博客

It has been just 12 months since the United National Congress (UNC) swept to power in the April 28, 2025 general election of Trinidad and Tobago, but a wave of public discontent has already swept across the nation. Multiple civil society and advocacy groups have taken to the streets and issued public challenges to a range of the new administration’s governance policies, with grievances spanning from lack of police accountability and unresolved labor disputes to persistent public transportation failures and controversial state of emergency (SoE) regulations.

Political analyst and trade unionist Dr. Indira Rampersad, who also serves on the management committee of the West Indies Group of University Teachers (WIGUT) and practices as an attorney, broke down the roots of this unrest in an interview with the *Sunday Express* this week. She explained that public expectations for the UNC-led government are inherently far higher than those placed on the long-governing People’s National Movement (PNM), the party that has held power for the vast majority of Trinidad and Tobago’s post-independence history.

“Voters hold UNC administrations to a much higher bar than PNM governments,” Rampersad noted. “The public comes in expecting progress on long-stalled salary negotiations, improved worker benefits and working conditions, upgraded public infrastructure, and more responsive delivery of critical public goods and services.”

Rampersad traced this gap in expectations to the PNM’s decades of incumbency, which had fostered a widespread sense of political complacency among the public over time. Previous changes in government in 1995 and 2010, followed by returns to PNM rule, meant that the 2025 UNC victory carried unprecedented weight: voters saw it as a rare opportunity for systemic change, and poured all their unmet demands from years of PNM governance into the new administration.

As a trade unionist, Rampersad pointed out that public protest was far less common during the PNM’s most recent term, even though workers went nearly a decade without salary increases starting in 2014. “Our union protested repeatedly because the PNM administration refused to negotiate fair settlements, but widespread national protests never gained traction,” she said. She acknowledged that the current UNC government has already moved to address many of these long-simmering issues, a point Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar highlighted in a recent parliamentary address last Friday. The PNM’s longstanding apathy toward public grievances, she argued, has created a different standard by which the UNC is judged.

“Expectations are not just higher – the public is demanding immediate, fast results,” Rampersad added. “The timeline people have set for these changes is very compressed, and in many cases, simply unrealistic, given the scale of the problems the UNC inherited.”

Not all protests reflect broad national discontent, Rampersad stressed. High-profile demonstrations calling for justice for Joshua Samaroo and Kaia Sealy, for example, are driven by a small, dedicated group rather than widespread public anger. She also emphasized that many citizens lack awareness of legal processes surrounding active court cases: the matters are currently under review by the Director of Public Prosecutions and the judiciary, and police operate as an independent branch of government, meaning the executive branch cannot intervene to direct police actions. Rampersad called for greater public education on the principle of sub judice, noting that uninformed public commentary can create prejudicial publicity that risks undermining the integrity of ongoing judicial proceedings.

Turning to objections to the current state of emergency regulations, Rampersad argued that critics must contextualize the measures within their original purpose: preventing violent unrest at key state institutions including Parliament. Far from targeting opposition voices, the regulations protect all elected officials, regardless of party affiliation, who use these public spaces. She also clarified that the SoE does not ban peaceful protest entirely – demonstrations are still permitted in unrestricted zones, as long as organizers follow legal protocols to obtain permission.

Rampersad pushed back forcefully against opposition claims that Trinidad and Tobago is sliding into a police state. If the country were a police state, she argued, violent crime would not remain one of the nation’s most pressing unresolved problems. “This is a plural democracy, and people retain full rights to express their views freely,” she said. “No one is suppressing the right to protest.”

She also pointed to a major recent diplomatic win to counter claims of widespread government unpopularity: Trinidad and Tobago recently secured a seat on the United Nations Security Council, winning 181 out of 190 total global votes – a resounding show of international confidence that would not have been possible if the nation’s government lacked broad domestic and global credibility. “A small handful of protests do not automatically mean the government is unpopular,” she concluded, reaffirming that peaceful, lawful protest remains a protected right in the country’s functioning democracy.

Trinidad and Tobago’s leading media advocacy organization has formally requested a sit-down with Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar to address growing gaps in formal press access to state-funded government events, marking a push for greater governmental transparency amid long-standing questions about the prime minister’s limited formal press engagement.

The Media Association of Trinidad and Tobago (MATT), which recently installed a new executive board, submitted the formal request dated May 11, 2026, laying out key concerns about the persistent exclusion of journalists from pre-announcing and inviting media to cover ministry-hosted events that are funded by public resources. In the letter, MATT clarified that it does not view the current administration as posing an overall threat to press freedom, noting that working conditions for most journalists remain stable and access to most cabinet ministers and government officials has generally been available.

Even so, the association warned that the emerging pattern of barring or failing to notify media of certain public events undermines core democratic principles and erodes the public’s legal and normative right to hold government actors accountable. Local outlet the Sunday Express first reported on the correspondence after MATT initially declined to release the letter publicly, with MATT president Prior Beharry later confirming the details of the request to reporters.

Contrary to early public speculation, the formal letter does not explicitly reference the prime minister’s year-long absence from regularly scheduled post-Cabinet press conferences, a break from the standard practice that has drawn criticism from press advocates. However, in separate comments responding to queries from another local media outlet, Guardian Media Ltd, Beharry expanded on MATT’s broader concerns, tying the restricted event access to the prime minister’s withdrawal from formal unscripted press briefings.

“Journalism serves as the Fourth Estate and is a fundamental pillar of our democracy. As such, the media must be allowed to scrutinise all arms of government—including the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary,” Beharry stated in his comment. “By asking questions and holding all bodies and individuals in society to account, we are fulfilling our constitutional duty. It is our mandate to question everyone in society on behalf of the public.”

Beharry noted that while the prime minister has occasionally spoken informally to reporters outside of parliamentary sessions and at a small number of public events, these ad-hoc interactions cannot replace the value of structured, unscripted formal press briefings where journalists can raise unplanned questions on matters of public concern. “Having the Prime Minister respond to unscripted questions at a formal press conference is essential to the transparent functioning of our democracy,” he added.

Beyond the issue of the prime minister’s press conference attendance, Beharry emphasized that the growing trend of excluding media from state-funded ministry events is a troubling operational gap that requires immediate discussion with the nation’s top leader. MATT’s core request is for an introductory meeting to introduce the association’s new executive board and open a constructive dialogue to resolve gaps in government communication protocols that block press access.

As of the latest updates, Persad-Bissessar has not yet responded to MATT’s request for a meeting. Beharry confirmed that the association remains ready and willing to meet at the prime minister’s earliest convenience to address these concerns, reiterating that MATT’s core mission is protecting press freedom and public right to information, both of which are foundational to Trinidad and Tobago’s democratic system.

Twelve months ago, Pennelope Beckles stepped into the role of People’s National Movement (PNM) political leader after the party’s 2025 general election defeat, and for much of her first year in opposition, she operated largely under the radar. Rarely commenting on pressing national matters and maintaining only a faint footprint across social media platforms, the opposition leader was often described as unreachable and invisible to the general public. Today, that narrative has shifted dramatically: Beckles has emerged from the shadows, making a deliberate pivot from behind-the-scenes internal party rebuilding to a bold, highly visible public and digital engagement strategy that has put her political agenda front and center.

Speaking at the PNM National Women’s League membership gathering held at the Fyzabad Regional Community Complex this week, Beckles made an unflinching prediction: the PNM is on track to secure victory in both the upcoming 2026 local government election and the 2030 general election, and the party has already begun laying the groundwork to turn that forecast into reality. She stressed that the priority right now is strengthening the party’s internal structure ahead of the two upcoming electoral contests, announcing that candidate screening for the August 2026 local government poll is already underway. Unlike previous election cycles, candidates will be selected and deployed to their constituencies far earlier than usual, a move designed to give each hopeful the maximum possible advantage on voting day.

Beckles reminded party faithful that the PNM has spent time in opposition before, and that a return to governing is only possible through consistent, intentional work from every member. “We lost in 2025, and we will rise to power again – but that victory will only come if we put in the work today,” she told attendees. “I want every one of you to know you have a leader who is ready to put in that work alongside you.” Rejecting vague promises of coming improvement, she urged members to take active steps to prepare for a PNM return: “I don’t want to just say ‘better days are coming.’ I want you to prepare for better days. Put in the work, lift each other up, practice compassion, embrace inclusion, and we will take back government.”

Longtime PNM member and former party vice-chairman Robert Le Hunte framed Beckles’ new, more assertive public profile as not a sudden change of heart, but the intentional next phase of a long-game strategy the leader has been executing since taking office in May 2025. In a telephone interview with the *Sunday Express*, Le Hunte said he is not surprised by the current shift, noting that the first year’s focus on internal rebuilding was always a necessary first step, even if it lacked flashy public fanfare. “This might not be glamorous work, but it is work that had to be done,” he explained.

Le Hunte pointed to the severe hit the PNM took in the 2025 election, when it lost roughly one-third of its support base as disenchanted voters stayed home on election day. Over the past 12 months, Le Hunte said Beckles has worked tirelessly to rebuild the party’s foundation and re-energize lapsed supporters, work that was always the first priority of her leadership plan. “What you are seeing now is just the execution of the next part of that strategy,” he said. “Over the past year, Beckles has done tremendous work to repair the party’s base, including reaching out to members who felt neglected after past internal missteps. She even issued public apologies to those who were wronged, which has cemented her standing with the rank and file.”

Le Hunte expressed unwavering confidence in Beckles’ leadership, noting that she was elected unopposed to the top post and would still win as much as 90% of the party membership’s support if a new leadership vote were held tomorrow. While other politicians have been rumored to harbor leadership ambitions, none command the same level of grassroots support that Beckles enjoys, he added. Drawing a parallel to construction, he noted: “If you are building a house, you first have to make sure the foundation is solid before you start raising the walls. That is exactly what Beckles has done over this first year.”

A PNM member for more than 35 years, Le Hunte said Beckles’ approach to leadership is unprecedented in his decades of party involvement: she is the first PNM leader to fully leverage the party’s existing internal leadership structure, empowering vice-chairs and other party officials to contribute fully to the rebuilding effort. He rejected claims that Beckles’ rising public profile is the result of a carefully orchestrated PR campaign, arguing instead that the shift is a natural, authentic reflection of her broader leadership purpose.

“This isn’t some managed publicity push,” Le Hunte explained. “Beckles genuinely believed that reaching out to members and mobilizing the base was the most important work to do in her first year. Now that that foundation is solid, her focus has naturally shifted to other priorities, and there is another key factor driving this change: growing public frustration with the current ruling United National Congress (UNC) government.”

Le Hunte argued that many voters were initially won over by the UNC’s campaign promises, but after a year in office, Trinbagonians are facing increasing daily hardship, and the government has failed to deliver on most of its key pledges. “As time goes on, public disappointment is only growing, which means there are more and more pressing national issues for Beckles to speak out on than there were in her first months in office,” he said. “This shift in focus is not arbitrary – it is a response to what the people of this country are going through right now.”

As Trinidad and Tobago approaches the June 17 expiration of its current state of emergency (SoE), the nation’s Defence Minister has publicly backed a three-month extension of the extraordinary security measure, arguing that recent progress against violent organized crime still needs more time to be cemented. In an extensive late-May interview with the *Sunday Express* held at his ministry’s Port of Spain headquarters, Minister Wayne Sturge laid out his nuanced position on the controversial policy: while the country can ultimately function without a state of emergency, he says that moment has not yet arrived.

Since the Kamla Persad-Bissessar administration took office in May 2025, the government has deployed two separate states of emergency to counter a sharp escalation in gang-linked violence, drug trafficking, and illegal gun smuggling that threatened public safety across the twin-island nation. The first SoE was enacted on July 18, 2025, after Trinidad and Tobago Police Service (TTPS) intelligence uncovered coordinated criminal plots tied to gang and prison networks. When national security advisors warned of a resurgence in gang violence and serious organized crime earlier this year, a second state of emergency was put in place on March 3, 2026. This latest measure also included new regulations that restrict public demonstrations in specific security-sensitive zones, adding fuel to existing political debate over the policy.

Opposition from the centre-right People’s National Movement (PNM) has already been made clear: the party will not vote to support any extension of the current SoE. Following the opening of Parliament last Friday, Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar convened an emergency meeting of the National Security Council (NSC) to weigh the future of the order, with a final decision expected shortly before the June 17 deadline. Sturge emphasized that while his personal recommendation is for a 90-day extension, the ultimate call rests with the full NSC, which includes leadership from the TTPS, the Chief of Defence Staff, and the Strategic Services Agency.

Sturge argued that the current SoE has already delivered tangible, meaningful results that have reversed the country’s trajectory on crime. A key win, he noted, was dismantling criminal networks that had infiltrated the national Unemployment Relief Programme (URP) — a move he says prevented what would have been a catastrophic explosion of gang violence across the country. Working alongside U.S. counter-narcotics authorities, security forces have also sharply curbed the flow of drug shipments into the country, blocking dozens of smuggling vessels from reaching shore and tightening control over the nation’s maritime borders. A recent high-profile successful rescue of a kidnap victim, Sturge added, demonstrates just how much more effective border security has become, even as authorities acknowledge they cannot intercept 100% of illegal traffic.

These enforcement efforts have already changed criminal dynamics on the ground, the minister claimed. Inland, cocaine availability has dropped dramatically, and the inflow of illegal firearms and ammunition that has long fueled gang wars over drug territory has been significantly stemmed. After over 100 guns were lost from a single municipal police station — with additional missing weapons reported at other departments across the country — authorities have already recovered a large portion of the diverted firearms, reducing the easy access to weapons that gang members previously enjoyed. Sturge confirmed that a full audit of firearms stockpiles at all municipal corporations is ongoing, though he had no updated findings to share, noting the final results will be presented to the NSC once the review is completed.

The SoE has also allowed authorities to neutralize a longstanding problem: criminal operations directed by gang leaders from inside the nation’s prison system. High-profile kingpins have been transferred to two newly designated prison facilities at Staubles Bay and Teteron, where communication with outside gang networks is effectively blocked. Critically, Sturge explained, this transfer arrangement does not expire with the SoE: both sites have been formally designated as permanent prisons, meaning that incarcerated criminal leaders will remain isolated from outside networks even after the emergency order is lifted.

While official crime data shows a roughly 50% drop in major violent offences, Sturge acknowledged that public anxiety around crime remains high. He attributed this disconnect to the pervasive spread of social media, where every criminal incident is now widely shared and circulated, creating a perception of higher violence than statistics actually reflect. Even with the progress made to date, Sturge said, key operational objectives against transnational criminal networks are still ongoing, and consolidating those gains requires more time under the emergency framework.

Addressing the core question of whether the nation can be governed without a state of emergency, Sturge reaffirmed that long-term governance without extraordinary measures is possible, but the country is not ready to end the policy yet. He added that no society with the complex social challenges facing Trinidad and Tobago can ever eliminate violent crime entirely — noting that non-gang homicides linked to domestic disputes and land conflicts will always exist. The main priority of the current crackdown is cutting gang-related murders, which have already dropped sharply as top criminal leaders are cut off from their networks. The remaining challenge, he said, is gathering admissible court evidence to secure long-term convictions against criminal leaders, a process that will be boosted by upcoming investments in new detection and enforcement assets.

As Trinidad and Tobago’s parliament weighs the future of its active state of emergency (SoE) deployed to curb rising violent crime, lawmakers from across the political spectrum have clashed over the legality, necessity and long-term implications of extending the extraordinary measure. Speaking to reporters outside the parliamentary complex on Friday, independent senator Anthony Vieira laid out a clear challenge to the ruling administration, arguing that the government now carries the legal and political burden of proof to justify another extension of the emergency order.

Vieira emphasized that past appeals to widespread public anxiety over crime are no longer sufficient to win approval. “They can no longer simply say the country has serious crime,” he noted, calling on officials to release concrete crime data, demonstrate tangible progress from the current SoE, and outline a clear rationale for why the extraordinary step remains necessary. Under the country’s constitution, Vieira stressed, fundamental civil rights and liberties are meant to be the default governing arrangement, with emergency powers reserved only for rare, temporary exceptions that cannot become a permanent fixture of governance. “A state of emergency is the exception,” he reiterated.

His independent caucus colleague, Senator Dr. Marlene Attzs, said she fully expects the government to move forward with an extension request, pointing out that the existing SoE has so far failed to deliver meaningful reductions in crime, despite its original mandate to address public safety failures and widespread public disquiet over violence. Attzs added that it remains unclear if the administration could pursue an alternative policy path if the extension is blocked, but framed crime and emergency governance as an unavoidable priority for the national legislature. She also noted that Trinidad and Tobago’s recent seating on the United Nations Security Council adds an extra layer of global attention to the country’s domestic security policy, as security governance will be a key topic of the nation’s work during its UNSC term.

The debate over the SoE’s legality has drawn new energy from a recent landmark ruling from Jamaica, where courts struck down repeated use of targeted local states of emergency as unlawful. Political scientist Dr. Hamid Ghany drew a clear distinction between the two Caribbean nations’ constitutional frameworks to guide the current debate. In Jamaica, Ghany explained, repeated 14-day emergency proclamations were issued without the required parliamentary supermajority approval, violating core separation of powers principles. That set of circumstances, he argued, is not directly analogous to Trinidad and Tobago’s system.

Under Trinidad and Tobago’s constitution, the President can issue an initial 15-day state of emergency without prior parliamentary approval, and any subsequent extensions only require a simple majority vote rather than a two-thirds supermajority. Extensions are capped at three months per vote and a total of six months cumulative, creating a formal parliamentary oversight structure that was absent in the Jamaican case. As a result, Ghany concluded, the separation of powers challenge that succeeded in Jamaica would not carry the same legal weight in Trinidad and Tobago.

Opposition Senator Faris Al-Rawi acknowledged that Ghany’s distinction between the two legal frameworks is factually correct, but argued that the core constitutional question of whether an SoE can legitimately be used for routine crime fighting still needs to be tested in the courts. Al-Rawi pointed out that the constitution explicitly frames states of emergency as responses to extraordinary events such as natural disasters, earthquakes, floods and pestilence, not as a tool for ongoing law enforcement. “I certainly do not think that anti-crime measures, policing is what you use a state of emergency for,” Al-Rawi said, adding that the constitutional interpretation of emergency powers remains open for judicial review.