分类: politics

  • Missing Link Candidate Seeks Entry in St John’s Rural West Race

    Missing Link Candidate Seeks Entry in St John’s Rural West Race

    As Antigua and Barbuda prepares to hold its general election on April 30, a new political voice is emerging to challenge the dominance of the nation’s two leading political blocs. Nigel Bascus, president of the Missing Link–Voice of the People Party (MLVOP), has announced his bid for the St John’s Rural West parliamentary seat, casting himself as a grassroots alternative disconnected from the established political order.

    A working fisherman by profession, Bascus has pushed back against the common narrative that political candidates are driven by personal gain. In comments outlining his campaign motivation, he emphasized that his candidacy is rooted in public service rather than financial reward or elevated social status. “I’m not running for a bigger paycheck… I’m just running to make my country better,” he stated, framing his campaign as a people-centered movement rather than a quest for personal advancement.

    Before he can officially appear on the ballot, Bascus must secure the 10 qualifying nominations required by local election rules. Once this requirement is met, he will go head-to-head with two established opponents: Michael Joseph, the candidate fielded by the Antigua and Barbuda Labour Party (ABLP), and Richard Lewis, representing the United Progressive Party (UPP). Bascus told reporters he has already confirmed all required nominators, putting him on track to meet the nomination deadline and formalize his candidacy.

    The core of Bascus’s campaign platform centers on two historically underprioritized sectors that he argues are critical to the nation’s long-term stability: agriculture and aquaculture. Bascus pointed out that despite the key role these industries play in guaranteeing national food security, successive governments have repeatedly sidelined them in policy and budget allocations. To address this gap, he has already launched a skills training initiative designed to equip local residents with practical expertise in sustainable farming and commercial fishing, laying early groundwork for the policy changes he hopes to implement if elected.

    To connect directly with voters in the rural constituency, Bascus plans to run a grassroots, community-focused campaign that bypasses costly, disconnected national advertising campaigns. His outreach strategy includes door-to-door house visits to speak with voters one-on-one, regular appearances on local radio to answer questions and share his platform, and targeted direct engagement with community groups across the district.

  • Trinidad’s PM escalates feud with Caribbean neighbours

    Trinidad’s PM escalates feud with Caribbean neighbours

    Diplomatic rifts within the 15-member Caribbean Community (CARICOM) have exploded into open conflict, as a long-simmering disagreement between Trinidad and Tobago and its regional neighbors over United States policy toward Venezuela and international drug trafficking erupted into a full verbal confrontation on Friday. At the center of the new clash is Trinidad Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s demand that CARICOM Secretary-General Carla Barnett leave her post when her five-year term expires this coming August.

    Regional friction first flared late last year, when a majority of CARICOM member states openly condemned growing United States military activity in the South Caribbean. Tensions rose further as Washington deployed an atypically large American military contingent near Venezuela’s borders, as part of a 2025 operation aimed at capturing then-Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

    For years, CARICOM member states have collectively endorsed the vision of the Caribbean as an official “zone of peace,” a principle designed to keep major power rivalries out of the regional bloc. But since winning Trinidad’s general election one year ago, Persad-Bissessar has rejected that framing as nothing more than “zone of peace fakery.” She has openly aligned her administration with U.S. military actions in the region and thrown her full support behind the Trump administration’s broader campaign targeting transnational drug trafficking and organized crime.

    The prime minister has waged a months-long public campaign to oust Barnett ahead of any potential reappointment vote, leaning on Trinidad’s outsized financial contribution to the bloc to back her demands. Trinidad covers roughly 22 percent of CARICOM’s total annual operating budget, a sum equal to around $20 million, a point Persad-Bissessar has repeatedly highlighted to regional leaders to press for Barnett’s removal.

    Persad-Bissessar has made no secret of her deep frustration with the bloc’s current direction, stating publicly that she cannot understand why most regional leaders have aligned with Venezuela and Maduro instead of backing the U.S. position. In a statement released in late 2025, as the U.S. finalized preparations for its anti-Maduro military operation and regional governments raised alarms about the legality of fatal U.S. boat strikes in Caribbean waters, she doubled down: “Caricom has chosen to support the Maduro narco-government through the fake zone of peace narrative.”

    Persad-Bissessar’s relentless pressure ultimately forced CARICOM leadership to convene an emergency closed-door meeting on Friday to address the question of Barnett’s reappointment, marking one of the deepest crises the regional trade bloc has faced in recent years.

  • SVG missed out on US$1b from CBI under ULP — PM

    SVG missed out on US$1b from CBI under ULP — PM

    A decades-long policy rejection of citizenship-by-investment (CBI) has left St. Vincent and the Grenadines (SVG) with up to US$1 billion in unrealized revenue over the past 10 years, according to newly elected Prime Minister Godwin Friday. In a candid interview aired on Hot 97 FM last Friday, the leader of the New Democratic Party (NDP) — which won general elections in November 2024 after ousting the 25-year incumbent Unity Labour Party (ULP) — opened up about the economic costs of the previous administration’s hardline opposition to CBI programs, noting that fellow Caribbean leaders have repeatedly questioned SVG’s refusal to adopt the popular economic development tool.

    During the interview, radio host Luke Boyea shared a striking comment from a senior St. Lucia Labour Party official — a ideological ally of the SVG ULP — who claimed that SVG’s refusal to launch CBI under former Prime Minister Ralph Gonsalves had turned the country into a regional laughing stock. Boyea noted that while the ULP made bold public claims about SVG’s economic standing, the absence of CBI revenue left clear gaps in the country’s development progress that were obvious to regional observers.

    CBI programs grant foreign nationals full citizenship and a valid national passport in exchange for a substantial contribution to the host country’s economy, usually targeted at infrastructure, social programs, or other public projects. SVG is currently the only one of the five independent member states of the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) that does not operate a CBI program. The NDP made the introduction of CBI a core campaign promise during its 2024 election run, and Friday confirmed that the new government remains on track to launch the program within 2025 despite minor delays to some campaign pledges.

    Gonsalves, who now serves as leader of the opposition, has maintained his long-standing opposition to CBI, repeatedly framing the program as little more than selling passports. Last year, his public comments labeling CBI an inherently corrupt model drew sharp pushback from Antigua and Barbuda Prime Minister Gaston Browne, whose country operates one of the region’s most successful CBI programs.

    Friday acknowledged that the new administration has delivered on some of its 60-day campaign pledges, while other initiatives have been pushed back to later in the year. He cited ongoing global economic uncertainty stemming from regional conflicts as a key factor that requires responsible policy timing, noting that it would be reckless for the small island nation to ignore shifting global conditions when rolling out new programs.

    “It would be irresponsible to simply disregard what’s happening in the world and simply do whatever you like,” Friday said. “As a responsible government, we will consider these global factors as we advance our agenda, but our core strategic objective remains unchanged: we will manage public finances to keep our debt sustainable, meet the basic needs of all Vincentians, and expand investment opportunities to bring renewed prosperity to St. Vincent and the Grenadines.”

    Alongside CBI, Friday confirmed that repairs to the derelict Ottley Hall Marina and Shipyard — a flagship project of the last NDP administration that held office from 1984 to 2001, which was left to fall into ruin under the ULP’s 2001–2024 tenure — will move forward this year, with multiple serious investors already expressing interest in the high-potential site. The prime minister also noted that new hotel investment projects are in the pipeline for the island nation, which relies heavily on tourism as a core economic driver.

    Responding to criticism of CBI from opposition figures, Friday emphasized that the program offers a unique path to raise government revenue without taking on new debt or increasing domestic taxes. “You’re not borrowing it and you’re not taxing people to get it,” he said, framing the previous administration’s rejection of CBI as a reckless decision that carried massive opportunity costs for the country.

    Now that he holds office, Friday said regular conversations with regional peer leaders who operate successful CBI programs have underscored the scale of the missed opportunity. “They’re looking at us like say, ‘Boy, what an opportunity you guys missed,’” he told listeners.

    When asked why the ULP spent decades framing CBI as a harmful, unethical practice that the country should avoid, Friday said the media host had correctly identified the core issue: a small group of loud political opponents convinced the public of the narrative, leaving the entire country to bear the economic cost.

    As an example of what CBI revenue can fund, Friday pointed to Dominica’s new international airport, a major infrastructure project that has been largely financed by CBI proceeds. Friday’s own estimate places SVG’s cumulative missed revenue over 10 years at up to US$1 billion, a figure that lines up with informal estimates from a fellow regional prime minister, who pegged potential annual revenue at EC$200 million (roughly US$74 million), even the lower projection amounts to substantial unborrowed, untaxed revenue that the country could have used for development.

    Friday specifically noted that the US$78 million hospital currently under construction at Arnos Vale, for which the previous ULP government borrowed US$100 million from Taiwan, could have been fully paid for with CBI revenue had the program been adopted years earlier.

  • Coalition firm in rejection of close-in-age sex pass

    Coalition firm in rejection of close-in-age sex pass

    Debate over Jamaican legal policy regarding sexual relations between minors has intensified, as a prominent faith-based advocacy organization has drawn a line in the sand against any adjustments to existing law, urging policymakers to target the root causes of risky adolescent behavior instead.

    The Jamaica Coalition for a Healthy Society (JCHS), a pro-Christian advocacy group, laid out its firm position during last Thursday’s deliberations of parliament’s joint select committee, which is currently conducting a review of the nation’s Child Diversion Act. The ongoing review centers on identifying effective strategies to cut the number of young people entering the country’s formal justice system, with stakeholders across the political and civil society spectrum weighing in on competing priorities.

    JCHS Advocacy Officer Philippa Davies told the committee that while legislative overhauls often draw the most attention during policy reform processes, the core challenge goes far beyond changing statutory language. Instead, she argued, policymakers must first unpack why minors engage in conduct that puts them at odds with the law, pointing to early sexual activity as one of the most critical contributing factors. Davies warned that efforts to normalize underage sexual relationships, or to carve out new legal exceptions for close-in-age encounters, would create cascading long-term harms for Jamaican youth.

    “We strongly object to this suggestion [of close-in-age sex legislation] and to the notion that minors can consent to sex, whether with each other or with adults,” Davies told the committee. “We also disagree with the suggestion that adolescent sex is to be deemed as normal, mere exploration, and unharmful. This is so far from the truth. Sex is more than a physical act. It carries long-term psychological consequences.”

    Davies grounded her organization’s position in existing research on adolescent brain development, noting that young people lack the fully developed neurological capacity to make high-stakes decisions that carry lifelong impacts. The prefrontal cortex, the region of the brain responsible for impulse control, long-term planning, priority-setting, and complex decision-making, does not finish maturing until a person reaches between 25 and 30 years of age. “Even if adolescents understand that something is dangerous, they may still engage in risky behaviour,” she explained. Her argument was further bolstered by Jamaican national data showing that a large share of young people’s first sexual encounters do not involve full, freely given consent, directly undermining the widespread assumption that all underage sexual relationships are harmless consensual encounters.

    The JCHS’s formal submission to the committee comes as a growing number of advocacy and policy groups have pushed for the introduction of “close-in-age” exemptions to Jamaica’s current law, which criminalizes sexual relations between minors.

    JCHS President Dr. Wayne West clarified that the group does not advocate for unnecessarily criminalizing young people who engage in underage sexual activity. Instead, he stressed, the existing law serves a critical normative purpose as a guide for acceptable social behavior that must remain intact. “We are not saying that if persons are caught in sexual activity at their age, that they should be criminalised. We say we keep the law as is, because the law is a teacher, and we don’t want the law to be used to teach something else,” West explained. “We are not denying that things do happen. But what we are saying is that the law is a teacher, and there is a consequence to activity. So we don’t want the law to teach people that there is no consequence to activity.”

    Alongside its call to keep the current law unchanged, the coalition is pushing for a broader preventative public health and education approach that includes expanded comprehensive education, greater parental involvement in youth development, and targeted outreach to encourage healthier behavioral choices among Jamaican adolescents.

    Committee chairman and Justice Minister Delroy Chuck acknowledged the deeply complex nature of the issue, noting that rigid, one-size-fits-all application of the current law can leave lifelong, damaging marks on young people who engage in consensual underage sexual activity. Chuck pointed to ongoing requests for criminal record expungement from former farm workers who pleaded guilty to consensual underage sex as teenagers, noting that the conviction continues to block opportunities decades later. “Because, if a person is actually convicted when they are a teenager for consensual sex, it follows them for the rest of their lives, to be frank with you,” he said.

    Chuck raised questions about whether greater discretionary power within the justice system could create a workable middle ground, particularly for cases involving minors close in age, and suggested many of these cases could be diverted out of the formal court system through existing alternative mechanisms. The JCHS has signaled it supports diversion for these cases, but has reiterated that this support does not extend to changing the underlying text of the law itself.

    State Minister for Justice Marisa Dalrymple-Philibert also shared her perspective on the debate, acknowledging that robust moral guidance for young people is a critical public priority, but warning that an overly rigid legal framework can permanently derail the future prospects of youth who make early mistakes. She noted that many productive, upstanding adult Jamaican citizens and community leaders engaged in underage sexual activity during their adolescence, and argued that these early mistakes should not define their entire lives.

    Pointing to the widespread employment barriers faced by people with juvenile criminal convictions, Dalrymple-Philibert argued the justice system must strike a careful balance between accountability and rehabilitation, especially for young people who acted without the full cognitive maturity to understand the consequences of their choices. “You’re correct, we need to teach children all the good values,” she said. “But I hold strongly to the fact that it happened to people who are excellent adults and leaders in society now that made mistakes as young people, sex with women underage, between minors. We are saying at this point, when it happens, there must be a way not to criminalise them, help them through the Child Diversion Programme.”

    First introduced to give justice system officials alternatives to prosecution for children who come into contact with the law, the Child Diversion Act under review centers on rehabilitation rather than punishment, connecting young people to counseling, mentorship, and targeted support services instead of formal court processing and criminal conviction.

  • EU chief von der Leyen hails Orban defeat

    EU chief von der Leyen hails Orban defeat

    BRUSSELS, Belgium – In a reaction that underscores deep ideological divides within the 27-nation bloc, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen publicly celebrated Sunday’s legislative election outcome in Hungary that brought an end to Viktor Orban’s 12-year consecutive tenure as prime minister.

    Posting to the social media platform X in both English and Hungarian, von der Leyen framed the election result as a pivotal moment for the central European nation’s relationship with the European Union. “Europe’s heart is beating stronger in Hungary tonight,” she wrote. She went on to emphasize the mutual alignment between Hungary and the broader bloc, adding, “Hungary has chosen Europe. Europe has always chosen Hungary. A country reclaims its European path. The Union grows stronger.”

    Orban, a right-wing nationalist who long positioned himself as an unconventional counterweight to Brussels’ mainstream policy agenda, spent years in open conflict with most other EU member states. The nationalist leader once famously described himself as a “thorn” in the side of the union, a label that accurately reflected his frequent confrontations with bloc institutions over a range of contentious issues. Most notably, Orban diverged sharply from the EU’s unified foreign policy approach toward Russia following the 2022 full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Beyond foreign policy, his administration also faced repeated accusations from Brussels that it had eroded judicial independence and undermined core EU rule-of-law principles, leading to years of regulatory and funding disputes between Budapest and Brussels.

  • Orbán concedes defeat as Opposition sweeps Hungary’s elections after 16 years

    Orbán concedes defeat as Opposition sweeps Hungary’s elections after 16 years

    Hungary’s decades-long era of conservative populist rule came to an abrupt end Sunday, as long-serving Prime Minister Viktor Orbán formally conceded defeat to the opposition Tisza Party, which surged to a historic landslide victory in the country’s parliamentary election.

    Based on partial official results published by Hungary’s national election office, Tisza Party is on track to claim a rare two-thirds supermajority in the 199-seat national parliament, securing 135 seats — a threshold that gives the incoming government broad authority to reshape the country’s constitutional framework. Tisza Party leader Péter Magyar, who is all but certain to be sworn in as Hungary’s next prime minister, confirmed Sunday that Orbán personally called him to extend congratulations on his election win.

    “While official final vote tallies are still being compiled, the overall outcome of this election is unambiguous and clear,” Orbán said in a public address following his concession, acknowledging that the result represented a “painful” end to his 16 consecutive years in office.

    The projected supermajority won by Tisza gives the party the same constitutional amendment power that Orbán’s Fidesz party leveraged to rewrite Hungary’s founding document in 2011. Beyond domestic constitutional changes, the election outcome is widely expected to trigger a major shift in Hungary’s position within the European Union. Analysts forecast that the new government will ease long-running tensions between Budapest and Brussels, and could reverse Orbán’s policy of blocking EU aid and military support for Ukraine amid Russia’s ongoing invasion.

    Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, was quick to react to the results Sunday, saying in a statement that the Hungarian people had “chosen Europe” and that the country was now set to reclaim its full place at the heart of the European bloc.

    Orbán, a polarizing right-wing leader whose populist, anti-establishment political style has frequently drawn comparisons to former U.S. President Donald Trump, saw his support erode steadily in recent years amid mounting domestic discontent. Stagnant economic growth, skyrocketing living costs, and widespread public anger over opaque wealth accumulation among elite figures with close ties to Orbán’s government all contributed to his government’s falling approval ahead of the election. The result also comes amid recent international friction surrounding the race: during a visit to Hungary earlier this year, U.S. Vice President JD Vance publicly praised Orbán’s leadership and launched a sharp criticism of the European Union’s engagement in the election campaign.

  • Good governance and the communication question

    Good governance and the communication question

    Five months into the term of St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ new New Democratic Party administration, a rising wave of criticism has flooded social media, print outlets, and radio airwaves, targeting what critics call a deeply flawed government communication strategy marked by mixed messaging, poor visibility, and a lack of clear national direction. In this weekly opinion column for *A View from the Outside*, social commentator and attorney Guevara Leacock pushes back against these widespread critiques, arguing that most current assessments fail to meet basic standards of analytical rigor by ignoring the broader context of governance, the realities of post-election administrative transition, and the tangible policy outcomes the new government has already delivered.

    Leacock argues that the bulk of today’s criticism is rooted in selective observation, premature judgment, and a fundamental misunderstanding of how new administrations function during their early months in office. The core claim that widespread communication breakdown has irreparably damaged the government’s credibility, he notes, relies almost entirely on anecdotal claims of “blunders” and “mixed messages,” with no sustained, verifiable evidence or structured analysis to back up the assertions. Contrary to claims that the administration has gone silent, Leacock points to a steady stream of ongoing public communication: regular ministerial press conferences, the weekly Friday Report, official public notices distributed via the Agency for Public Information, and formal ministerial statements marking major national and international dates, from International Women’s Day to regional observances. Many of these communication practices, he adds, were far less consistent or visible under the previous 25-year administration, despite its self-framing as a progressive governing force.

    Critics also misjudge the timeline of governance, Leacock argues. Transition from opposition to ruling power is far more than a simple swap of political faces: it requires realigning entire bureaucratic systems, recalibrating long-standing policy priorities, building new institutional workflows, and reorganizing priorities across every branch of the state machinery. What casual critics dismiss as “unpreparedness,” he says, is actually the ordinary friction that comes with any new administration taking up the reins of national power – a normal part of the governing learning curve, not a sign of systemic collapse.

    Leacock also notes that decades of heavily centralized, single-voice public communication under the previous administration have left many Vincentians accustomed to a more performative style of governance, leading them to misread the new government’s quieter, more distributed, deliberative approach to communication. Democracy, he emphasizes, does not always look like constant public command; it often manifests as intentional process, careful coordination, and adaptive adjustment, rather than nonstop rhetoric.

    Claims that the administration lacks clear direction also fall flat upon closer examination, Leacock contends. Governing direction is not measured by daily headlines or constant public spectacle; it is embedded in long-term legislative planning, administrative agendas, and policy pipelines that are often not immediately visible to the general public. In fact, the government’s full policy agenda was clearly laid out in the February 2026 Speech from the Throne delivered by Governor-General Sir Stanley John at the opening of Parliament, a public document that remains widely accessible via the Agency for Public Information’s social media channels – an act of official communication that critics consistently ignore.

    What many critics are actually demanding, Leacock argues, is not just communication, but a specific performative style of communication: constant public visibility, immediate answers to every question, and nonstop rhetorical display. This model prioritizes optics over governing substance, creating a dangerous temptation to confuse theatrical leadership with effective leadership. Government is not a stage performance, it is deliberate work – and that work is already visible across St. Vincent and the Grenadines: ongoing road repairs, the reinstatement of public officers dismissed under the previous administration’s vaccine mandate, the acquisition of new ambulances, and a measurable rise in public economic confidence. These tangible outcomes are not signs of political drift; they are evidence of steady, effective governance.

    Leacock also addresses the common critique that “too little has changed” from the previous administration, noting that continuity in governance is not inherently a failure. Responsible governing requires stability, incremental progress, and intentional continuity rather than constant, disruptive upheaval. Dramatic overnight transformation may satisfy an impatient public, but it risks damaging long-term institutional health and creating lasting national instability. Even with the NDP’s landslide 14-1 electoral mandate secured in November 2025, not every sector of national life can or should be remade overnight: meaningful, lasting change takes time, and serious governing requires patience.

    Critics who dismiss Prime Minister Dr. Godwin Friday’s frequent appearances at schools, community gatherings, and sporting events as trivial, symbolic engagements also reveal a narrow view of modern political leadership, Leacock says. In a small democracy like St. Vincent and the Grenadines, consistent civic presence among constituents is not a trivial distraction from governance – it is a core part of building and humanizing political legitimacy. Leadership is not only expressed through formal cabinet meetings, technical briefings, and official statements; it is also demonstrated through proximity to the people the government serves, a standard Friday is already meeting.

    The most concrete and reasonable critique, Leacock acknowledges, is the call to appoint a professional government communications strategist to improve coordination. On this point, there is room for agreement: most governments benefit from more centralized, coordinated communication, and the current administration has already publicly announced its plan to hire a communications specialist. Even so, Leacock warns against overstating the role of communication in good governance. Communication can never substitute for solid policy or effective delivery, and it is not the primary metric for judging whether a government is performing well. There is a deep risk, he notes, of communication becoming a replacement for substance: a tool to manage public perception rather than address tangible national challenges, a pattern Vincentians saw firsthand under previous administrations that dominated airwaves with rhetoric while national institutions eroded behind the scenes. Talking alone can only achieve so much: communication matters, but it cannot build roads, reform institutions, stabilize public finances, or restore public trust on its own.

    The most glaring gap in most current criticism, Leacock argues, is the near-total absence of engagement with actual policy substance. There is little serious discussion of the administration’s legislative initiatives, administrative reforms, or economic plans, with passing, offhand references to policy replacing rigorous analysis. A government cannot be judged on messaging alone; it must be evaluated by what it actually does, builds, and reforms. To focus almost exclusively on communication is to present a partial, deeply misleading picture of governing performance.

    Leacock does concede that many Vincentians have legitimate questions and demands for more information: the public has a right to details about the alleged long-term economic mismanagement of the previous administration, and many are waiting for the promised forensic audit of past government practices. That desire for transparency is completely valid, he notes, but forensic audits by their nature require rigorous, time-consuming examination of state records, conducted while the new government continues to carry out its day-to-day governing responsibilities. Patience in this process is not a sign of weakness, it is a requirement for thorough, accurate work.

    In conclusion, Leacock stresses that while questions about communication clarity and coordination are legitimate, the bulk of current criticism is analytically thin and premature, often trading evidence for assertion and rhetoric for balanced analysis. A credible critique of the administration’s communication strategy would situate communication within the broader context of governance, acknowledge the realities of administrative transition, and center policy outcomes over messaging style. Until that kind of rigorous assessment is offered, the repeated calls for the government to “wake up” reveal more about the limitations of the critics than they do about the performance of the young administration.

    This column was published by Guevara Leacock, a barrister of Lincoln’s Inn and practicing attorney in St. Vincent and the Grenadines with a focus on history and political commentary, on Saturday 10 April 2026. The opinions expressed are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial stance of iWitness News.

  • Officers Destroyed Evidence In Drug Plane Landing? ComPol Says, No!

    Officers Destroyed Evidence In Drug Plane Landing? ComPol Says, No!

    Two back-to-back anti-drug operations in northern Belize’s Corozal District have sparked a growing controversy over evidence handling, with the country’s top law enforcement official pushing back against viral online claims that security agents deliberately destroyed key evidence.

    The first incident unfolded early Friday morning along the Old Northern Highway, when a team of customs patrol officers spotted a suspicious individual acting erratically. When officers moved in to question the person, they fled into nearby brush, prompting a search of the surrounding area. The search led investigators to a remote seafront landing zone in the Bomba region, where a Chevrolet SUV was found stocked with nine large canisters of aviation fuel. Law enforcement detained multiple people at the scene and also recovered an unregistered 9-millimeter pistol from the area. Before officers could secure the vehicle and its contents for forensic processing, the Chevrolet was intentionally set on fire, destroying the fuel and any potential forensic evidence that may have been held on the vehicle itself.

    Hours later that same evening, a large-scale coordinated multi-agency security operation launched in the region scored a major win against transnational drug trafficking. Teams made up of Belizean national police, the Belize Defence Force, and the Belize Coast Guard, backed by aerial support from Mexican security partners, intercepted a small drug plane that had just touched down in the Nuefeld area of Corozal. Operation teams successfully took both pilots into custody and seized an undisclosed amount of cocaine bound for distribution networks. Aviation sources familiar with the plane confirmed it is a Cessna 206, a single-engine aircraft commonly used by drug traffickers for its ability to land on unimproved airstrips and carry cargo loads of up to 900 kilograms.

    In the wake of the two operations, unsubstantiated claims began circulating on social media and local messaging platforms claiming that Belizean law enforcement officers deliberately set fire to the Chevrolet Tahoe to destroy evidence. But Belize’s Commissioner of Police Dr. Richard Rosado has forcefully rejected these allegations, calling them outright misinformation in an exclusive interview with local outlet News 5.

    “Contrary to false reports circulating online, the claim that officers deliberately set the vehicle on fire is entirely untrue. This is another instance of misinformation,” Rosado told reporters. The Commissioner, who was on the ground in Corozal during the operations alongside the national security minister and the ministry’s chief executive officer, declined to immediately name who he believes was responsible for setting the fire, asking for patience from the public and press as investigators complete their internal review.

    “Kindly allow us some time to put together the release. In the fullest of time a full press briefing will be done,” Rosado added, noting that a full, detailed account of the day’s events will be published publicly once investigators have finalized their initial findings.

  • CARICOM IMPACS: New explosives storehouse to be constructed in Dominica

    CARICOM IMPACS: New explosives storehouse to be constructed in Dominica

    At the opening of a three-day inter-agency security roundtable in Roseau, a senior Caribbean regional security official has outlined a comprehensive multi-part initiative to boost Dominica’s national firearms regulation and explosive management capabilities, with spillover benefits for the entire Caribbean region.

    Callixtus Joseph, acting Assistant Director of Policy, Strategy and Innovation at the CARICOM Implementation Agency for Crime and Security (CARICOM IMPACS), made the announcements during the conference, which ran from April 8 to 10 2026. The gathering was jointly convened by the Government of Dominica’s Ministry of National Security and Legal Affairs, the United Nations Regional Centre for Peace, Disarmament and Development in Latin America and the Caribbean (UNLIREC), and CARICOM IMPACS itself, bringing together cross-sector stakeholders to coordinate regional security action.

    Beyond the planned explosives depot, Joseph detailed a suite of targeted upgrades to Dominica’s law enforcement and firearms control infrastructure. CARICOM IMPACS is already expanding the island’s firearms ballistics testing capacity through direct on-the-ground support and new specialized equipment, he confirmed. The agency is also supplying purpose-built firearm marking tools to the Dominica Police Service, and backing the rollout of a cutting-edge digital system for firearms licensing and registration.

    Joseph stressed that the digital transformation of the licensing regime is far more than a technological upgrade: it lays the foundation for a modern, streamlined, and transparent regulatory framework that aligns with global best practices and updated national legislation. The new system will drastically improve the traceability of illegal weapons, while also simplifying administrative oversight and regulatory enforcement for local authorities.

    On the planned explosives storage facility, Joseph noted that CARICOM IMPACS is working in close partnership with the Dominican government and police service to scout and evaluate appropriate parcels of land for construction. In the near future, the agency will also roll out specialized training alongside partner organization the Mines Advisory Group (MAG), focusing on safe demolition and disposal of decommissioned weapons and unstable expired explosives.

    The security cooperation between CARICOM IMPACS and Dominica extends beyond weapons management, Joseph added. Upcoming joint maritime security operations are already in planning, designed to counter transnational illicit trafficking and strengthen border protection for the island.

    Joseph emphasized that all these combined initiatives are tailored to reinforce national-level preparedness, inter-agency coordination, and enforcement capacity. He noted that Dominican leadership and engagement in these security efforts delivers value not just for the island nation itself, but for the entire Caribbean community. Every incremental improvement to accountability, weapons tracing, record-keeping, inventory marking, storage security, criminal investigation, and enforcement bolsters the region’s collective ability to counter the threat of illicit weapons and organized crime.

    Looking ahead, Joseph confirmed that CARICOM IMPACS remains committed to ongoing collaboration with the Dominican government and all relevant stakeholders to see these initiatives through to successful completion.

  • Fractieleiders eren Santokhi in rouwzitting DNA: Verschillen vallen weg, respect blijft

    Fractieleiders eren Santokhi in rouwzitting DNA: Verschillen vallen weg, respect blijft

    On a somber Friday session, Suriname’s National Assembly gathered to hold a special memorial sitting honoring Chan Santokhi, a former national president and sitting assembly member who recently passed away. Across nearly all political parties represented in the legislature, faction leaders joined together to pay tribute to Santokhi’s legacy, setting aside longstanding partisan divides to deliver a unified message of respect, recognition, and reflection.

    The most notable absence from the memorial gathering was the entire ABOP faction, which did not attend the sitting. Speaking on behalf of the NDP faction, Rabin Parmessar opened tributes by reflecting on the fragility of life and the importance of collective remembrance. He walked attendees through Santokhi’s decades-long public career, which spanned from his early service as police commissioner all the way to his term as president of the Republic of Suriname, calling his passing a loss felt by every person who knew him.

    Irshaad Fathemohamed of the NPS described Santokhi as a “man of institutions” who left an indelible mark on Suriname’s rule of law and national political landscape. Even across competing political loyalties, Fathemohamed noted, mutual respect between Santokhi and his rivals was always a given. He emphasized that Santokhi’s public identity was defined by a commitment to dialogue, discipline, and unwavering devotion to the Surinamese people.

    Bronto Somohardjo, leader of the PL faction, echoed the call to rise above partisan differences in moments of national loss. He noted that occasions of collective mourning make clear that every elected representative, regardless of ideological stance, serves the nation in their own way. Somohardjo used the tribute to call for greater unity and empathy across Suriname’s political spectrum.

    Ronny Asabina of BEP characterized Santokhi as a multifaceted, transformative Surinamese leader whose leadership and perseverance left a permanent, positive imprint on national society. Asabina stressed that Santokhi never shied away from making difficult, unpopular choices when they served the best interests of the country.

    Steven Reyme, speaking for A20, observed that meaningful leadership always demands sacrifice and is not always widely understood during a leader’s lifetime. He echoed calls for greater mutual respect and political unity, noting that Santokhi’s entire life was centered on selfless service to the Surinamese public.

    For the VHP faction, of which Santokhi was a former leader, chair Asis Gajadien spoke with visible emotion about the loss of both a party leader and revered statesman. Gajadien said Santokhi was not just a colleague, but a constant source of inspiration, known for his unmatched discipline and commitment to public service. He described Santokhi’s legacy as “more than just a memory — it is a mandate” for current leaders to carry forward the work he began.

    Across all the tributes delivered during the sitting, a clear consensus emerged: despite deep political disagreements that often divide Suriname’s parties, Santokhi earned broad, cross-partisan recognition for his lifelong service to the nation. In the words of multiple speakers, moments of national mourning erase partisan dividing lines, leaving only shared humanity and respect for a lifetime of public dedication.