分类: politics

  • UPP Chair D. Gisele Isaac Claims Election Was Influenced by State Power, Cash Handouts

    UPP Chair D. Gisele Isaac Claims Election Was Influenced by State Power, Cash Handouts

    Weeks after the ruling Antigua and Barbuda Labour Party secured its fourth consecutive term in the April 30 general election, the chair of the main opposition United Progressive Party (UPP), D. Gisele Isaac, has raised explosive allegations that systemic advantages, misuse of state assets, and direct voter bribes skewed the final result.

    In a scathing opinion piece published Tuesday in the Daily Observer, Isaac delivered a damning indictment of the country’s electoral landscape, labeling Antigua and Barbuda’s democracy “plywood-built” – a fragile structure that inherently favors sitting governments through unfair constitutional and institutional advantages.

    At the core of Isaac’s criticism is the argument that incumbent administrations hold an unbeatable advantage thanks to their unilateral control over all state institutions and resources. She specifically named key state bodies including the national Treasury, Immigration Department, Port Authority, Public Works Department, the Antigua Public Utilities Authority (APUA), ABS-TV and even the independent Electoral Commission as entities the ruling party leveraged for electoral gain. Unlike challengers, sitting leaders hold full authority over when, where, and how state resources are deployed during election cycles, creating a fundamentally uneven playing field that opposition groups can never overcome, she argued.

    Beyond institutional bias, Isaac detailed what she claims was widespread and deliberate vote-buying during the recent campaign. She cited direct cash handouts to voters, campaign motorcades that paired promises of road repairs with free gasoline giveaways, and distribution of supermarket vouchers, personal gifts, and free concerts to sway voter sentiment. Isaac framed these tactics as exploitative of widespread economic hardship facing the country, arguing that the ruling party’s short-term inducements undercut opposition plans for long-term economic improvement.

    “To thousands of families, scrunting because of the high cost of groceries and living with termites, the cash in hand and plywood were more attractive than the Opposition’s plans to make life better, healthier and more affordable,” Isaac wrote, acknowledging that widespread economic distress left many voters with little choice but to accept immediate assistance over future policy gains. She added that the cycle of vote-buying perpetuates poverty, leaving voters dependent on ruling party handouts rather than building sustainable economic growth.

    Isaac also openly addressed internal instability that weakened the UPP in the lead-up to the election, confirming reports of high-profile party defections, infiltration by “double-agents” aligned with the ruling party, and internal disagreements over key campaign decisions. Despite these challenges, she defended the UPP’s campaign performance, arguing that the opposition overcame massive resource disadvantages to mount a credible challenge. “Without apology I will say, again, that the Opposition — with its small resources but great goodwill and superior talent — pulled off an election campaign that was A+,” she wrote.

    The veteran political leader also pulled no punches on the outsized role of corporate and private donor influence in national politics. She argued that election outcomes and subsequent government policy are ultimately controlled not by voters, but by wealthy interests that fund political campaigns. “Vote all you want — whether for a political leader or a party; it is those who open the purse — or keep it closed — that determine the outcome,” she wrote.

    Isaac closed her column with a sober warning about the long-term health of Antigua and Barbuda’s democratic system, admitting that she struggles to encourage public trust and electoral participation when the principle of “one man, one vote” does not align with the reality of how elections are run in the country. Her comments represent one of the most high-profile critiques of the island nation’s electoral system from a major opposition leader in recent years, opening new conversation about the need for electoral reform to level the political playing field.

  • All Saints East & St. Luke MP Thanks Constituents After Election Victory

    All Saints East & St. Luke MP Thanks Constituents After Election Victory

    Fresh off the 2026 general election results, the incumbent Member of Parliament for All Saints East and St. Luke has moved quickly to extend heartfelt appreciation to the voters who delivered him another term in office. In a widely shared public statement following the announcement of poll outcomes, the legislator emphasized that his electoral success was not a personal victory, but a reflection of the deep-rooted trust, sustained backing and shared commitment that define his relationship with the constituency he represents.

    Acknowledging the weight of the mandate handed to him by residents, the MP has pledged to raise the bar for his service moving forward. Contrary to speculation that post-election engagement would taper off, he made clear that his on-the-ground presence and regular outreach to constituents will only grow stronger in the coming term. Centering his policy priorities on accountable, responsive governance, the legislator reaffirmed his commitment to collaborative lawmaking, noting that every decision he advances will be shaped by direct input from the communities he serves.

    Looking ahead, the MP outlined his core overarching goal: to work hand-in-hand with residents of All Saints East and St. Luke to drive inclusive, sustained growth across Antigua and Barbuda. Closing his message, he repeated his sincere gratitude to every constituent who cast a ballot, offered support, or placed their confidence in his leadership ahead of the 2026 poll.

  • ILO report links labour rights to journalist safety and press freedom

    ILO report links labour rights to journalist safety and press freedom

    To commemorate World Press Freedom Day on May 3, the International Labour Organization (ILO) has published a groundbreaking report that centers a long-overlooked angle of journalist protection: the fundamental role of labor rights in safeguarding media workers around the globe. For decades, the global community has debated threats to press freedom through the lens of free expression, but the ILO’s new analysis argues that this framework is incomplete — journalists are first and foremost workers, and their ability to do their jobs safely depends entirely on whether they can access the core labor protections guaranteed to workers in every other sector. Alarmingly, the risks facing media personnel have grown steadily worse over the past three decades. Data from UNESCO’s Observatory of Killed Journalists confirms that more than 1,850 journalists have lost their lives while on the job since 1993. For the vast majority of these killings, no perpetrators have been held to account, leaving a pervasive culture of impunity that emboldens further attacks. Beyond lethal violence, hundreds more journalists today are arbitrarily detained, disappeared, or targeted with sustained threats. Legal harassment, physical violence, and widespread digital and gender-based abuse — which disproportionately harms women journalists — add layers of insecurity that force many to censor their work or leave the profession entirely. The ILO report makes a clear, evidence-backed case: the safety of journalists does not rely solely on protecting freedom of speech. It is inextricably linked to their ability to exercise core labor rights, from fair working conditions to collective bargaining. The analysis explores how the ILO’s own fundamental principles of work rights, paired with established international labor standards, can be leveraged to strengthen existing safety frameworks. It also offers actionable guidance for governments, media outlet employers, labor unions, and journalist associations to build tailored, sustainable protection strategies that address the unique risks the sector faces. “Journalists are key defenders of human and labor rights across the world,” noted Frank Hagemann, Director of Sectoral Policies at the ILO, in comments accompanying the report’s release. “But they are also workers themselves, and the framework of labor rights provides an underutilized, powerful tool to protect them while they carry out their critical work.” The ILO has long been engaged in global efforts to protect press freedom, and it is a core partner in the United Nations Plan of Action on the Safety of Journalists and the Issue of Impunity. That plan, first adopted by the United Nations System Chief Executives Board for Coordination back in 2012, established a coordinated cross-UN approach to tackling rising violence against media workers and ending the cycle of impunity for attacks on journalists. This new report builds on that decade-long initiative, bringing a fresh labor-focused perspective to a growing global crisis that shows little sign of abating.

  • Browne Says Antigua and Barbuda Can Become ‘Lifestyle Superpower’

    Browne Says Antigua and Barbuda Can Become ‘Lifestyle Superpower’

    Fresh off a historic landslide win in the April 30 general election, Prime Minister Gaston Browne has laid out an ambitious new national vision for Antigua and Barbuda, positioning the country to evolve from a growing economy to what he calls a global “lifestyle superpower” that delivers widespread, tangible benefits to all citizens.

    Browne laid out this policy framework during his official swearing-in ceremony on Tuesday, where he emphasized that the new administration’s development strategy rejects the narrow focus on gross economic expansion that has guided many small island nations. Instead, his government will center national progress on simultaneous growth of the national economy and improvement of everyday quality of life for Antigua and Barbuda’s residents.

    “We have to continue the transformational build of this country,” Browne told attendees gathered for the inauguration. He went on to explain that the administration’s holistic vision encompasses far more than GDP gains, covering eight core pillars of development: modern infrastructure, investment in people, enhanced national competitiveness, renewed national pride, environmental stewardship, and comprehensive public safety and security.

    Browne argued that Antigua and Barbuda has already built a strong foundation of steady economic progress and political stability, and now it is time to leverage those advantages to build a nation that appeals equally to international visitors and domestic residents. “We have to position Antigua and Barbuda as a lifestyle superpower,” he declared to the audience.

    The Prime Minister tied this bold ambition to a series of ongoing and planned public investments across key sectors, including transportation and utility infrastructure, affordable housing, public education, and core public services. Alongside these infrastructure and social spending commitments, he stressed that national pride and inclusive social development are just as critical to achieving the “lifestyle superpower” goal.

    His administration’s core mission, he said, is to continue building a cohesive society that guarantees widespread access to opportunity, personal security, and a steadily improving quality of life for all citizens. “We must work boldly,” Browne stated, urging both public officials and private citizens to join in sustained efforts to boost the country’s global competitiveness and long-term resilience to economic and climate challenges.

    Browne also placed a particular focus on youth investment, noting that empowering young Antiguans and Barbudans is critical to creating the stable, enabling conditions needed for long-term economic and social advancement. He reiterated that for his administration, economic expansion is not an end in itself: the ultimate goal is to ensure that every community across both islands sees tangible, measurable improvements from national development.

    Browne’s Antigua and Barbuda Labour Party secured a dominating mandate in last week’s general election, winning 15 out of the 17 available parliamentary seats, clearing the way for the administration to advance its full policy agenda over the coming term.

  • The boxer on the ropes – an analysis of the Antigua and Barbuda 2026 General Elections | Part II

    The boxer on the ropes – an analysis of the Antigua and Barbuda 2026 General Elections | Part II

    When the final votes were tallied in Antigua and Barbuda’s 2026 general election, the Antigua and Barbuda Labour Party (ABLP) secured a historic fourth term in office. But to understand the true weight of this victory, one must look beyond raw seat counts and vote totals to the deeper shifts in party identity, national vision, and democratic practice that it reveals. This election win is more than a political triumph—it is a case study in intentional institutional renewal, reconnection to core roots, and the resilience of democratic governance in an era of global democratic backsliding.

    One of the most striking markers of ABLP’s success is its deliberate commitment to generational rebuilding rather than superficial cosmetic change. Ahead of the poll, the party fielded 10 new candidates, a large share of whom are under 40 years old, bringing fresh perspective and energy to the political landscape. This blend of seasoned veteran leadership and emerging young talent sends a clear message: the ABLP is no static relic of the nation’s independence era, but a dynamic, evolving institution adapting to the demands of a new age.

    The party has redefined leadership as a relay race rather than a permanent throne—prioritizing the smooth passing of the baton to the next generation over clinging to power. This marks a tangible shift away from the individualistic politics and personality cults that have eroded democratic institutions in many parts of the world, refocusing instead on collective responsibility and long-term institutional continuity. It is a reminder that robust democracies are built on robust, self-renewing parties that survive not by centering individual personas, but by refreshing their values, updating their leadership, and staying rooted to the communities they exist to serve.

    Beyond internal renewal, the 2026 election also revealed a stark shift in national vision between Antigua and Barbuda’s two major parties. Where the ABLP’s historic opposition, the United Progressive Party (UPP), once built its brand on a “broad tent” philosophy of inclusive politics, the party has gradually drifted from that founding ethos in recent years: its outreach has shrunk, its policy focus has narrowed, and its appeal has become far more limited. The ABLP, by contrast, has returned to its foundational roots as a working-class movement, expanding the modern “House of Labour” to reflect the diverse reality of work in the 21st century.

    Today’s working class encompasses far more than the traditional labor movements of the past: the ABLP recognizes that teachers, hotel workers, young coders, fishermen, nurses, technicians, and small business owners are all workers contributing to Antigua and Barbuda’s national progress. The party’s flagship policy push for a living wage is not just a campaign slogan—it is a reflection of its core belief that democracy must deliver more than just the right to vote; it must deliver tangible, improved quality of life for all citizens.

    Any analysis of ABLP’s present must acknowledge the weight of its storied past. The legacy of Sir Vere Cornwall Bird, the father of Antigua and Barbuda’s independence, remains a cornerstone of the nation’s identity. Bird’s lifelong sacrifice, unwavering commitment to working people, and steady leadership through the transition from colonial rule to self-governance are etched permanently into the country’s history. But national progress does not end with political independence: today’s unfinished work lies in securing economic independence—narrowing systemic inequality, expanding access to opportunity, and ensuring that free education, quality healthcare, and dignified employment are universal guarantees, not privileges reserved for a select few.

    That legacy of working-class empathy lives on in the leadership of current Prime Minister Gaston Browne, who carries forward Bird’s vision into the complex landscape of 21st-century global competition and technological change. Like U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s iconic fireside chats, Browne prioritizes open, direct communication with the public, explaining policy and direction in plain, honest language. His regular “Browne and Browne” public affairs program, a frequent, unscripted space for national conversation, represents a modern iteration of this accessible leadership tradition, embodying the democratic principle that leadership requires visible, accountable connection, not distant authority.

    This election was not only a test for the ABLP—it was a test for Antigua and Barbuda’s democracy as a whole, and the nation passed with flying colors. At a time when democratic norms are under growing strain across the globe, Antigua and Barbuda delivered a calm, peaceful, transparent election that fully honored the will of the people. Voters turned out in force, cast their ballots freely, and accepted the outcome unified, reaffirming the core democratic truth that sovereign power belongs to the people.

    Citizens evaluated the competing visions on offer, and chose the path they believed best aligned with their hopes, needs, and national ambitions. They made clear that while they do not expect perfection—no government is without flaw—they approve of the country’s current direction, the leadership’s willingness to adapt and adjust, and its commitment to inclusive national development.

    To frame this moment in sporting terms: the ABLP once found itself backed against the ropes, weathering heavy criticism and electoral setbacks. Instead of collapsing, it absorbed the blows, learned from its mistakes, and rebuilt itself from the inside out: it restructured internal party institutions, elevated new generational talent, returned to its working-class roots, and put forward an inclusive national vision big enough to unify all corners of the country. What we see today is a party that has stepped off the ropes and back to the center of the ring, ready for a new term of leadership.

    Now the question turns to what the ABLP will do with this historic mandate. The party won the right to lead for a fourth term, and it must approach this responsibility with humility, responsiveness, and courage. The core questions that will define this term are straightforward: Will the ABLP deepen democratic participation? Will it expand economic opportunity for all? Will it transform national institutions to ensure that future generations never have to choose between dignity and economic survival?

    Early signs point to a positive path forward—if the party retains the lessons that brought it to this moment: why it was once written off by political observers, and why the people of Antigua and Barbuda chose to give it a renewed mandate. If this lesson is fully embraced, the 2026 election will stand as a defining turning point for the nation: a moment when a party, a people, and a democracy chose transformation over complacency, and forward-looking leadership over stagnation.

    As former U.S. President John F. Kennedy famously noted, the future is not inherited—it is built, and the challenges we face as people can be solved by people. The charge ahead for the ABLP and the people of Antigua and Barbuda is clear: now that the party has returned to the center of the political ring, it must use this mandate not just to hold power, but to continue the collective work of building a more just, more inclusive, and more prosperous nation. As iconic Antiguan calypso artist Short Shirt long urged, nation-building requires collective effort: “put your shoulder to the wheel,” he urged, and remember that work, not empty talk, is what builds a strong nation—progress demands relentless, shared toil.

  • Congratulatory Message from CARICOM Chair to the Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda

    Congratulatory Message from CARICOM Chair to the Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda

    Following the conclusion of Antigua and Barbuda’s general elections on April 30, the Chairman of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has issued a formal message of warm congratulations to Prime Minister Gaston Browne, who secured a historic fourth consecutive term in national office.

    Browne’s landslide win at the polls is widely interpreted as a clear demonstration that the electorate of Antigua and Barbuda retains unwavering confidence in his leadership style and long-term development blueprint for the twin-island nation. The outcome of the election has not only cemented Browne’s political legacy but also reaffirmed the public’s commitment to the regional democratic norms that the Caribbean has long prioritized.

    In the congratulatory statement, the CARICOM Chairman also extended praise to the people of Antigua and Barbuda for upholding the region’s longstanding, proud tradition of conducting free, fair, and peaceful democratic elections. This peaceful transition of power through the ballot box stands as a testament to the maturity of the country’s democratic institutions, the statement added.

    Looking ahead, the Chairman expressed sincere well wishes for a productive and impactful new term, highlighting hopes that Browne’s leadership will drive continued social and economic progress across Antigua and Barbuda. The statement also underscored CARICOM’s eagerness to maintain close collaborative work with Browne’s administration, as both sides work together to tackle the wide range of cross-border challenges that impact the entire Caribbean region.

  • A World Court ruling in favour of Guyana will “freeze” controversy- Venezuela

    A World Court ruling in favour of Guyana will “freeze” controversy- Venezuela

    On Wednesday, May 6, 2026, Venezuela’s legal delegation presented stark warnings to the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in The Hague, arguing that upholding the validity of the controversial 1899 Arbitral Tribunal Award over the Essequibo Region will leave the decades-long territorial dispute between Venezuela and neighboring Guyana permanently unresolved.

    Speaking on behalf of Venezuela, Senegalese-born international law professor Makane Moïse Mbengue, who wore a lapel pin printed with Venezuela’s claimed territorial map that includes the 160,000-square-kilometer Essequibo Region, told the ICJ panel that validating the 1899 award would achieve the exact opposite of a lasting resolution. Instead, it would lock the two South American nations into a permanent deadlock – an outcome the 1966 Geneva Agreement was explicitly crafted to overcome. Two other members of Venezuela’s legal team, professors Andreas Zimmermann and Antonio Remiro Brotóns, did not wear the symbolic pin during their presentations.

    Professor Brotóns echoed Mbengue’s position, stressing that if the ICJ dismisses Venezuela’s challenge by confirming the 1899 award’s legal standing, the 1966 Geneva Agreement would be reduced to an empty, meaningless document. He characterized such a ruling as the final step in what he called the “judicial whitewashing” of a territorial seizure imposed on Venezuela by the British Empire 127 years ago. Brotóns further warned that a ruling upholding the 1899 award would inflame tensions between the two neighboring states, rather than resolving the dispute. “This will not put an end to the controversy. On the contrary, it may exacerbate it by driving the parties further apart. It will merely be another step in a never ending saga that the parties alone can end through a common agreement. No one should have any interest in fueling the conflict,” he told the court.

    Brotóns also criticized Guyana’s approach to the dispute over the past decade, arguing that the country has abandoned its commitments under the Geneva Agreement through what he described as a combination of deliberate disregard and territorial ambition. He claimed Guyana has effectively taken the place of the United Kingdom as an “usurper” of the contested territory, and has even portrayed itself as a victim of Venezuelan aggression despite this history. “Decolonization cannot be exploited to reinforce or perpetuate colonial injustices. The colonial appropriation of the United Kingdom cannot, within the normative framework of decolonization, result in a legal title for Guyana against Venezuela. Venezuela supported Guyana’s independence,” he added.

    Mbengue centered his core argument on the legal principle of novation, asserting that the 1966 Geneva Agreement legally invalidated the 1899 award and replaced it with a new framework centered on bilateral negotiation, mutual agreement, and equal sovereign standing for both parties. He emphasized that Guyana explicitly agreed to this structure when it signed onto the accord, committing to find a new resolution to the dispute over the resource-rich Essequibo Region.

    Under the terms of the Geneva Agreement, both parties are required to pursue a mutually acceptable solution through direct bilateral talks, Mbengue explained. If the court upholds the 1899 award and rejects the mandate for negotiated settlement, the dispute will again be trapped in stalemate. Even if the court overturns the 1899 award and Guyana still refuses to return to negotiations, the controversy will be left to fester, falling short of the requirements set out in the 1966 accord, he added.

    Mbengue also highlighted key provisions of the agreement that bar either side from claiming sovereign rights or legal prescription through unilateral activities undertaken during the negotiation process. The accord, he said, clearly establishes that both parties agreed to operate within a new legal framework where all territorial claims remain open pending a mutually negotiated outcome. Notably, Venezuela’s legal team did not reference the clause in the Geneva Agreement that allows the United Nations Secretary-General to refer the dispute to the ICJ for a binding ruling if bilateral and good offices mediation processes fail to produce a resolution.

    Addressing the transition to Guyanese independence, Mbengue told judges that the United Kingdom did not dismiss Venezuela’s long-standing allegations of fraud in the 1899 proceedings, and that the original 1899 framework was not simply inherited by newly independent Guyana. Instead, he noted, Article 8 of the Geneva Agreement explicitly stipulates that Guyana becomes a party to the new negotiated framework upon gaining independence.

    Guyana’s legal team had already presented its case earlier this week, submitting documentary evidence that showed Venezuela accepted the 1899 award for more than 60 years through actions including participating in border demarcation, publishing maps that recognized the award, and making official statements affirming its validity. Guyana’s side noted that Venezuela only challenged the award after a 1960s letter from a former secretary to the 1899 arbitral tribunal, Mallet Prevost, claimed the proceedings included irregularities that favored Britain, which was Guyana’s colonial ruler at the time.

    Mbengue countered Guyana’s position by pointing to 50 years of practice consistent with the novation framework established by the Geneva Agreement. For half a century, he noted, Guyana never invoked the 1899 award in any international forum, and instead participated in negotiations through the Good Officer process and other mechanisms created by the 1966 accord. “That sustained practice from Guyana reflects precisely the understanding that the award had been superseded. The intention to novate emerges finally from the practice of the United Kingdom, which consistently maintained in its diplomatic practice that former colonies could not simply inherit all obligations of colonial era treaties by automatic succession,” Mbengue added.

    Venezuela has maintained its position that the ICJ’s 2020 ruling asserting jurisdiction over Guyana’s case was incorrect, and Mbengue confirmed that “Venezuela reserves its position on the matter.” Even setting the jurisdiction question aside, Mbengue argued that the legal novation completed by the Geneva Agreement bars the ICJ from adjudicating the territorial dispute. He claimed that Guyana’s case amounts to an attempt to revive the 1899 award through the backdoor of ICJ jurisdiction, after having abandoned it through the front door of the 1966 agreement’s substantive terms. “International law does not permit that,” he said.

    Professor Andreas Zimmermann, another member of Venezuela’s legal team, criticized Guyana’s inconsistent handling of the Geneva Agreement, noting that Guyana relied on the accord to bring the case to the ICJ, but has since refused to engage with the binding legal obligations the agreement imposes on it. “What is more, Guyana, by not engaging in the substantive interpretation of the Geneva agreement, implicitly acknowledged that it has nothing, nothing to say on the manifold arguments related to the impact of the Geneva agreement on how to solve the boundary dispute, arguments that Venezuela had already brought forward in its written pleadings,” Zimmermann said.

    Zimmermann stressed that the explicit purpose of the jointly negotiated Geneva Agreement is to resolve “any outstanding controversy” related to the border. If the parties had only intended to address the narrow question of the 1899 award’s validity, that limited scope would have been clearly stated in the agreement’s preamble, he argued. To support his position, Zimmermann presented excerpts from official diplomatic documents from both Guyana and Venezuela that he says prove the Geneva Agreement was intended to serve as the foundation for a mutually negotiated settlement between the two sovereign states.

  • Suriname en VS plannen veldbezoeken in visserijsector

    Suriname en VS plannen veldbezoeken in visserijsector

    Following a high-level meeting between U.S. Chargé d’Affaires Paul Watzlavick and Suriname’s Minister of Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Fisheries Mike Noersalim, the two countries have locked in a series of concrete collaborative agreements focused on expanding bilateral engagement in Suriname’s agriculture and fisheries sectors.

    In the near term, the two partners will conduct joint field visits across Suriname, with a particular focus on assessing existing infrastructure and opportunities in the country’s fisheries industry. Beyond the initial site assessments, a dedicated U.S. agricultural mission is scheduled to travel to Suriname to conduct in-depth explorations of untapped potential across the broader agri-food value chain.

    Minister Noersalim emphasized that Suriname maintains an open, welcoming policy toward foreign investors that are committed to partnering with local stakeholders to drive inclusive national development. “We are actively seeking investors that are ready to contribute to every stage of our domestic value chain, from raw material extraction through to finished end products,” Noersalim stated in comments following the meeting.

    Technological innovation in agriculture emerged as a core topic during the bilateral discussions. Watzlavick highlighted how leading U.S. agricultural operations have boosted productivity through advanced mechanization and digital technology, allowing for higher output with optimized staffing levels. The two sides have agreed to pilot these technology-driven agricultural models in Suriname, a move that Noersalim stressed requires sustained openness to foreign investment to succeed.

    Multiple U.S. companies have already expressed formal interest in investing in Suriname’s agricultural sector and establishing demonstration farms to showcase modern production practices, according to Noersalim. Under the framework of these planned investments, the majority of the workforce for any new projects will be hired locally, with joint ventures between U.S. and Surinamese firms positioned as a key structure for collaboration. Local job creation remains a central priority for all planned initiatives, the minister confirmed.

    To prepare for this incoming investment and technological transition, Noersalim noted that Suriname must prioritize investments in skills training and workforce development to equip local workers for roles in modernized agricultural operations. Details of these training programs will be finalized and rolled out in the coming months as collaboration progresses.

    A long-term policy goal underpinning this collaboration is addressing Suriname’s current trade imbalance, where the country imports more agricultural and food products than it exports. Noersalim acknowledged that reversing this trend will not happen overnight, but emphasized that the government is already working to lay the necessary foundational reforms. These steps include strengthening key public institutions, improving internal governance structures within the Ministry of Agriculture, and rebuilding the skilled technical workforce that has been depleted in recent years. “We are already moving forward on these reforms, and we remain optimistic that every challenge can be addressed with targeted solutions,” Noersalim added.

  • Analysts call for Al-Rawi’s removal

    Analysts call for Al-Rawi’s removal

    A growing parliamentary controversy in Trinidad and Tobago has two leading political analysts publicly calling for major changes to the People’s National Movement (PNM) opposition bench in the Senate, centered on the fate of veteran Opposition Senator Faris Al-Rawi amid a formal privileges investigation.

    The controversy traces back to last Friday, when Senate President Wade Mark launched a Privileges Committee probe into Al-Rawi and first-term Opposition Senator Janelle John-Bates. The investigation was triggered by a motion filed by Government Minister David Nakhid, who accused the pair of improperly assisting former Health Minister Terrence Deyalsingh draft a witness statement for the Public Administration and Appropriations Committee (PAAC), an act that allegedly constitutes interference with parliamentary committee work.

    Currently, Al-Rawi himself sits as a member of the Privileges Committee, which is chaired by Mark and also includes Attorney General John Jeremie, Government Senator Darrell Allahar, and Independent Senator Michael Simon de la Bastide, SC. Ahead of Wednesday’s scheduled Senate sitting, local newspaper the Express has confirmed that an announcement replacing Al-Rawi on the investigating committee is expected, a standard procedural step given that the probe centers on his own conduct. If the committee ultimately finds the two senators culpable of misconduct, it will submit a formal finding to the full Senate for a vote. Under current Senate Standing Orders, any suspension handed down has no fixed term, with the length determined entirely by a plenary resolution.

    Speaking to the Express, two independent political analysts have laid out stark differing but aligned calls for leadership action from PNM leader Pennelope Beckles, who has so far held off on a final decision regarding the pair’s future on the opposition bench.

    Dr. Winford James, a veteran political observer, argued that Al-Rawi, a former Attorney General and Senior Counsel, should be removed permanently from the PNM’s Senate delegation, while John-Bates—whom he described as a political neophyte—should be granted leniency and spared disciplinary action. James framed the ongoing probe as a symptom of growing tit-for-tat polarization between the ruling government and the PNM opposition, which has already levied accusations of bias against House Speaker Jagdeo Singh. He emphasized that as a veteran political and legal figure, Al-Rawi should have recognized the risk his actions posed to John-Bates’ fledgling career. “He has been around a long time and he’s a senior man in the party and in the law. And he should have known better and not imperilled the political career of Ms John-Bates,” James explained. “I’m not saying that she’s guilty or she’s not guilty of some indiscretion. But I think she should be given a second chance because she represents a younger generation in the PNM.” James added that disciplinary action against John-Bates would likely backfire politically for Beckles, while noting that Al-Rawi has already had repeated opportunities in senior political roles. He also pushed back against claims that Beckles’ delay in announcing a decision is a sign of political weakness, framing it instead as a cautious, deliberate approach. Beyond the core controversy, James also highlighted what he called a persistent pattern of sidelining Tobago-based PNM politicians, pointing to the exclusion of Melanie Roberts-Radgman, who was not put forward for a Senate seat by the PNM Tobago Council.

    In contrast, Dr. Maukesh Basdeo argued that retaining both Al-Rawi and John-Bates on the opposition bench is an untenable position for the PNM, pointing to documentary evidence that he says proves both are culpable. Basdeo noted that tracked changes embedded in Deyalsingh’s draft witness statement link most edits directly to Al-Rawi, a fact that was revealed during debate on the PAAC report, and that John-Bates has openly admitted her role in the process. Basdeo added that there is already a clear pattern of disruption stemming from the controversy: the Joint Select Committee (JSC) on National Security has already refused to sit with John-Bates as a member, and senior Government Minister Jearlean John publicly stated last week that government representatives will not participate in committee work alongside Al-Rawi. “This sets a clear pattern now that the operations of the committee system in Parliament will be affected by the Leader of the Opposition’s delayed response on dealing with this matter,” Basdeo warned. He echoed the procedural justification for Al-Rawi’s immediate removal from the Privileges Committee, noting that it is only natural for the senator to step aside given that the investigation concerns his own conduct.

  • $350M PAYOUT AT T&TEC

    $350M PAYOUT AT T&TEC

    A decades-long industrial dispute has reached a major milestone, as nearly $350 million in long-outstanding cost-of-living allowance (COLA) payments has been released to current and former workers of the Trinidad and Tobago Electricity Commission (T&TEC), Public Utilities Minister Barry Padarath has confirmed. The announcement came during a press interaction at the recent launch of a new solar power system for Angostura Holdings Ltd’s bitters bottling facility in Laventille’s Angostura House.

    Padarath explained that the disbursement fulfills a commitment made by the Prime Minister several months prior to resolve backlogged COLA obligations covering the 2015 to 2025 period, noting that the process is currently moving forward as planned. He added that government officials have maintained consistent, open dialogue with the Oilfields Workers’ Trade Union (OWTU), the primary representative body for T&TEC’s workforce, throughout the settlement process.

    “Over the last couple of months, we have paid out, I would say, close to $350 million in outstanding payments that were owed to T&TEC workers,” Padarath told reporters.

    The minister framed the COLA settlement as a core component of broader government efforts to stabilize industrial relations at the state-owned utility, clear long-standing unpaid obligations, and implement structural restructuring for the organization. Ongoing negotiations are already underway to address bargaining agreements for current and future contract periods, he confirmed, adding that T&TEC’s day-to-day operations remain fully stable amid the changes.

    “Morale is high in T&TEC. There are a lot of changes that are happening there, negotiations for the current period, and the outstanding ones will progress in the very near future. There is a good relationship with the OWTU, who is the majority trade union representative for T&TEC,” Padarath said. “We have seen significant improvements with respect to outstanding COLA and settlement of wages and so on. And therefore, we look towards the future.”

    Contacted for verification, OWTU Second Vice-President Reesa Ramlogan-Jodha confirmed that disbursements are proceeding under a structured phased plan that includes both active T&TEC employees and former workers, including retirees. The rollout began late last year for current staff, with payments continuing through the early months of 2026, she explained.

    “The payment would have been in one or two parts. Each part would have had tranches. So, in December 2025, January and February of 2026, active employees would have received what was outstanding,” Ramlogan-Jodha said.

    Following the completion of payments to current staff, focus has now shifted to former employees, with disbursements scheduled for May, June, and July of 2025. By the end of July, all outstanding COLA obligations will be fully settled, she confirmed.

    The COLA backlog is a decades-long industrial issue that has stretched back more than 10 years, Ramlogan-Jodha noted, explaining that the OWTU had repeatedly pushed previous T&TEC management teams to resolve the unpaid liability over the years. For much of that period, prior management administrations refused to even acknowledge that the payments were owed, a position that caused major delays in reaching any resolution.

    “The then management would not even acknowledge that there was a payment outstanding to workers and former workers who would have fallen within that period. As far as they were concerned, there was nothing owed,” she said.

    The turning point came following a change in government administration and a shift in T&TEC’s leadership, which brought a new, more collaborative approach to negotiations, Ramlogan-Jodha added. The new management team has been far more open to finding mutually acceptable solutions to outstanding worker issues.

    While the COLA backlog is nearing resolution, it represents only one part of a broader set of outstanding industrial issues between the OWTU and T&TEC. Negotiations over wage agreements for the 2015–2017 and 2018–2020 contract periods are still active, Ramlogan-Jodha noted, adding that the union has formally requested to restart discussions and multiple negotiating sessions have already been held. Though no final deal has been reached, both sides have committed to continuing bilateral talks to find common ground.

    For the 2015–2017 period, the Industrial Court previously issued a 0-0-0 wage ruling, which the OWTU appealed; the case is now back before the court. T&TEC has indicated it prefers to resolve both outstanding contract periods through direct negotiation, and if the parties can reach a voluntary agreement, the court case will be resolved accordingly, Ramlogan-Jodha said.

    She emphasized that the union remains optimistic about ongoing talks, citing the marked improvement in collaborative relations with the current T&TEC administration. Progress has also been made on other outstanding collective bargaining issues, including field worker placement and overall employment conditions, with incremental advances recorded since the end of last year.