分类: world

  • COMMENTARY: Dear Trevor – Africa is calling – On influence, conscience and the courage to speak (Part II)

    COMMENTARY: Dear Trevor – Africa is calling – On influence, conscience and the courage to speak (Part II)

    Every public figure eventually confronts an unnegotiable truth: influence does not come free. For every amplification of voice, every reach of fame that crosses borders, there is an unspoken invoice attached: responsibility. For most people across the globe, the dream is simply to be heard. A tiny, lucky cohort achieve far more than that: their words resonate across continents, their quips spark global conversations, their perspectives shape front-page headlines, and their personal narratives rewire how millions of people see the world. Trevor Noah, you are part of that rare group.

    Long before Hollywood opened its doors to your talent and your decade leading *The Daily Show* turned you into a household name across North America and beyond, the many fans who have followed your work have always valued something deeper than your celebrity. We have always admired your rare gift: turning sharp humor into incisive insight, simplifying complex, messy global issues without reducing them to meaningless triviality. You make audiences laugh, but you also push them to think. You have proven again and again that wit and wisdom do not have to be mutually exclusive. That is why this open letter is being written to you today.

    This is not a letter to a comedian, nor is it a letter to a prominent South African expat. It is a letter to one of the most influential African voices on the global stage, a person whose words carry unmatched credibility with millions across the world. There comes a defining moment for every influential person when they must answer a question that no one else can answer for them: What is your voice for? Is it only to entertain, educate, or provoke? Or will you step forward when history calls to bear witness to injustice? Today, you have reached that crossroads.

    South Africa, the nation that inspired the world by dismantling the apartheid regime, is once again grappling with a devastating, contradictory crisis: organized xenophobic violence targeting fellow African migrants. Across the country, migrant communities live in constant fear of intimidation, their businesses are looted and attacked, and entire neighborhoods are gripped by terror. The root causes of this unrest are well-documented: crippling mass unemployment, deep structural inequality, stretched public services, weak border management, and widespread public frustration that has boiled over.

    These problems are not imaginary, and no honest observer would dismiss the very real struggles facing ordinary South Africans. It is entirely legitimate — in fact, it is the responsibility of any sovereign government — to enforce national immigration laws; a country that cannot regulate who enters and stays within its borders cannot claim meaningful sovereignty, and South Africa is no different from any other nation in that right. But there is another equally non-negotiable truth that must be stated clearly: no immigration policy on Earth justifies mob violence. No constitutional democracy allows ordinary citizens to take power into their own hands, to decide who belongs in the country, who must be expelled, and whose property can be stolen. When the rule of law cedes to mob rule, every person in the country becomes vulnerable. That is why this moment demands more than just political commentary. It demands unflinching moral clarity.

    For years, you have helped the world understand the United States. You explained the complexities of American race relations to audiences who had never experienced systemic racism firsthand. You broke down the chaos of the Donald Trump presidency for global audiences alternately amused and horrified by his term in office. You have spoken thoughtfully and gracefully on police violence, democratic backsliding, elections, identity, prejudice, and power, and millions have listened because you have built up a reputation as a trusted, credible voice.

    Credibility is one of the most precious forms of public capital a person can build. It cannot be bought, unlike fame. It cannot be manufactured out of thin air, like celebrity. It is earned slowly, one thoughtful, honest conversation at a time. By any metric, you have earned that credibility. And that credibility now brings an unavoidable, if uncomfortable, obligation: Africa needs your voice on this crisis. Your opinion will not fix the problem overnight, but silence from trusted, respected voices leaves space for extreme, unthinking voices to dominate the public conversation.

    History has repeatedly shown that public discourse abhors a vacuum. When reasonable people hold back, unreasonable voices rush in to fill the space. When thoughtful people stay silent, louder, more extreme factions gain influence by default. Silence is not neutral. Silence shifts power to the most extreme actors in any debate.

    After Nelson Mandela, the two most globally recognizable South Africans are both based in the United States: Elon Musk and Trevor Noah. The contrast between the two could not be more stark. One is the world’s richest entrepreneur, the other one of the most gifted storytellers of our generation. One shapes the future of global technology, the other shapes how we talk about the most pressing issues of our time. One moves global markets, the other changes how millions of people think. One accumulated unprecedented personal wealth, the other accumulated unprecedented public trust. Money shifts individual behavior, but stories can change entire civilizations.

    Musk has never hidden where he stands on issues from immigration to free speech to global politics. Whether you agree with his positions or oppose them, no one can question what he believes. He has chosen his causes openly, and history and those affected by his work will judge him accordingly — but no one can accuse him of ambiguity.

    Your influence is very different, Trevor. It is built less on raw power and more on the affection that millions of people around the world have for you. People do not just listen to what you say — they like you. That is an even more powerful tool. Affection breaks down people’s defenses, humor opens closed minds, and trust makes it possible to have conversations about topics that would otherwise be too divisive. That is why your silence on this crisis carries so much weight. It is not that silence is always wrong, but when you have the ability to elevate a difficult conversation, abandoning that conversation has consequences.

    Let me be clear: I am not asking you to defend illegal immigration. I am not asking you to condemn all South Africans. I am not even asking you to choose between your home country and your continent. I am asking for something simpler, and far more demanding: defend the basic principles of a civilized society.

    I am asking you to defend the principle that governments are tasked with enforcing laws, and citizens are bound to obey them. Defend the idea that no matter how understandable public frustration is, it never justifies collective violence against vulnerable, defenseless people. Defend the belief that no African should fear another African simply because they crossed an invisible line drawn on a map.

    This is not a political issue. It is an issue of conscience. Every generation inherits unfinished work from the ones that came before it. Nelson Mandela’s generation dismantled apartheid. Your generation must defend something just as fundamental: the idea that African solidarity is more than just empty speeches delivered once a year on Africa Day. You and other influential African voices must prove that Pan-Africanism is measured not by slogans, but by how we treat each other when times are hard, that our shared humanity must survive even the worst economic anxiety.

    There are moments when comedians have to stop telling jokes. There are moments when storytellers have to become witnesses to history. There are moments when public figures realize that history is no longer asking whether they are entertaining — it is asking whether they will show up.

    Africa has celebrated your success. It has cheered your talent. It has defended your right to speak truth to power. Now, Africa is asking something of you in return. Help us speak truth to ourselves. The hardest conversations we ever have are not with our enemies — they are with our own people.

    At the end of the day, the question is not whether you agree with every government policy or every public protest. It is whether you believe that organized violence against fellow African migrants has reached a point serious enough to demand a response from one of Africa’s clearest, most trusted voices. I hope you will step forward. Not because the world needs to know where Trevor Noah stands — but because Africa deserves to hear from you.

    This article is written by Anthony Kila, Jean Monnet Professor of Strategy and Development at the Commonwealth Institute of Advanced and Professional Studies (CIAPS), Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Governing Council of Michael and Cecilia Ibru University (MCIU), and author of *Crucial Cs Around D: The Disciplines of Decision-Making and Leadership*. The views expressed are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the position of Dominica News Online.

  • Vier aanhoudingen en tien vuurwapens bij actie tegen illegale goudwinning Sarakreek

    Vier aanhoudingen en tien vuurwapens bij actie tegen illegale goudwinning Sarakreek

    A sweeping three-day joint operation carried out by Suriname’s Central Region police units and military forces has targeted unregulated illegal gold mining in the remote Sarakreek area, resulting in four suspects taken into custody and 10 illegal firearms seized, local law enforcement announced in late September.

    Authorities had first issued an official eviction order to illegal miners operating in the region more than seven weeks prior to the crackdown. When the group failed to comply with the order to leave the protected area, security officials launched the coordinated large-scale intervention. Over the course of the operation, multiple temporary mining encampments used by the unauthorised prospectors were fully dismantled and cleared from the terrain.

    During searches of the mining sites, security teams encountered multiple foreign nationals among the illegal operators, including citizens of Brazil and China. Preliminary investigation findings indicate these foreign miners were provided with logistical and navigational support by local Surinamese residents with intimate knowledge of the Sarakreek region’s terrain. In exchange for this assistance, the foreign prospectors agreed to cede between 10% and 20% of their total gold yields to their local facilitators, according to initial police accounts.

    As of the initial announcement, law enforcement has not released full details on the total number of people encountered at the encampments or the exact number of mining locations cleared during the operation. The cache of seized firearms included a range of high-powered and personal weapons: two AR-15 assault rifles, five single-shot weapons, one five-shot hunting rifle, one Glock pistol, and one Roni carbine conversion rifle.

    The four detained suspects have been transferred to the Central Region Criminal Investigation Department, which is continuing the ongoing investigation into the illegal mining ring and the origin of the seized weapons. Illegal gold mining has long been a persistent environmental and security challenge in Suriname’s interior rainforest regions, with unregulated prospecting causing widespread deforestation, mercury pollution of water systems, and the spread of unauthorised armed activity in remote border areas.

  • Four Killed, Four Wounded in Bloody Night of Gun Violence in St. Vincent

    Four Killed, Four Wounded in Bloody Night of Gun Violence in St. Vincent

    KINGSTOWN, St. Vincent and the Grenadines — A devastating mass shooting has left four people dead and four others with gunshot injuries in a community just outside Kingstown, with law enforcement officials launching a urgent investigation into what is suspected to be another episode of inter-group violence plaguing the Caribbean nation.

    Local police received emergency calls reporting repeated gunfire in the Green Hill neighborhood of Central Kingstown late Friday, and first responders rushed to the scene to secure the area. Upon arrival, officers found four victims with fatal gunshot wounds, spread across different locations in the community. Acting Commissioner of Police Trevor Bailey detailed the grim discovery: two of the deceased were found lying on a public roadway, a third victim — a woman — was found dead inside a parked car, and the fourth body was recovered on a vacant plot of land adjacent to the shooting site.

    The four injured victims were immediately airlifted and transported to Milton Cato Memorial Hospital, the primary public medical facility in the country. As of Saturday afternoon, hospital officials confirmed that two of the wounded had already received treatment and been discharged, while the remaining two continue to receive care for their injuries, with no update on their current conditions released to the public.

    As of the latest update, no suspects have been taken into custody, and investigators have not yet confirmed a clear motive for the attack. Assistant Commissioner of Police Brenton Smith noted that the investigative team is actively collecting intelligence from local communities and processing evidence collected from the crime scene, and will share updated details with the public once a full picture of the shooting’s circumstances emerges.

    This fatal shooting comes amid growing public and official anxiety over escalating gang-related violence and cycles of retaliatory attacks between rival criminal groups across St. Vincent and the Grenadines, an archipelago nation popular with Caribbean tourists. Commissioner Bailey confirmed that law enforcement has documented a clear pattern of repeated tit-for-tat attacks between competing groups in recent months, and issued a firm rebuke of the ongoing bloodshed.

    With this latest incident, the total number of homicides recorded in the country so far in 2024 has risen to 37, a figure that has raised alarms over public safety across the islands. In response to the shooting, authorities have rolled out enhanced security measures: additional uniformed patrols are being deployed across high-risk communities, targeted search operations are underway to locate illegal weapons and suspects, and cross-unit intelligence sharing protocols have been strengthened to speed up the investigation and help prevent future attacks.

    Commissioner Bailey also issued a direct public appeal to young people across the nation to turn away from lives of crime and violence, emphasizing that destructive cycles of retaliation have no place in St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ society. “Violence has no part in our society,” he stated in an official address following the attack.

  • Caribbean CIP Countries Ask EU for More Time to Decide on Ending Programmes

    Caribbean CIP Countries Ask EU for More Time to Decide on Ending Programmes

    In a public address over the weekend on the popular *Browne and Browne Show* aired by Pointe FM, Antigua and Barbuda Prime Minister Gaston Browne announced a critical development in the escalating standoff between Caribbean states and the European Union over controversial citizenship-by-investment schemes: the five impacted regional governments have formally requested more time to reach a final decision on phasing out their programmes.

    The EU has ratcheted up pressure on the bloc of five Eastern Caribbean nations, which includes Antigua and Barbuda, Dominica, Grenada, St. Kitts and Nevis, and St. Lucia, in recent months, setting a hard deadline of the end of September for the countries to confirm whether they will agree to end the investor citizenship initiatives. Under updated EU regulations, the continued operation of unaligned programmes can now be used as formal justification to suspend the visa-free travel privileges Caribbean passport holders currently enjoy for the Schengen Area.

    Browne explained that regional leaders are pushing for an extended timeline not to delay negotiations, but to secure unambiguous answers to outstanding questions about the terms of any potential phaseout. “We have said to them, look, we want to know precisely what your conditions are,” the prime minister stated, outlining the key points that remain unresolved. Among the critical unaddressed issues are whether the EU will enforce caps on the number of citizenship applications Caribbean countries can process during any transition period, and whether the bloc will demand that applicants from specific national backgrounds be completely excluded from the programmes ahead of the full phaseout.

    Per Browne’s timeline, a joint technical team representing the Caribbean nations is scheduled to sit down with EU officials in October to hash out these outstanding details. “We need more information in order to make an intelligent decision,” he emphasized, adding that once those technical discussions wrap up and a concrete regulatory framework is established, regional governments will present the final negotiated terms to their domestic publics for transparency.

    The Caribbean nations are also pushing for a lengthy transition window, with Browne noting that regional leaders are seeking a phaseout period of between two and a half to three years before the programmes are fully terminated. The choice facing the countries remains stark: either maintain their citizenship-by-investment initiatives and risk losing Schengen visa-free access, or agree to a gradual elimination of the programmes under a negotiated transition.

    The EU has long held that citizenship-by-investment programmes pose unacceptable transnational security risks, arguing that the schemes can be exploited by criminal networks, money launderers, and individuals seeking to evade international sanctions. A recent EU assessment acknowledged that the five Eastern Caribbean states have taken tangible steps to strengthen their programme safeguards, including upgrading individual security screenings and adopting harmonized regional operating standards. Even so, the bloc has made clear that material security and vetting concerns persist, justifying continued pressure for a full phaseout of the initiatives.

  • Several earthquakes recorded in the Dominican Republic this Sunday

    Several earthquakes recorded in the Dominican Republic this Sunday

    On Sunday, September 27, the Dominican Republic was hit by a sequence of seismic events, with the strongest tremor recorded in the eastern portion of the Caribbean nation, according to compiled data from global and local geological monitoring agencies.

    The first notable tremor was captured by the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS) at roughly 6:06 a.m. local time, with its epicenter positioned just 13 kilometers (8 miles) south-southwest of Bayaguana, a town in the province of Monte Plata. The USGS registered this event as a magnitude 4.2 earthquake.

    Nearly simultaneous to that measurement, the National Seismology Center of the Autonomous University of Santo Domingo (UASD) recorded a separate magnitude 4.3 quake near San Antonio de Guerra, located in the country’s central Santo Domingo province. This tremor originated at a depth of approximately 95.7 kilometers, and shaking was reported across multiple districts of Greater Santo Domingo.

    Residents and local officials confirmed the tremors were felt across a wide swathe of the country, extending beyond the capital region to neighboring provinces including Monte Plata, San Cristóbal, San Pedro de Macorís, Hato Mayor, Sánchez Ramírez, Monseñor Nouel and El Seibo. At the time of initial on-the-ground checks, emergency management teams had not received any reports of fatalities, injuries, or major structural damage linked to the morning’s seismic activity.

    Later in the same day, a stronger, third earthquake was detected in the eastern region of the country. Global geological monitoring site Volcanodiscovery, processing raw seismic data, logged a magnitude 5.2 tremor at around 5:49 p.m. local Dominican Republic time, centered just 8 kilometers southeast of Ramón Santana in the San Pedro de Macorís area.

    As of the most recent update compiled for this report, there are still no confirmed reports of significant structural destruction or human casualties linked to any of Sunday’s three recorded earthquakes.

    Geographically, the Dominican Republic sits within one of the most seismically active zones in the Caribbean, where the interaction of multiple tectonic plates and underlying geological structures creates regular earthquake activity. Local and international seismological authorities maintain continuous monitoring of the region, updating magnitude and location measurements as new data is collected and processed.

  • Magnitude 4.2 earthquake strikes near Bayaguana early Sunday

    Magnitude 4.2 earthquake strikes near Bayaguana early Sunday

    A moderate 4.2-magnitude earthquake rattled parts of the Dominican Republic in the early hours of Sunday, according to data released by the U.S. Geological Survey (USGS).

    The seismic event hit at roughly 6:06 a.m. local time, with its epicenter positioned around 13 kilometers (8 miles) south-southwest of the town of Bayaguana, the USGS geolocation data shows. Bayaguana falls within the boundaries of Monte Plata province, a central inland region of the Caribbean nation.

    As of initial reports following the tremor, no official statements have been issued regarding casualties, structural damage, or tsunami risks linked to the earthquake. The USGS has not yet announced any plans to revise the preliminary magnitude or epicenter coordinates recorded by its global seismic monitoring network.

  • Security : Strengthening the capacities of mayors for the prevention and fight against insecurity

    Security : Strengthening the capacities of mayors for the prevention and fight against insecurity

    Haiti’s Ministry of the Interior and Territorial Communities (MICT) has concluded a two-day capacity-building workshop focused on equipping local leaders with tools to prevent and combat widespread insecurity across the country, officials confirmed this week. Held September 18–19, the event brought together mayors from Haiti’s metropolitan area, senior officers from the Haitian National Police, independent security analysts, and leadership from the country’s Gang Suppression Force (GSF) to align local and national security strategies.

    The core goal of the workshop was to provide municipal leaders with actionable, legally compliant frameworks to address rising insecurity at the local level. A central point of discussion was the co-development of tailored Municipal Security Plans, which outline localized responses to gang violence and organized crime that align with national law enforcement priorities. Participants also emphasized the urgent need to strengthen interagency coordination between municipal governments, national government commissioners, and law enforcement entities to disrupt criminal networks operating across jurisdictional lines.

    Chaired by Secretary of State for Local Government Sharina Lochard, the workshop highlighted the critical role that local leadership plays in community safety. Lochard publicly commended the ongoing commitment of Haitian mayors to protecting their constituents, and reaffirmed MICT’s commitment under Minister Paul Antoine Bien-Aimé to expanding local government authority and participation in national crime prevention efforts. This initiative builds on earlier consultations between MICT, interim executive agents, and GSF representatives, who collectively identified a need for coordinated, on-the-ground action to reverse deteriorating security conditions.

    MICT officials state that the workshop is a key step forward in aligning local action with Prime Minister Fils-Aimé’s national governance and recovery roadmap. By strengthening local security capacity, the ministry aims to create the stable conditions needed to restore free movement of people and goods across the country, lay the groundwork for upcoming national elections, and support long-term economic recovery amid ongoing security challenges.

  • Haiti’s Prime Minister’s address to the UN General Assembly (video speech)

    Haiti’s Prime Minister’s address to the UN General Assembly (video speech)

    In a pre-recorded address delivered to the 81st United Nations General Assembly on September 25, 2026, Haitian Prime Minister Alix Didier Fils-Aimé laid out a balanced, two-pronged strategy to lift his crisis-battered nation out of ongoing instability, stressing that Haiti does not demand global rescue — it requests international support to help Haitians save themselves.

    Opening his speech, Fils-Aimé extended formal gratitude to the country’s global and regional partners, including the United Nations, United States, Canada, France, Mexico, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), Organization of American States (OAS), and European Union for their existing assistance. He then pressed the international community to accelerate the full deployment of the UN-backed Gang Suppression Force (GSF), a multinational security mission authorized by the Security Council in September 2025 that was designed to replace the underperforming Kenya-led multinational mission that never reached its targeted troop strength.

    The prime minister’s vision of Haiti taking full control of its own destiny stands in stark contrast to the grim on-the-ground reality currently facing the Caribbean nation. Gangs currently hold sway over the vast majority of the capital Port-au-Prince and its critical transport routes, and violence that was once concentrated in the capital is now spreading to previously peaceful regions across the country. While limited security operations in Port-au-Prince have yielded minor incremental gains, they have failed to break the pervasive hold criminal groups have on the capital. Instead, increased pressure in the capital has pushed many gang factions into remote areas where state presence is even weaker, shifting the center of violence rather than eliminating it.

    For Fils-Aimé, the long-term path to stability hinges on building up Haiti’s domestic security forces to allow the country to eventually take full ownership of its security. To date, more than 2,000 new Haitian police officers have completed training, a number the prime minister says he aims to double in the near term. The Haitian national army has also added 1,500 new recruits, and the government has unveiled plans to train an additional 15,000 soldiers over the next three years. “Haiti’s long-term security must rely on the capabilities of the Haitian state,” Fils-Aimé emphasized. Alongside building domestic capacity, the prime minister called for a renewal of the GSF’s mandate, noting that the mission remains drastically understaffed, far from its authorized maximum strength of 5,500 police and military personnel. “A mandate is not enough. We need personnel. We need resources. We need the determination to see this through,” he told the assembly.

    Beyond domestic security efforts, Fils-Aimé also targeted the transnational networks that fuel gang violence, noting that nearly all weapons used by criminal groups are smuggled into Haiti despite an existing international arms embargo. “The weapons that kill Haitians […] are not produced in Haiti,” he reminded delegates, urging global partners to coordinate to dismantle the illicit supply networks that arm criminal factions.

    Security gains are intended to clear the way for a return to constitutional democratic rule, the prime minister added. Haiti has not held national elections since 2016, and the first round of presidential and legislative elections is currently scheduled for December 13 this year, contingent on sufficient improvements to the security situation. Fils-Aimé confirmed that the current transitional administration will end with a democratic vote at the ballot box. To strengthen the rule of law alongside elections, the government has already established two specialized judicial centers, and new penal and criminal procedure codes are set to take effect on January 1, 2027. Security, judicial reform, and democratic elections form the three core pillars of the government’s plan to rebuild functional state institutions, he explained.

    On the economic and humanitarian front, Fils-Aimé outlined a goal to shift Haiti’s economic model from reliance on international aid to sustainable foreign investment and equitable partnership. Even as the government pursues this long-term goal, the country faces an immediate acute humanitarian crisis: an estimated 6.4 million Haitians — more than half the country’s population — require life-saving humanitarian assistance, and nearly 1.5 million people have been displaced by gang violence.

    Closing his address, Fils-Aimé framed the current moment as a defining test for Haiti more than two centuries after it gained independence. “We have proven to the world that freedom is possible,” he said. “Haiti must now demonstrate its capacity to reclaim its own territory.” The core of the challenge, as presented to the UN General Assembly, is building a self-sufficient Haitian state even as the country relies on immediate international support to survive.

  • OAS calls for the full deployment of the Gang Repression Force in Haiti

    OAS calls for the full deployment of the Gang Repression Force in Haiti

    In a coordinated show of regional solidarity, all 32 active member states of the Organization of American States (OAS) have released a unified joint statement calling on the United Nations Security Council to extend the operating mandate of the Gang Suppression Force (GSF) deployed in Haiti, while pressing the global community to deliver the full suite of resources needed to make the deployment fully functional and sustainable. The statement, issued on September 25, 2026, reiterates member states’ unwavering solidarity with the Haitian people, formal respect for Haiti’s sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity, and a shared commitment to advancing solutions led by Haitian national stakeholders. It also underlines the obligation to implement OAS General Assembly Resolution AG/RES. 3051 (LVI-O/26), a measure adopted in June 2026 that structures OAS support to Haiti while centering Haitian leadership and aligning assistance with coordination frameworks involving the United Nations, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM), and other key regional and international partners.

    The full list of signatory states includes Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, The Bahamas, Barbados, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Dominica, the Dominican Republic, Ecuador, El Salvador, Grenada, Guatemala, Guyana, Haiti, Honduras, Jamaica, Mexico, Panama, Paraguay, Peru, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Saint-Vincent and the Grenadines, Suriname, Trinidad and Tobago, the United States of America, and Uruguay.

    OAS Secretary General Albert R. Ramdin, who led a high-level fact-finding mission to Haiti from August 16 to 19, 2026, publicly endorsed the joint statement, emphasizing that the international community must deliver on the Haitian people’s demand for stability by backing both the GSF and an urgent mandate renewal. “The Force is on the ground playing an essential role in helping Haitian authorities regain territorial control, restore access to critical infrastructure, improve public safety, and create the security environment necessary for institutions to function and for elections to take place,” Ramdin noted. He added that a renewed mandate alone is insufficient to deliver tangible change: “A mandate, by itself, does not produce results. We must also ensure that the results Haitians need in terms of security are properly sourced. Results require personnel, financing, equipment, logistics and of course sustained political support.” Following his August mission, Ramdin presented a report to the OAS Permanent Council identifying security and electoral progress as interconnected urgent priorities for the country.

    Haiti’s Permanent Representative to the OAS, Jean Josué Pierre, emphasized that the declaration sends an unambiguous message to the international community: “renew the mandate of the Gang Suppression Force, ensure its full deployment, strengthen Haiti’s security institutions, protect the population, and create the conditions for Haiti to advance toward credible elections and lasting stability.”

    Steve Ferrol, Chair of the OAS Permanent Council and Permanent Representative of Dominica to the organization, highlighted that the unified statement demonstrates regional commitment beyond internal political divides. “By speaking together, we as OAS member states are demonstrating that support for Haiti transcends political differences and reflects a common commitment to peace, democracy, human rights, and human dignity for Haiti, and for the region as a whole,” Ferrol said.

    The joint statement outlines core operational priorities for the GSF, which is mandated to support the Haitian National Police and Haiti’s Armed Forces in line with their respective institutional mandates. Key priorities include reestablishing legitimate state control over gang-held territories, securing critical entry points including the country’s main airport and seaports, reopening blocked major transportation routes, protecting civilian populations, and enabling sustained permanent presence of the Haitian National Police at strategic infrastructure sites and in territories reclaimed from armed gangs.

    Signatory states also called for expanded disarmament, demobilization and reintegration programs for former gang members, alongside targeted measures to restore unimpeded humanitarian access to vulnerable populations, rebuild core public services, and expand socioeconomic opportunities – particularly for Haitian youth. The statement explicitly requires all operations carried out by the GSF and supported Haitian security institutions to adhere to international law and established international human rights standards.

    To address the root drivers of gang violence, the declaration calls for coordinated national, regional and global action to crack down on the illicit trafficking of arms and ammunition into Haiti, disrupt the transnational financial and supply networks that sustain armed criminal groups, and hold accountable all actors that provide financing or material support to gang activity.

    On the path to restoring democratic and constitutional order, member states emphasized that electoral preparations should proceed in lockstep with improving security conditions. They encouraged international support for core electoral processes including civil identification updates, voter registration, and electoral logistics, as well as the deployment of a formal OAS Electoral Observation Mission to oversee upcoming polls.

    Finally, the statement reiterates the need for close coordinated action among Haiti’s national government, the OAS, the United Nations, CARICOM, and all other international partners. The Haitian-Led Roadmap for Stability and Peace, facilitated by Ramdin’s office, serves as the overarching framework to align international assistance with priorities set by Haitian authorities and national stakeholders, and to monitor progress on fulfillment of all international commitments. The full text of the joint declaration is available for download via the OAS document portal.

  • COMMENTARY: Dear Trevor – Africa is calling – On sovereignty, state failure and the civilisation we risk losing (Part I)

    COMMENTARY: Dear Trevor – Africa is calling – On sovereignty, state failure and the civilisation we risk losing (Part I)

    Every generation faces at least one defining, unavoidable question that shapes its legacy. Some generations have been called to defend freedom against tyranny. Others have been challenged to dismantle systems of racial oppression, root out systemic corruption, or push back against authoritarian rule. For our generation, the author argues, the question that may define our collective legacy is both simpler and far more unsettling: when African people are targeted for violence by their fellow Africans, who will stand up for the core principles of civilization?

    The columnist clarifies a critical distinction upfront: this is not a debate about defending illegal immigration, nor is it a defense of governments that fail to enforce their own national laws. Instead, the core question centers on upholding one fundamental principle: no grievance, no matter how legitimate it may be, gives ordinary citizens the right to appoint themselves as police, prosecutors, judges, and executioners. This distinction, he emphasizes, is a matter of survival for functional societies. Societies do not typically collapse because they cannot tell right from wrong; they collapse when they lose the ability to distinguish between different degrees and types of wrong. Today, South Africa finds itself at exactly this dangerous crossroads.

    Across multiple regions of the country, organized groups have taken it upon themselves to target, intimidate, attack, and displace migrants from other African nations. Local migrant-owned businesses have been looted, hundreds of migrant families have fled their homes, and a pervasive culture of fear has settled into communities that once stood as a global symbol of reconciliation overcoming deep-seated racial hatred. As expected, public discourse around the crisis has split sharply into two polarized camps.

    On one side, activists and commentators argue that unregulated illegal immigration has reached an intolerable level, outlining a long list of social and economic harms linked to unmanaged migration and highlighting the South African government’s long-standing failure to address the issue. On the opposing side, critics of the violence condemn the attacks and call for expanded legal protections for all migrants, grounding their arguments in shared humanity and the lessons of South Africa’s painful history of exclusion. The author notes that both sides hold partial truth, but neither offers a complete, nuanced picture of the crisis. A mature, functional society must be capable of holding two separate, equally important truths at the same time.

    The first truth is that every sovereign nation holds both the right and the inherent responsibility to control its own borders. No functional democracy can operate without clear, enforced immigration laws. One of the core attributes of national sovereignty is the ability of a state to decide who may enter its territory, who may work within its borders, and who is eligible for legal residence. South Africa holds this right, just as Nigeria, Ghana, Kenya, the United Kingdom, and the United States all exercise this right routinely. The author points out a key hypocrisy: those who loudly defend strict border enforcement in Europe and North America cannot suddenly claim that borders are inherently unethical when the nation enforcing them is an African country. Regulating entry and residence is not xenophobia or extreme nationalism. It is the basic work of governance.

    But there is a second truth that demands equal recognition: no democracy worthy of the name can allow armed mobs to take over the core functions of the state. The moment immigration enforcement shifts from formal public institutions to self-appointed vigilante groups, society crosses a critical, dangerous threshold. When this shift happens, the rule of law gives way to personal vengeance, national citizenship gives way to tribal identity, and open, impartial justice gives way to widespread suspicion. At that point, the foundational project of civilization begins to unravel.

    This is why the current crisis in South Africa is not, at its core, an immigration crisis. It is a crisis of governance. Illegal immigration did not organize the violent mobs. It did not grant them legal or moral authority to attack other people. That failure stems from a different source: the collapse of core state responsibilities. One of the oldest, most fundamental duties of any government is to maintain a legal monopoly on the legitimate use of force within its borders. The state exists specifically to prevent private citizens from taking public law into their own hands. When a government abandons this core responsibility, an power vacuum emerges, and bad actors inevitably step in to fill it. That vacuum can be filled by organized crime, by unofficial militias, or by vigilante groups that cloak their violence in patriotic language.

    History offers a clear warning: the slide from vigilantism to outright barbarism is remarkably short. Every lynch mob in history has claimed it was carrying out justice. Every pogrom against a marginalized group has justified itself as a necessary measure to protect the broader community. Every campaign of collective violence has found language to frame its actions as righteous. As the Nobel Prize-winning Nigerian writer Wole Soyinka has observed, the words used to justify violence change over time, but the dangerous logic behind it almost never does.

    Of all nations, South Africa should understand this reality better than most. Its own history makes clear that the dehumanization of a group does not begin with mass murder. It begins with classification: neighbors are rebranded as “foreigners,” individual human beings are reduced to a collective “problem,” and once empathy is stripped away, violence becomes far easier to justify. This is why the stakes of the current moment extend far beyond immigration policy. The real question facing South Africa today is whether the rule of law still matters.

    One of civilization’s greatest achievements was the gradual shift from resolving disputes through mob violence to resolving them through formal, impartial institutions. That ancient shift replaced vengeance with formal courts, private armies with professional police forces, tribal retaliation with constitutional law, and mob rule with democratic governance. It is easy to underestimate how profound that change was: it was not merely an administrative adjustment, but a moral revolution that took centuries to achieve.

    Every time a society allows organized groups of private citizens to take the law into their own hands, it chips away at that centuries-long progress. Many argue that desperate people turn to vigilantism because the government has failed to deliver on its promises. That observation is understandable, but it is also deeply dangerous. If we accept that government failure is sufficient justification for private violence, no democracy anywhere in the world can remain safe. The solution to weak, ineffective government cannot be the total elimination of government. The only legitimate path forward is to demand better, more accountable governance.

    Nothing should worry South Africans more than the growing public perception that organized violence can proceed with impunity, while the officials entrusted with maintaining public order appear hesitant, overwhelmed, or entirely absent. Another critical point is often overlooked: the authority of a democratic state does not disappear in one sudden, dramatic event. It erodes slowly, through a consistent, undramatic sequence. First, citizens lose trust in state institutions. Then, they stop waiting for institutions to act. Finally, they replace those institutions with informal, unaccountable groups of their own. That is the real danger facing South Africa today.

    The danger is not only that thousands of migrant people now live in fear for their lives. It is also that ordinary South African citizens may gradually come to believe that political legitimacy comes not from the rule of law, but from the size of a crowd; that order and justice come not from a national constitution, but from mob power. History has shown us again and again where that path leads. It never leads to a good outcome.

    Thousands of kilometers away from South Africa, one of Africa’s most globally recognizable and influential figures is watching these events unfold from a distance, shaped by his own experiences growing up in South Africa’s struggle against apartheid. His greatest contribution to the world has never been wealth or political office. It has been a far more powerful gift: the rare ability to help millions of people see difficult, uncomfortable truths with clarity, wisdom, wit, and shared humanity.

    In the upcoming continuation of this column, the author will address this figure directly. This is not because one single person can solve South Africa’s deep-rooted crisis. It is because moments of crisis like this remind us that public influence is not merely a personal privilege. It is a profound responsibility. And there are times when remaining silent makes you part of the problem. This column will be continued in a subsequent publication.