urgent response,” he told lawmakers, warning that bureaucratic gridlock poses a far greater threat to effective recovery than procedural concerns. “After a disaster of this scale, the greater risk is paralysis,” he said.

    To address concerns about transparency and accountability, Seiveright outlined multiple layers of built-in safeguards designed to prevent misuse of funds and mismanagement. All NaRRA-led projects will require formal approval from the national Cabinet, and the Auditor General’s office will maintain continuous independent oversight. The authority is also mandated to submit public annual reports to Parliament, and a fully searchable public electronic register will list all approved projects to enable public scrutiny. Seiveright stressed that the new body is not intended to bypass standard governance processes, but rather cut through crippling bureaucratic red tape while retaining full accountability.

    The framework for NaRRA draws on hard lessons learned from major disaster recovery efforts around the world over the past 15 years. Seiveright specifically referenced slow, fragmented recovery efforts following the 2010 Haiti earthquake, Hurricane Katrina in the United States, and Hurricane Maria across the Caribbean, where uncoordinated systems left communities waiting years for core services to be restored.

    To date, the Jamaican government has already secured roughly US$6.7 billion in international and domestic financing for recovery efforts, and initial work to restore critical infrastructure has helped stabilize public and investor confidence. Seiveright added that NaRRA is not a permanent new government body: it is established as a time-limited entity, overseen by a multi-stakeholder national committee chaired by leading economist Professor Peter Blair Henry.

    “Jamaica cannot afford delay. We must act, and we must deliver,” Seiveright said. The NaRRA Bill now advances to the Jamaican Senate for its final vote before it can be signed into law.

  • Grange doubles down on claim Rastafarians’ rights are protected in Jamaica

    Grange doubles down on claim Rastafarians’ rights are protected in Jamaica

    A public debate over the legal standing of Jamaica’s Rastafari community has intensified, after Culture Minister Olivia Grange reaffirmed the government’s position that Rastafarians already hold full equal rights under existing national law, pushing back against fresh demands from Rastafari community leaders for targeted, explicit legislation.

    Grange laid out the administration’s stance Thursday during proceedings of the joint select committee tasked with reviewing the government’s Green Paper for Jamaica’s National Policy on Culture, Entertainment and the Creative Economy. She pushed back against what she described as a misleading public narrative that has emerged in recent discourse, claiming Rastafarians are denied formal recognition and equal legal protection in the country.

    “Recent commentary in local press has raised questions about whether the government recognizes Rastafari, and whether community members hold the same rights as followers of other religious groups,” Grange told the committee. “I want to place on official record that they do, in fact, have the same rights as any other religious group in Jamaica.”

    The minister emphasized that equal protections for Rastafari believers are already enshrined in Jamaica’s national Charter of Rights, and added that the current administration has done more to advance and support the Rastafari community than any preceding government in the nation’s history. As evidence of the government’s commitment, she cited the $176-million public contribution to the Coral Gardens Benevolent Fund, a initiative created after the state issued a formal apology for the 1963 Coral Gardens atrocity, a violent state-led crackdown targeting Rastafarians that left multiple community members dead.

    Grange’s remarks came just days after the Rastafari Mansions and Organizations (RMO), a leading collective of Rastafari groups, publicly criticized the government for exaggerating existing legal protections and renewed calls for a dedicated, comprehensive Rastafari Rights and Justice Act. The organization argues systemic discrimination against the community remains embedded in Jamaican law and government practice.

    The debate gained new momentum after neighboring St. Kitts and Nevis passed legislation granting formal legal recognition to Rastafari, including explicit provisions safeguarding sacramental rights, cultural identity, and economic concessions for the community. The move sparked direct comparisons to Jamaica’s legal framework and amplified RMO’s demands for explicit constitutional recognition in Jamaica.

    In a public statement released April 21, the RMO argued that broad constitutional guarantees of religious freedom do not go far enough to grant formal recognition to Rastafari as both a distinct religious faith and an indigenous Jamaican cultural group. Without explicit, targeted legal protections, the organization says, systemic discrimination and inconsistent enforcement of existing rights persist across key public sectors, including law enforcement, education, employment, and healthcare.

    The group also levied additional criticism against the government, accusing authorities of failing to deliver adequate support to Rastafari communities impacted by Hurricane Melissa. The RMO claims disaster relief efforts did not accommodate the community’s unique dietary, cultural, and health needs.

    Further, the organization pointed to recent court cases involving cannabis, known as ganja to Rastafarians who use it sacramentally. The RMO argues that even after amendments to Jamaica’s Dangerous Drugs Act, protections for Rastafari sacramental use of cannabis are still unevenly applied by authorities.

    Despite rejecting the RMO’s core claim that existing protections are insufficient, Grange signaled the Jamaican government remains open to broad, inclusive dialogue about the Rastafari community’s place in the nation’s legal and cultural landscape.

    “I invite full discussion on Rastafari as a religion, to examine the history of what has been done in this country, to chart a path forward toward even greater embrace and recognition of the importance of Rastafari to Jamaica,” Grange said Thursday.

  • Golding congratulates Gaston Browne on general election victory in Antigua

    Golding congratulates Gaston Browne on general election victory in Antigua

    In a landmark outcome that has reshaped the political landscape of the Eastern Caribbean, Gaston Browne and his ruling Antigua and Barbuda Labour Party (ABLP) have secured a historic fourth consecutive term in office, following a decisive landslide victory in the country’s general election. Preliminary vote counts confirm the scale of ABLP’s triumph, with the party claiming 15 of the 17 contested parliamentary seats — a dramatic expansion of its narrow 9-7 majority won in the 2023 January polls.

    This unprecedented win cements Browne’s place in Antigua and Barbuda’s political history: he is the first prime minister of the nation to secure four straight general election victories since the country gained independence. The main opposition United Progressive Party (UPP) was left with only a single seat, which will be retained by party leader Jamale Pringle. On the island of Barbuda, the Barbuda People’s Movement held onto its local seat, with incumbent Trevor Walker retaining his position.

    Following the confirmation of the results, Mark Golding, Opposition Leader of neighboring Jamaica, issued a formal statement of congratulations shared via the social platform X. Golding extended warm wishes to both Browne and the entire ABLP for their successful campaign, noting that Browne’s return to office — a post he has held since first assuming leadership in 2014 — is a clear reflection of the ongoing trust and confidence the people of Antigua and Barbuda place in his leadership. Golding also shared his expectation of productive collaborative work with Browne’s new administration in the coming term, concluding his statement by wishing the incoming government success in delivering on its new mandate.