Carib Scope

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  • Men unlawfully detained for decades awarded nearly $3M

    Men unlawfully detained for decades awarded nearly $3M

    In a landmark ruling that exposes deep systemic failures within Saint Lucia’s criminal justice system, the High Court has ordered the national government to pay a total of $2.97 million in damages to two men who endured decades of unlawful imprisonment after being deemed unfit to stand trial. Justice Alvin Shiva Pariagsingh, who presided over the case, labeled the rights violations one of the gravest constitutional breaches in the island nation’s history.

    Anthony Henry, who was wrongfully detained for roughly 24 years, received $1.25 million in compensatory damages and an additional $100,000 in vindicatory damages. Francis Noel, who spent more than 32 years in unlawful custody, was awarded $1.5 million in compensatory damages and $120,000 in vindicatory damages. The court further ruled that the Attorney General must cover all legal costs, plus an annual 6% statutory interest applied to all outstanding amounts until full payment is completed. Any interim payments already disbursed to the two men can be deducted from the final total award at the Attorney General’s discretion.

    The case reached the High Court for a final damages ruling after the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council previously confirmed that the men’s constitutional right to personal liberty had been unlawfully violated. Court documents detail that both men were held under a state-administered framework that ignored statutory and constitutional requirements for people found unfit to plead. Instead of being transferred to appropriate mental health facilities for structured treatment and regular legal reviews, the pair were confined in harsh prison conditions for decades.

    Justice Pariagsingh emphasized that the violation was no minor procedural mistake, but a prolonged, systemic failure on the part of the Saint Lucian state. “The claimants were effectively forgotten within the criminal justice system for decades,” the judge wrote, noting that this case is unprecedented in Saint Lucia and falls squarely into the most serious category of constitutional violations.

    Evidence presented to the court showed that while Henry and Noel received limited psychiatric care and medication starting around 2003, the support they received fell far short of the legal standard. For most of their detention, there was no dedicated psychiatric facility to treat them, no structured therapeutic programming to address their mental health needs, and no functional system of periodic review to reassess their status. For long stretches of their detention, they were also housed alongside the general prison population, increasing their vulnerability.

    In a balanced finding, the judge rejected the claimants’ argument that they deserved full compensation for a complete deprivation of liberty across their entire detention period. The court accepted that due to the severity and persistent nature of both men’s mental health conditions, they would likely have required detention in a secure psychiatric facility for a substantial period even if the state had followed all legal protocols. As a result, the final damage awards were calibrated to reflect the difference between the unlawful prison confinement they experienced and the lawful therapeutic detention that would have been legal under Saint Lucian law.

    The separate award of vindicatory damages was intentional: the court ruled that standard compensatory damages alone could not adequately address the profound constitutional significance of the state’s violations. Justice Pariagsingh added that the two men were uniquely vulnerable as a result of being deemed unfit to plead, meaning they depended entirely on state institutions to uphold their rights. “This was not an isolated error, but a sustained failure across the relevant institutions to give effect to fundamental rights,” the judge concluded.

  • PM announces committee to rename Nelson Island

    PM announces committee to rename Nelson Island

    On the first day of Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, India’s Minister of External Affairs, official two-day visit to Trinidad and Tobago, the two nations took a meaningful step toward honoring a shared, painful historical legacy on Nelson Island, a small Caribbean landmass etched deep into the history of Indo-Trinidadian communities.

    During a waterfront ceremony that began with an early-morning water taxi journey from Port of Spain, Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar of Trinidad and Tobago made a major announcement: a specialized oversight committee has been formed to guide the renaming of Nelson Island, a project rooted in reckoning with the island’s role in the system of East Indian indentureship. Spearheaded by Natasha Barrow, Permanent Secretary in the Office of the Prime Minister, the committee will work in close partnership with the National Trust of Trinidad and Tobago to steer the process forward. In a deliberate move to center public voice in the historical reclamation project, Persad-Bissessar emphasized that the renaming process will be open and inclusive, with all citizens invited to submit name proposals and recommendations for consideration.

    Addressing attendees alongside Jaishankar, Persad-Bissessar offered a blunt recharacterization of the 19th and early 20th century indentureship system, framing it as a deliberate form of human trafficking created to prop up the economic interests of the British Empire after the abolition of chattel slavery. She noted that the indentured laborers who arrived on these shores brought no financial wealth or formal guarantees, but carried with them unshakable religious devotion and cultural resilience that would go on to shape modern Trinidadian and Tobagonian society.

    The centerpiece of the day’s events was the unveiling of a commemorative plaque, dedicated to honoring the enduring legacy and immeasurable sacrifices of the thousands of indentured workers who passed through the island. Following the plaque unveiling, Jaishankar announced a landmark commitment: the Government of India will provide a financial grant to support conservation and infrastructure upgrades to transform Nelson Island into a fully accessible, internationally recognized heritage site.

    In comments given to the Express on the sidelines of the ceremony, Jaishankar called his first day in the country “splendid”, and highlighted the enormous untapped potential for deepening bilateral cooperation between India and Trinidad and Tobago. He noted that growing ties between the two nations will deliver shared benefits for citizens of both countries in the years ahead.

    For context, Nelson Island carries unmatched historical weight for Trinidad and Tobago. Records from the National Trust of Trinidad and Tobago confirm that between 1866 and 1917, more than 114,000 indentured Indian laborers were processed through Nelson Island and the adjacent Five Islands. Upon arrival, workers had their identity documents verified, personal details including name, birthplace and religion recorded, before being dispersed to sugarcane, cocoa and coconut plantations across Trinidad to begin their contracted labor. The island also functioned as an assembly and repatriation hub until 1936, serving workers who completed their contracts and chose to return to India.

    Jaishankar’s visit to Trinidad and Tobago is part of a wider 9-day regional tour that includes stops in Jamaica, Suriname and Trinidad and Tobago from May 2 to 10, where he will hold high-level discussions focused on strengthening bilateral ties and addressing regional and global issues of shared concern. On the second day of his stop in Trinidad and Tobago, Jaishankar is scheduled to lead the ribbon-cutting for a new agro-processing facility at Namdevco in Brechin Castle, Couva, followed by the official launch of a national prosthetics programme in Penal, where Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar will deliver the keynote address and unveil a second commemorative plaque.

  • Davis urges Grand Bahamians to ‘choose progress’ over FNM

    Davis urges Grand Bahamians to ‘choose progress’ over FNM

    With the Bahamas’ general election just days away, Prime Minister Philip “Brave” Davis made a forceful closing pitch to voters in Grand Bahama’s Pineridge community Thursday, framing the upcoming ballot as a defining choice between sustained forward momentum and a return to past stagnation, while sharply critiquing the opposition Free National Movement (FNM)’s record in office.

    Addressing a crowd of energized Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) supporters, Davis positioned the May 12 vote as one of the most consequential national decisions in modern Bahamian history. He framed the contest as a clear binary: voters can either extend the PLP’s four-and-a-half-year term to build on the progress the administration has delivered, or “hit reset” by elevating the FNM led by Opposition Leader Michael Pintard, a outcome Davis argues would reverse recent gains.

    Looking back at Grand Bahama’s history as a dynamic economic hub for the Bahamas, Davis acknowledged that repeated hurricane strikes and years of cumulative hardship had eroded the island’s economic vitality and community confidence. Under the current PLP administration, he argued, targeted large-scale infrastructure projects and policy reforms have laid the groundwork for a robust, long-term recovery.

    A centerpiece of Davis’ address was the recent government acquisition of the Grand Bahama Power Company, a move he called a historic turning point for the island. The acquisition, he explained, is designed to cut burdensome electricity costs for residential and commercial consumers while aligning Grand Bahama’s energy infrastructure with national energy reform efforts. Beyond lower costs, Davis said the restructured system will open new professional opportunities for Bahamian engineers, technicians, and other energy sector workers. He slammed the FNM for opposing the acquisition, noting the opposition failed to address the island’s long-running high energy cost crisis when it held power.

    Davis also pushed back against criticism of his administration’s handling of long-running disputes with the Grand Bahama Port Authority, accusing previous governments of allowing the entity to avoid accountability for years while Grand Bahama’s economy stagnated. Under the PLP, he said, the government has launched legal action to formalize and enforce the Port Authority’s obligations to the island and the nation, pledging that the second phase of arbitration will secure required annual payments and outstanding arrears owed to the public.

    Outlining his agenda for a second term, Davis vowed to advance the government’s signature major development projects across Grand Bahama, including the long-awaited Freeport Health Campus, full redevelopment of Grand Bahama International Airport, and the revitalization of the Grand Lucayan resort.

    Turning to national economic performance, Davis pushed back against FNM claims that the Bahamian economy is in disarray, pointing to recent consecutive credit rating upgrades from leading international agencies including Moody’s, Standard & Poor’s, and Fitch as independent proof of the country’s positive trajectory. He noted the two back-to-back upgrades in a single fiscal year mark a milestone not achieved in more than two decades, arguing that global financial analysts would not issue positive assessments if the economy were truly struggling, as the opposition claims.

    Davis also addressed public criticism of the administration’s immigration policies and government travel spending, asserting that the PLP has strengthened border enforcement while forging global investment partnerships that have brought billions of dollars in new capital to the Bahamas.

    Warned against voter complacency despite high turnout for PLP campaign events, Davis urged every supporter to turn out at the polls on election day, stressing that the progress the administration has delivered can only continue if voters actively choose to protect it at the ballot box.

    Other top PLP figures joined Davis in hitting the campaign trail in Grand Bahama, echoing his call for voters to choose continuity and progress. Kingsley Smith, the PLP candidate for West Grand Bahama, delivered a fiery defense of the Davis administration’s record, contrasting the PLP’s delivery of major projects with the FNM’s term between 2017 and 2021, when the opposition held all five Grand Bahama parliamentary seats – all of which earned cabinet positions – including that of current Opposition Leader Pintard.

    “Five cabinet seats, zero deliveries. That is the FNM record on Grand Bahama,” Smith told the crowd, arguing that even with full cabinet representation, the FNM failed to advance any of the island’s top priorities: no new airport development, no upgraded healthcare facilities, no resort revitalization, and no action to acquire the power company and lower energy costs. Smith credited the Davis administration with moving forward on every one of these stalled priorities in less than a full term, framing the PLP as the only party with a clear vision for Grand Bahama’s future. He called Davis the strongest advocate for Grand Bahama of any modern prime minister, urging supporters to stand united behind the government and vote for progress.

    Pineridge MP Ginger Moxey echoed that framing, attributing Grand Bahama’s ongoing economic recovery and redevelopment momentum directly to the Davis administration’s policies. She highlighted the Grand Bahama Power Company acquisition as a transformative step that will cut energy costs for residents, businesses, churches, and schools across the island, while also pointing to other new projects already underway including the MSC cruise port, a major new development at Xanadu Beach, and the upcoming Afro-Caribbean Marketplace. Moxey framed the election as a clear choice: “forward with progress and strength or backwards” with the FNM.

    Deputy Prime Minister Chester Cooper closed out the rally’s messaging, stressing that continued progress depends on PLP re-election. He called the May 12 vote a “generational milestone,” noting that the PLP has delivered tangible economic gains including the historic credit rating upgrades, record tourism growth, billions in new investment across Grand Bahama, and a pipeline of infrastructure and redevelopment projects. Cooper emphasized that the Davis administration has shown unprecedented political courage in confronting long-unresolved issues with the Grand Bahama Port Authority and high energy costs, issues previous administrations avoided for decades. He repeatedly urged voters, especially young voters, not to derail Grand Bahama’s growing economic momentum by voting out the incumbent government, warning that an FNM victory would put all ongoing progress and planned investments at risk, and urging voters to “protect their progress” at the polls.

  • Hurricane shelter residents say relocation promises fell short

    Hurricane shelter residents say relocation promises fell short

    Nearly two weeks after a major hurricane displaced hundreds of Jamaican families in Westmoreland Parish, a controversial government effort to move storm survivors out of temporary school shelters has devolved into public dispute, with displaced residents and a sitting opposition lawmaker accusing the administration of misleading the public over the readiness of new housing units.

  • Hongarije: Peter Magyar beëdigd als nieuwe premier

    Hongarije: Peter Magyar beëdigd als nieuwe premier

    On a historic Saturday in Budapest, Peter Magyar, leader of Hungary’s center-right Tisza Party, took the official oath of office as the country’s new prime minister, bringing an end to Viktor Orbán’s 16-year incumbency. Magyar’s decisive victory in the April 12 parliamentary elections secured his party a constitutional supermajority in the 199-seat National Assembly, where Tisza now holds 141 seats, clearing a path for sweeping political and institutional change after years of national stagnation.

    The 45-year-old new leader used his inaugural address to call on Hungarian citizens to step through “the gate to regime change,” promising Hungarians not just a new cabinet, but an entirely transformed governing system. “The Hungarian people have given us a mandate to put an end to decades of aimless drifting,” Magyar told lawmakers and assembled guests during the ceremony in Budapest’s parliament building.

    Magyar’s election win has been met with broad positive reaction both from domestic voters and international business communities. In immediate response to the transfer of power, the Hungarian forint climbed to its highest level against the euro in four years, while domestic bond yields dropped in a show of market confidence. Post-election public opinion polls have also recorded growing public support for the Tisza Party as the new administration takes office.

    Despite the early wave of optimism, Magyar inherits a set of pressing economic and geopolitical challenges that will test his new government from its first days in office. While Hungary has barely pulled out of a prolonged period of economic stagnation, it now faces new headwinds driven by soaring energy costs spurred by the ongoing Middle East conflict. As a heavily import-dependent Central European economy, these price pressures pose a significant risk to growth. Orbán’s pre-election spending spree has also left public finances in a fragile state: recent data shows that by April, Hungary’s budget deficit had already hit 71% of the full-year target, with Magyar warning that the deficit could reach 7% of gross domestic product by the end of the calendar year.

    One of the new prime minister’s top policy priorities is resetting Hungary’s Western alignment, a sharp reversal from Orbán’s administration, which increasingly tilted toward the Kremlin and openly opposed key EU initiatives supporting Ukraine amid its ongoing war with Russia. Magyar has made clear that restoring productive relations with Brussels is a core goal of his government.

    Domestically, Magyar has laid out plans for sweeping reform of Hungary’s public media sector, already announcing a temporary suspension of state media news broadcasts. He justified the move by noting that state outlets under Orbán consistently favored the former prime minister and effectively shut out critical political voices. He has also launched an ambitious nationwide anti-corruption program, and has set an aggressive deadline of May 25 to reach a deal with EU leaders to unlock billions of euros in frozen bloc funding, resources that Magyar calls critical to rebooting economic growth and stabilizing Hungary’s public finances.

  • PNCR says refused to give up part of Essequibo to Venezuela

    PNCR says refused to give up part of Essequibo to Venezuela

    GEORGETOWN, Guyana – In a press conference held Friday, Aubrey Norton, leader of Guyana’s main opposition party People’s National Congress Reform (PNCR), issued a forceful rebuttal of recent claims raised before the International Court of Justice (ICJ) that his party’s 1970s government considered ceding a portion of the disputed Essequibo Region to Venezuela to resolve the long-running border conflict between the two nations.

    Norton stressed that the allegation carried by Venezuela’s legal team at the ICJ is entirely unfounded. “This is untrue. When Venezuela made the proposal, it was rejected out of hand by the then PNC government,” Norton told reporters. The border dispute centers on the validity of the 1899 Arbitral Tribunal Award, which established the current boundary between Guyana and Venezuela and grants Guyana sovereignty over the 159,000-square-kilometer Essequibo Region, rich in offshore oil and mineral resources. Venezuela has for decades rejected the 1899 ruling and claims full sovereignty over the territory.

    Venezuela’s lead legal representative before the ICJ, international law professor Andreas Zimmermann, told the UN court last week that during 1977 bilateral negotiations, then-Guyanese foreign minister proposed a border adjustment at Punta Playa that would shift the existing borderline from its northwest orientation to a northeast route – a change that would cede territory to Venezuela. Zimmermann also told the court that during 1995 talks, both parties explored creative settlement options that included returning partial control of the disputed territory to Venezuela, including a potential lease arrangement that would leave Guyana administering some portions. He added that former Guyanese President Janet Jagan reaffirmed in an August 1998 letter that the UN Good Officer Process established under the 1966 Geneva Agreement was intended to explore all possible pathways to a negotiated settlement.

    Beyond refuting the 1970s concession claim, Norton pushed back against the Guyanese government’s current approach to the dispute, saying while he welcomes U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s recent pledge to defend Guyana from Venezuelan aggression, Guyana should have pursued a far more robust, proactive independent diplomatic strategy long before now. The comment comes amid Venezuela’s continued refusal to recognize the ICJ’s jurisdiction to rule on the validity of the 1899 award, a stance that has raised regional and international concerns over potential escalation.

    Norton outlined that a comprehensive Guyanese strategy should combine public education, targeted political influence, and proactive economic diplomacy that leverages the country’s valuable natural resources to build global support for its sovereignty claim, rather than relying on shallow transactional engagement with international partners. He also called for long-overdue formal recognition of Rashleigh Jackson, Guyana’s foreign minister during the 1970s talks, who Norton says was critical to securing resources for foundational research that underpins Guyana’s legal case. “It is unfair, and it should be rectified,” Norton said of the lack of public recognition for Jackson’s work.

    Joining the call for a more proactive public outreach strategy was Dr. David Hinds, co-leader of the Working People’s Alliance (WPA), who urged the Guyanese government to launch a large-scale, structured public education campaign to reinforce national awareness that Essequibo is an integral part of Guyana. Hinds noted that even at this late stage, an aggressive social media-focused campaign could not only educate Guyanese citizens about their country’s sovereign claim, but also reach audiences in Venezuela and across the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) to build broader regional and international understanding of Guyana’s position.

    Hinds added that such public outreach would also create grassroots pressure on the Guyanese government to prioritize protecting the country’s territorial integrity and embed a clear national understanding of the dispute across all segments of society, as tensions over the resource-rich region remain at a decades-long high.

  • LISTEN: Shugy says voters equated Pringle to a man who can’t drive

    LISTEN: Shugy says voters equated Pringle to a man who can’t drive

    In recent political commentary that has sent ripples through local electoral circles, prominent political figure Shugy has shared unfiltered insights into how the electorate perceives one controversial candidate: Pringle. According to Shugy’s on-the-record remarks, delivered during a public interview that has since drawn widespread attention, a large cross-section of voters have drawn a striking metaphor to sum up their impression of Pringle – they see him as a man simply incapable of getting behind the wheel and driving competently.

    This blunt analogy is far more than a throwaway insult; political analysts interpret it as a damning judgment on Pringle’s ability to steer policy, lead the community, and deliver on the promises he has laid out on the campaign trail. For voters, the comparison taps into a deeply held frustration: just as an unqualified driver puts everyone on the road at risk, they argue, a leader who lacks the competence, decisiveness, and vision to govern would put the entire constituency’s interests in jeopardy.

    The revelation comes at a critical juncture in the lead-up to upcoming local elections, where Pringle has been fighting to shore up support amid slipping poll numbers and growing criticism of his past performance in office. Shugy’s comments have amplified already existing doubts among undecided voters, and have been seized on by opposing political camps to underscore their own arguments that Pringle is unfit for office. While Pringle’s campaign has yet to issue an official response to the remarks, political insiders expect that the candidate will move quickly in the coming days to push back against the narrative and attempt to rebuild his image with voters before election day.

    Political observers note that this kind of plain-spoken voter metaphor is not uncommon in modern electoral politics, where voters often rely on simple, memorable comparisons to sum up complex judgments about candidates. In this case, the driving analogy has resonated because it connects directly to a core voter priority: the desire for a steady, capable hand at the helm of government. Whether this perception will hold through to election day remains to be seen, but it has already reshaped the narrative of the campaign and put Pringle on the defensive.

  • Court Delays Asot Michael Will Dispute Pending Handwriting Expert

    Court Delays Asot Michael Will Dispute Pending Handwriting Expert

    A high-profile estate dispute centered on the late former Antiguan politician Asot Michael has been paused until May 20, as legal teams on both sides work toward resolving disagreements over appointing an independent handwriting expert to verify the authenticity of a contested last will and testament.

    Presiding over the case, Acting High Court Judge M.E. Birnie Stephenson issued a formal order requiring both factions of Michael’s family to file detailed documentation of their candidate expert witnesses by the next hearing. The required submissions include each candidate’s scheduling availability, projected service fees, and confirmation of their willingness to take on the assessment role.

    Michael, who previously served as the Member of Parliament for St Peter and held a cabinet minister position in the Antiguan government, was discovered deceased at his Dry Hill residence in November 2024. At the center of the legal conflict is a will dated March 2021, which is being contested by Michael’s only son, Nigel Michael, and upheld by Michael’s two sisters, Teresa-Anne Michael and Soraya Michael.

    Represented by attorneys Hugh Marshall and Chantal Marshall, Nigel Michael has advanced two core claims against the 2021 will: first, he alleges the document is a deliberate forgery, and second, he claims his father suffered from impaired mental capacity caused by alcohol intoxication at the time the will was signed. In response, the sisters, whose legal team is led by Dr Errol Cort, Alketz Joseph and Jada Cort, have categorically denied all of Nigel’s accusations.

    Court records confirm that while both sides acknowledge the necessity of a handwriting analysis to resolve the authenticity question, they have failed to reach a consensus on which expert should conduct the examination. The sisters raised formal objections to the expert candidate put forward by Nigel Michael, Beverly East, citing unsubstantiated concerns that the expert could hold implicit bias in favor of Nigel’s position.

    Judge Stephenson ultimately rejected the bias allegation against East, ruling that the claimants had not presented any concrete evidence to support the claim. The justice emphasized that serious accusations of expert bias require a “clear and cogent basis” that was absent in this instance. The judge also issued criticism toward Nigel Michael’s legal team, faulting them for failing to conduct appropriate prior consultations with the opposing side before nominating their candidate, a misstep that undermined efforts to select a mutually agreed expert.

    In a final ruling to move the case forward, the court mandated that a single jointly appointed expert must be selected to conduct the analysis. It also ruled that all associated costs and expenses for the expert’s work will be split equally between the two disputing parties.

  • Fractieleiders roepen op tot herstel vertrouwen in parlement en versterking democratie

    Fractieleiders roepen op tot herstel vertrouwen in parlement en versterking democratie

    On May 9, Suriname marked a major milestone in its democratic history: 160 years since the founding of its first representative legislative body. At a special public session held to celebrate the anniversary, faction leaders from across the country’s major political parties delivered a shared, consistent call for greater integrity, expertise, national unity, and the restoration of public trust in the national parliament. Despite ideological differences between competing parties, a single unifying message ran through nearly every address: the National Assembly (DNA) must rebuild its connection to the Surinamese people and strengthen the country’s democratic constitutional order.

    Political leaders opened the session by reflecting on the 160-year evolution of Suriname’s people’s representation, tracing its origins back to the first meeting of the Colonial States in 1866. Alongside this historical reflection, representatives also offered a critical assessment of the DNA’s current performance and the growing challenges that Suriname’s democracy faces in the modern era.

    Acting faction leader Rossellie Coutinho, speaking on behalf of the National Democratic Party (NDP), emphasized that the parliament must urgently confront whether it still retains sufficient public confidence. Coutinho argued that honest self-reflection is a necessary step for the legislative body to evolve into a modern institution that genuinely embodies and represents the “sovereign will of the Surinamese people.” The NDP also highlighted the need for increased female participation in parliamentary governance.

    Asis Gajadien, faction leader of the Progressive Reform Party (VHP), outlined his party’s longstanding historical role in advancing democracy and the rule of law in Suriname. He warned that democracy is not an inherent, guaranteed outcome, requiring constant active defense to survive. For Gajadien, people’s representation should not be limited to parliamentary debates, but must deliver tangible, measurable improvements to the daily lives of Surinamese communities. He called for national unity and cross-community collaboration, putting collective interest above division and ethnic polarization.

    Jerrel Pawiroredjo, faction leader of the National Party of Suriname (NPS), drew attention to the growing vulnerability of democratic institutions across the globe. Citing ongoing wars, rising extremism, systemic racism, and widespread information manipulation as global threats, he stressed that Suriname must remain vigilant against risks to its own democratic constitutional order. Pawiroredjo added that core democratic principles — representative governance, separation of powers, and press freedom — must be actively protected rather than taken for granted.

    Vice Chairman Ronnie Brunswijk, representing the General Liberation and Development Party (ABOP), traced Suriname’s democratic journey from its colonial-era representative system to the broad, inclusive democratic participation the country has today. Brunswijk noted that democracy matures through experience, overcoming challenging moments, and sustained open dialogue. He emphasized that all parliamentary work must center the national interest, rather than fuel division between population groups.
    Bronto Somohardjo, faction leader of Pertjajah Luhur (PL), openly acknowledged that public trust in Suriname’s political establishment has declined in recent years. Referencing the difficult living conditions that many ordinary Surinamese citizens currently face, Somohardjo argued that elected representatives cannot look away when much of the population lives in daily economic uncertainty. He stressed that the parliament must realign itself with the pressing needs of the general public.
    Ronny Asabina, faction leader of Brotherhood and Unity in Politics (BEP), underlined the non-negotiable importance of morality, integrity, and professional expertise for parliamentary representatives. He warned that public confidence in representative governance will erode further if institutional quality and professionalism are allowed to weaken. Asabina added that parliamentarians must always be mindful of the public example they set for broader society.

    Steven Reyme, faction leader of A20, framed political leadership as a temporary position that leaves a permanent legacy for the nation. He described the parliamentary seat as a “seat of influence,” noting that elected representatives carry the responsibility of building a strong foundation of better conditions for future generations of Surinamese. For Reyme, the parliament must remain committed to core values of transparency, integrity, and forward-looking governance to serve the nation well.

  • The real toll of ULP debt

    The real toll of ULP debt

    In June 1985, political commentator Dr. Kenneth John published a column assessing the first year in office of the Mitchell-led New Democratic Party (NDP) administration, which had swept into power the previous year. Among the key actions Dr. John highlighted from the new government were the release of Junior Cottle after more than a decade of incarceration, the recruitment of former Caribbean Development Bank official Arnhim Eustace to head the country’s planning division, and the appointment of St. Claire Leacock to lead the Marketing Board.

    The most enduring takeaway from Dr. John’s 1985 column, however, was his conclusion on the NDP’s early fiscal approach: the government had stayed on a sustainable path by prioritizing strict budget discipline and implementing a temporary austerity program, rather than falling into what Dr. John called the permanent debt trap of the International Monetary Fund — the only other option on the table at the time. This 40-year-old observation carries new weight today, as the island nation once again grapples with pressing questions about public debt under a new NDP administration, drawing sharp comparisons between past and present political eras.

    The current political debate over national debt has reignited after recent public disclosures on the country’s fiscal position from Prime Minister Richmond Friday and IMF representatives. The now-opposition Unity Labour Party (ULP) has seized on the disclosures to criticize the new NDP government, but this analysis turns the lens the other way, examining the cumulative debt accumulated by ULP during its 25 years in power.

    When Mitchell’s NDP took control from the previous Cato-led Labour administration in 1984, the incoming government inherited a national debt of EC$190 million. Mitchell publicly described the sum as a “helluva debt situation”, particularly given the unaffordable 9% to 11% interest rates attached to the infrastructure development loans that made up much of the total.

    When ULP won power in 2001, then-Prime Minister Ralph Gonsalves argued the new administration had inherited a poor fiscal hand. Speaking during a December 2001 parliamentary session, Gonsalves claimed the outgoing NDP government had left behind a total national debt of EC$640 million, including EC$140 million in debt tied to the controversial Ottley Hall development project. After the Ottley Hall debt was ultimately forgiven, the adjusted debt legacy left by the NDP after 17 years in power stood at EC$500 million. Subtracting the EC$190 million the NDP inherited from Cato’s government, this works out to an average of just EC$18 million in new debt added each year during the NDP’s tenure.

    By the end of September 2007, just six years into ULP’s first term, official reports put the national debt at EC$1.162 billion. With the Ottley Hall debt written off that same year, this represents a net increase of EC$662 million in just six years. Notably, the value-added tax (VAT), a major new revenue stream, was introduced just months before this debt milestone, in May 2007.

    Official budget data from 2015 puts the national debt at EC$1.51 billion as of September 30, 2014, meaning the national debt grew by an additional EC$348 million between 2007 and 2014. By the end of 2019, the official debt total had reached EC$1.7 billion, an increase of EC$190 million over the 2014 to 2019 period. As of September 30, 2023, 2024 budget estimates pegged the total national debt at EC$2.5 billion — split between EC$726 million owed to domestic creditors and EC$1.7 billion in external loans. This works out to an EC$800 million increase over just four years, from 2019 to 2023.

    When the current NDP administration took office in November 2025, it publicly disclosed that the national debt had grown past EC$3.5 billion, meaning ULP added roughly EC$1 billion to the national debt between September 2023 and the end of 2025, when it left office. In total, over 25 years of ULP governance, the national debt grew by EC$3 billion, averaging EC$120 million in new debt added per year — nearly seven times the annual average recorded by the previous NDP administration.

    This commentary is the work of an independent observer, and the opinions expressed do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of iWitness News. Opinion submissions may be sent to [email protected]. This analysis sets the stage for a deeper full comparison of the 1980s NDP administration and the current NDP government when the current administration marks its first anniversary in office.