标签: Suriname

苏里南

  • Aardbeving van 6.0 bij Barbados ook in Suriname gevoeld

    Aardbeving van 6.0 bij Barbados ook in Suriname gevoeld

    On Saturday local time, a magnitude 6.0 earthquake was registered south of the Caribbean island nation of Barbados, with faint tremors felt by dozens of residents hundreds of kilometers away in Suriname, according to regional seismic monitoring authorities.

    The Seismic Research Centre at the University of the West Indies (UWI-SRC) confirmed the temblor struck at approximately 17:27 local time, with an epicenter positioned around 100 kilometers south of Bridgetown, Barbados’ capital. The earthquake’s hypocenter was measured at a depth of roughly 53 kilometers. Seismic officials noted that this data remains an preliminary automatic reading, and final figures may be adjusted following full post-event analysis.

    Despite the epicenter being located a substantial distance from Suriname’s territory, residents across multiple regions of the South American country reported detecting light shaking Saturday afternoon. Accounts shared on social media indicate that people positioned on upper floors of tall buildings experienced the movement more distinctly than those at ground level.

    Geographically, Barbados sits along the eastern edge of the Caribbean tectonic plate, a geologically active zone where frequent seismic activity occurs driven by shifting interactions between neighboring tectonic plates. Most earthquakes recorded in this region do not trigger major structural damage, though their tremors can often be detected across wide swathes of the Caribbean basin.

    As of the latest updates, no reports of casualties, structural damage or injuries have been confirmed in Barbados or surrounding areas. No tsunami warnings have been issued by regional ocean and emergency management agencies following the quake.

  • Derde helft WK 2026: Hoe Frankrijk het grootste talentenaanbod in het voetbal creëerde

    Derde helft WK 2026: Hoe Frankrijk het grootste talentenaanbod in het voetbal creëerde

    As the 2026 FIFA World Cup approaches, France has cemented its status as one of the tournament’s pre-tournament favorites alongside Spain, drawing global attention to its decades-long, unprecedented run of producing elite football talent. The depth of Les Bleus’ talent pool is so extraordinary that Belgian defender Thomas Meunier recently sparked widespread debate when he claimed France could field three separate World Cup-competitive squads capable of lifting the trophy.

    While the idea that France’s second or third string would win the World Cup may be hyperbole, data backs up the sheer scale of the country’s talent depth. According to transfermarkt.com, a starting lineup composed entirely of French players who did not even make the 26-man 2026 squad has a combined market value that would rank among the top five highest in the world, outranking Portugal, Brazil, the Netherlands, and even defending champion Argentina. That unselected group includes talents such as Lucas Chevalier (€30 million), Pierre Kalulu (€32 million), Leny Yoro (€50 million), Eduardo Camavinga (€50 million) and Khephren Thuram (€40 million), boasting a total combined value of €418 million and an average player valuation of €38 million.

    France’s current success is not an accident—it is the end result of a systematic overhaul born from decades of heartbreak. From the 1930s through the 1970s, French national teams consistently underperformed on the world’s biggest football stage. In the early 1970s, then-national team manager Georges Boulogne proposed a national network of youth training hubs called Centres de Formation to address the gap. “France had not won any major trophies, so a decision was made to create an entirely new structure,” Franck Bentolila, director of the prestigious INF Clairefontaine academy, explained to Al Jazeera.

    The French government threw its full support behind the program, seeing it as a way to promote French values through sport while also building a competitive national program. Sixteen training centers were ultimately established across the country, with the first opening in Vichy in 1974. These hubs scouted young prospects from mainland France and its overseas territories, laying a foundational pipeline to prepare players for professional careers and eventual national team call-ups.

    Early results were inconsistent. In the 1980s, France claimed both the European Championship and Olympic gold in 1984 and reached two World Cup semifinals, but failed to qualify for the 1990 and 1994 World Cups entirely. The program’s success finally clicked in 1998, when the iconic multi-ethnic “Black-Blanc-Beur” squad won the World Cup on home soil. That diverse team, which reflected the changing face of French society, confirmed the development model worked. Then-manager Aimé Jacquet dedicated the win to “all the amateur clubs and academies—this trophy is yours too,” Bentolila recalled.

    Former French goalkeeper and 1990s captain Bernard Lama noted the 1998 generation had a key advantage over the talented but trophy-less 1980s group led by Michel Platini, Alain Giresse and Jean Tigana: “The difference with our generation was that everyone came through an academy, and we had the hunger to win a title. And we had one exceptional talent: Zinedine Zidane.”

    Following the 1998 breakthrough, France went on to win the 2018 World Cup and finish as runners-up in 2006 and 2022. Lama credits the nation’s continued success to a combination of the academy system and the contribution of immigrant communities: “People coming from overseas territories—Africa, French Guiana, Martinique—bring us two things: music and sport. There is now a new generation that grew up entirely in France, like Ousmane Dembélé and Désiré Doué. They are French, not naturalized, most come from the Paris region, and they are hungry for success, above all because they have raw talent.”

    Lama does warn of the risk of over-structuring youth development that can turn players into rigid “robots,” but notes France still produces more than enough exceptional difference-makers. “We are lucky to have players who can change a game, like Mbappé, Dembélé and Doué. They hate losing, they can make an individual difference physically and technically. That is the strength of the national team and clubs like PSG: our finishing ability. We now have maybe four or five players, like Akliouche and Cherki, who represent a completely different type of talent. When you have that explosion of talent, it gives a manager far more offensive options,” he said.

    While most senior internationals came through the official academy system, talent development starts much earlier in French culture. “It is cultural,” Bentolila explained. “In America, kids have a basketball or football in their hands from a young age. In France, there is a football at your feet from birth, with free access to training facilities everywhere.”

    Veteran coach and scout Stéphane Nado says France’s secret is a simple combination of hard work, structured organization and a player-first approach: “The player is at the center of the entire project. They get a formal education and get to stay close to their family, which is so important for their psychological development. That is why France is one of the best countries in the world at developing players for top leagues across the globe.”

    Training at Clairefontaine, France’s elite national academy, blends the improvisational creativity of street football with structured team organization, with a heavy focus on small-sided 1v1 and 2v2 games. “You have to fight for every ball. If you are good at dribbling and first touch, we work on positional play in overloads like 5v2. As soon as you get the ball, you have to control it well—we drill that constantly,” Bentolila said. Today, Clairefontaine focuses primarily on younger age groups, with older prospects moving into the development systems of top professional clubs.

    Bentolila added that development extends far beyond official academies, particularly in the Paris region: “Paris and São Paulo are the best places in the world for raw talent, because of the huge network of small private academies. Kids aged eight or nine play every single day. Amateur coaches don’t give them full meals, just a snack at 4 p.m., then they do homework and train. By the time they are 12, they play like Mbappé. There are amateur clubs in Paris no one has heard of that can beat Barcelona youth teams and top professional academy sides. They are better than the youth teams of PSG and Paris FC. Kids play football everywhere, all the time, from age 8 to 10. They are like soldiers, they fight every day and get good because they play under constant pressure.”

    Back in the 1980s, Les Bleus were nicknamed the “Brazilians of Europe” for their free-flowing attacking style. After decades of development, France has lived up to that nickname on its own terms. “Brazilian coaches used to tell me: ‘In our country we are poor, but we can succeed in football or music, so we start the day with football,’” Bentolila said. “In France, we go to school first, then train after. We do it every day, and just like Brazil, we play a lot, and we play well.”

    For the 2026 World Cup, France has been drawn into Group I alongside Senegal, Norway and Iraq, a group with a wide range of strength and international experience. Senegal, one of Africa’s strongest national sides, has qualified for multiple recent major tournaments and counts numerous top talents playing in Europe’s leading leagues. Norway is making its return to the World Cup after an 18-year absence, fielding a mix of experienced veterans and exciting young prospects who play across top European competitions. Iraq qualified via the inter-confederation playoffs and is making just its second World Cup finals appearance in history; while the side lacks deep international tournament experience, it still boasts a number of talented players competing domestically and abroad.

    France’s group stage fixtures are scheduled as: June 16 vs Senegal at Metlife Stadium in East Rutherford, June 22 vs Iraq at Lincoln Financial Field in Philadelphia, and June 26 vs Norway at Gillette Stadium in Foxborough.

    Didier Deschamps’ 26-man 2026 French squad includes goalkeepers Mike Maignan, Robin Risser and Brice Samba; defenders Lucas Digne, Malo Gusto, Lucas Hernandez, Theo Hernandez, Ibrahima Konaté, Jules Koundé, Maxence Lacroix, William Saliba and Dayot Upamecano; midfielders N’Golo Kanté, Manu Koné, Adrien Rabiot, Aurélien Tchouaméni and Warren Zaïre-Emery; and attackers Maghnes Akliouche, Bradley Barcola, Rayan Cherki, Ousmane Dembélé, Désiré Doué, Jean-Philippe Mateta, Kylian Mbappé, Michael Olise and Marcus Thuram. Notable absentees from the squad include Eduardo Camavinga, Randal Kolo Muani and Lucas Chevalier, a testament to the depth of talent available to Deschamps.

    This 2026 tournament will mark Deschamps’ final World Cup as France’s manager, capping one of the most successful tenures in modern international football history.

  • Dc’s  dienen begrotingen voor 2027 in bij minister Huur

    Dc’s dienen begrotingen voor 2027 in bij minister Huur

    On Friday, district commissioners across Suriname formally submitted their proposed 2027 fiscal year district budgets to Miquella Huur, Minister of Regional Development, in an official ceremony held in the meeting chamber of the District Councils in Paramaribo.

    By legal mandate under the Suriname Regional Bodies Act, district commissioners are required to present their annual budgets for central review each year, and this submission adheres to that longstanding regulatory requirement. These approved budgets will serve as the core financial foundation for all local development projects and policy implementation across Suriname’s administrative districts in the 2027 fiscal cycle.

    During the ceremony, Minister Huur emphasized that visible, community-engaged local governance is critical to advancing equitable development across all Suriname’s regions. She called on district leadership to pursue creative, innovative approaches to address unique local challenges and meet pre-established development targets.

    In a key policy announcement made alongside the budget submission, Minister Huur confirmed that the Suriname Institute for Civil Servants will soon launch new specialized training programs focused on boosting the professional skills and capacity of local administrative staff. This initiative is designed to strengthen the quality of public service delivery at the district level.

    The minister also extended public appreciation for the consistent work of all district commissioners, singling out three leaders for special recognition: Ravi Bhattoe of Wanica-Midden, Marvin Vyent of Albina, and Clyde van der Kamp of Brokopondo, praising their exceptional commitment to serving their respective administrative districts.

    The 2027 budgets are directly aligned with district development plans drafted earlier this year, which themselves grew out of public hearings organized by ressort councils in every district. These public hearings create a formal channel for local residents to raise pressing concerns, share community needs, and flag unaddressed development priorities in their residential areas. District commissioners submitted the underlying development plans for review on March 31, and the now-submitted budgets translate these planned initiatives into detailed, actionable financial frameworks.

    Patrick Kensenhuis, Dean of the District Commissioners, shared that he has full confidence that all projects and activities outlined in the 2027 budgets will be implemented successfully, delivering tangible benefits to communities across the country.

  • Guyana ziet met enorme oliewinsten van Iran-oorlog de groeidruk toenemen

    Guyana ziet met enorme oliewinsten van Iran-oorlog de groeidruk toenemen

    Geopolitical tensions ignited by the Iran conflict have sent global oil prices surging in recent months, and one small South American nation is positioned to reap disproportionate benefits — while facing uniquely modern challenges tied to its sudden oil wealth. Guyana, a neighboring country to Venezuela with just under 1 million residents, was already the world’s fastest-growing economy before the outbreak of heightened conflict in the Middle East pushed crude prices sharply upward. Today, shifting global energy markets are set to deliver a windfall to the nation, but this unexpected fortune also brings new risks that threaten its long-term stability.

  • Lula: VS-maatregel ondermijnt Braziliaanse strijd tegen misdaad

    Lula: VS-maatregel ondermijnt Braziliaanse strijd tegen misdaad

    Brazilian President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva has issued a sharp rebuke of the United States’ decision to classify two of Brazil’s largest transnational criminal networks — Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC) and Comando Vermelho (CV) — as official terrorist organizations. In a lengthy statement posted to social media Thursday, Lula argued that the U.S. labeling undermines Brazil’s own domestic efforts to combat organized crime, drawing a clear distinction between profit-driven criminal activity and ideologically motivated international terrorism.\n\n“The terror these groups inflict on local communities is rooted in earning illicit profits from crime, but it cannot be equated to the political, ideological or religious motives that drive international terrorism,” Lula stated in the address. The U.S. announced Wednesday that the classification, which takes effect June 5, will add both groups to its official Foreign Terrorist Organizations list and label them as Specially Designated International Terrorists. Under the designation, any assets linked to PCC and CV held within U.S. jurisdictions will be frozen, and providing material support to the groups will become a federal criminal offense.\n\nSecurity analysts have already warned that the new restrictions could carry unintended negative consequences, potentially harming Brazilian financial institutions as well as civilian businesses and residents who have been extorted by the gangs. Beyond risks to innocent parties, Lula raised grave concerns that the terrorist labeling could open the door to unilateral U.S. military intervention on Brazilian soil. “We stand ready to collaborate on solutions that benefit all involved nations, but we will not accept arbitrary unilateral measures from outside powers that undermine our national sovereignty and our economy,” he warned.\n\nThe controversy unfolds against the backdrop of a highly contested 2026 Brazilian presidential election year, where public security is set to be a defining campaign issue. Lula, a veteran leftist leader, is currently seeking a fourth term as Brazil’s president. He defeated far-right incumbent Jair Bolsonaro in the 2022 election; Bolsonaro was later convicted of orchestrating a failed coup attempt following his loss, and is currently serving a 27-year prison sentence.\n\nPolitical observers widely point to Flavio Bolsonaro, Jair Bolsonaro’s eldest son and a sitting senator who is running for president in 2026 as a right-wing candidate, as the key driving force behind the U.S. decision. Flavio has openly confirmed he pushed for the terrorist classification during a recent visit to the White House, and has made cracking down on organized crime a centerpiece of his campaign against Lula. Lula has accused the Bolsonaro family of actively lobbying for foreign interference in Brazil’s domestic affairs through their long-standing political and personal ties to former U.S. President Donald Trump, calling the move “a sad day” for Brazilian democracy.\n\nThe Bolsonaro family’s close alignment with Trump dates back to Jair Bolsonaro’s presidency, and Trump has spent years backing far-right candidates in elections across the globe. In August 2025, Trump imposed sweeping new tariffs on Brazilian goods in retaliation for the corruption and coup conviction of Jair Bolsonaro. Since returning to the U.S. presidency, Trump has overseen a dramatic expansion of U.S. influence in the Western Hemisphere, reviving the Monroe Doctrine that asserts U.S. primacy over the region. Trump has repeatedly justified unilateral U.S. military action across Latin America and the Caribbean as a necessary measure to combat drug trafficking and organized crime. Since September 2025, his administration has launched 59 strikes on suspected smuggling vessels in the Caribbean and Pacific, resulting in at least 196 civilian and combatant deaths. In a much more high-profile move, the U.S. launched a military incursion into Venezuela in January 2026 that led to the arrest of then-President Nicolás Maduro on drug trafficking charges. Lula has repeatedly decried these unilateral military actions as illegal violations of national sovereignty.\n\nFor Lula, the terrorist classification puts him in a politically delicate position: he must condemn the U.S. designation as overreach without appearing to downplay the severe harm PCC and CV inflict on Brazilian communities. To counter criticism that his administration has not done enough to combat gang violence, Lula has highlighted the significant resources his government has already committed to anti-crime efforts: his administration has invested $11 billion in the national “Brazil Against Organized Crime” initiative, and earmarked an additional $2 billion in March to upgrade prison infrastructure, improve homicide investigations, and dismantle weapons smuggling networks and illicit criminal financial flows.\n\nAs the October general election approaches, the race remains extraordinarily tight. A Datafolha poll conducted May 16 found that in a head-to-head matchup between Lula and Flavio Bolsonaro, each candidate would capture 45% of the vote, with 9% of voters planning to cast blank ballots and just 1% remaining undecided, leaving the outcome of the election highly uncertain.

  • Parlement en regering vinden elkaar: Comptabiliteitswet krijgt tweejarige overgangsperiode

    Parlement en regering vinden elkaar: Comptabiliteitswet krijgt tweejarige overgangsperiode

    In a landmark vote held on May 30, Suriname’s National Assembly has given unanimous approval to an amended version of the 2024 Accounting Law, closing a period of negotiations between the executive and legislative branches that produced a key compromise on the legislation’s implementation timeline. All 38 sitting members of the assembly cast votes in favor of the adjusted bill, with no dissenting votes registered.

    The core amendment to the legislation scales back the originally proposed three-year implementation delay to just two years, locking in a timeline that will see the 2024 Accounting Law enter into full force starting with the 2028 fiscal year. Finance and Planning Minister Adelien Wijnerman confirmed during parliamentary debate that the executive branch accepts the assembly’s revisions, including the shorter delay and new accountability safeguards added to the final text.

    Under the terms of the amended law, a formal implementation action plan will be integrated directly into the legislation, and the parliament will receive independent progress evaluation reports every six months, with the first such assessment scheduled for December 2026. The 2019 Accounting Law will remain in effect for all government budgets and financial accountability reporting covering the period from 2022 through 2027, with the new framework taking over fully for 2028 and all subsequent fiscal cycles.

    While the bill earned broad cross-factional support, multiple assembly members raised cautious questions about whether the ambitious implementation timeline is realistically achievable. Rossellie Cotino, chair of the relevant parliamentary committee and member of the NDP party, noted that independent financial experts have already labeled the two-year trajectory as extremely aggressive, warning that the legislature could be forced to consider another extension before 2028. Even with these concerns, Cotino ultimately voted to approve the amended legislation.

    Asis Gajadien, parliamentary faction leader for the VHP party, shared that his caucus initially held strong reservations about any implementation delay, pointing out that limited progress on rolling out the law had been recorded over the previous 10 months. Ultimately, the faction agreed to give the government the benefit of the doubt, a decision shaped by Minister Wijnerman’s commitment to deploy all available technical expertise to meet the 2028 deadline.

    Lawmakers across multiple factions emphasized that the new Accounting Law is a foundational piece of legislation for strengthening government transparency, enforcing fiscal discipline, enabling independent financial oversight, and ensuring responsible management of Suriname’s future oil and gas revenue. Members also highlighted the legislation’s critical role in shoring up the country’s Savings and Stabilization Fund and improving overall public financial governance across all branches of government.

    Faction leaders from both ruling coalition and opposition parties called for unified support for the bill, stressing that successful implementation is not solely the responsibility of the executive branch. Instead, they noted, it requires coordinated action from parliament, the Court of Audit, the private sector, and other independent oversight institutions to deliver on the law’s goals.

    Following the unanimous final vote, Minister Wijnerman described her reaction as one of mixed feelings, acknowledging that the government is ready to take on the significant implementation challenge ahead. She also cautioned that rolling out the new regulatory framework is a complex process, and the executive will not hesitate to return to parliament for additional consultation and new measures if unforeseen barriers emerge during execution.

  • Regering verdedigt lening van US$ 1,8 miljard: groot deel gebruikt voor oude schulden

    Regering verdedigt lening van US$ 1,8 miljard: groot deel gebruikt voor oude schulden

    A heated public debate has emerged in Suriname over the scale and purpose of new government borrowing, after top administration officials delivered conflicting figures during parliamentary discussion of the 2024 Accountability Act. Speaking during the debate, Finance and Planning Minister Adelien Wijnerman laid out a full breakdown of national debt accumulated by both the current and preceding administrations, seeking to address mounting criticism over the current government’s rapid borrowing. Wijnerman confirmed that the previous administration took on a total of approximately $2.2 billion in new debt, split across 35 international loan agreements and 28 domestic borrowing arrangements. Since the current government took office, she added, it has raised roughly $1.8 billion through new lending, the vast majority of which comes from two large bond issuances.
    Wijnerman pushed back against critics who frame the full $1.8 billion as entirely new net debt, arguing that the vast majority of the funds have been allocated to refinancing existing obligations rather than funding new government spending. Of the total $1.8 billion, she explained, around $1.2 billion has been earmarked for early repayment and replacement of maturing old debts, including the country’s 2033 sovereign bond, obligations under the VRI debt framework, and other expiring loan agreements. The remaining funds are split across three core categories: approximately $186 million allocated to high-priority social development projects, $380.5 million covering interest obligations tied to the new bond structure, and $29.6 million covering administrative costs associated with issuing the new bonds. The social projects receiving funding span key public sectors, including public healthcare, primary and secondary education, youth development and sports programming, agricultural modernization, national digitalization initiatives, and affordable public housing construction. The minister also noted that the total projected interest payments for the two new bonds over their 10-year term will amount to roughly $1.3 billion.
    Acting President Gregory Rusland followed Wijnerman’s remarks to address widespread public criticism that the current government has taken on an unsustainable $1.8 billion in new debt in a short period of time. Rusland explained that the current administration inherited a debt schedule that required large principal and interest repayments starting in 2025. Without proactive refinancing, he argued, these mandatory payments would have crowded out core public spending on critical services including education and healthcare, forcing deep cuts that would harm ordinary Surinamese citizens. Echoing Wijnerman, he emphasized that most of the $1.8 billion raised through new borrowing was not directed to new government outlays, but instead went toward retiring old debts. He specifically highlighted a $1 billion debt to investment firm Oppenheimer that was fully repaid using proceeds from the new bonds. Rusland argued that critics focusing solely on the gross $1.8 billion borrowing figure are misrepresenting the government’s fiscal actions, noting that after accounting for debt repayments, only roughly $180 million in net new funds remain available for additional government spending.
    However, a notable discrepancy in official calculations has intensified the ongoing debate over the actual growth of Suriname’s national debt. Shortly after Rusland’s remarks, Wijnerman presented a revised net borrowing calculation that put the effective net new debt after debt repayments and refinancing at roughly $596 million, more than three times the $180 million estimate provided by the acting president. This conflicting official data has fueled continued public and political disagreement over how much Suriname’s total debt position has actually increased under the current administration. Government officials have repeatedly defended their fiscal strategy, stressing that most of the new borrowing is part of a planned debt restructuring to ease near-term fiscal pressure and protect core public services. But critics remain concerned about the sheer size of the new bond issuances and the $1.3 billion in future interest payments that the country will be required to make over the coming decade, warning that the new debt could create long-term fiscal strain for the country.

  • Matawai Traditioneel Gezag en planetGOLD Suriname in gesprek over duurzame goudwinning

    Matawai Traditioneel Gezag en planetGOLD Suriname in gesprek over duurzame goudwinning

    In a landmark step toward equitable, environmentally responsible gold extraction in Suriname, the Traditional Authority of the Matawai people and representatives from the planetGOLD Suriname project have held their first formal collaborative dialogue focused on sustainable gold mining, community-led development and conservation of local ecosystems.

    Hosted at Oxygen Resort, the meeting laid the foundational groundwork for a long-term engagement process centered on mutual trust, inclusive community participation, and full respect for the Matawai people’s traditional governance and decision-making structures. The session was organized jointly by planetGOLD Suriname and the Foundation for Research and Development in Caribbean Communities, bringing together Matawai leadership, project partners and a broad range of cross-sector stakeholders.

    Attendees received a detailed overview of the planetGOLD initiative’s core objectives. This global program is specifically designed to advance responsible and sustainable practices in artisanal and small-scale gold mining (ASGM), with a key priority of cutting mercury use—a pervasive environmental and public health hazard in the small-scale mining sector. Beyond reducing mercury pollution, the initiative works to minimize broader ecological damage from mining activities, improve unsafe working conditions for mining workers, and strengthen the voice and agency of local communities that are directly impacted by gold extraction operations.

    The focus on collaborative governance with Indigenous and tribal communities is particularly relevant for Suriname, where a large share of the country’s gold production takes place on or adjacent to lands stewarded by tribal and Indigenous groups like the Matawai. For this reason, meaningful partnership with traditional authorities and local communities is a non-negotiable core component of the planetGOLD Suriname project’s approach.

    In alignment with the Matawai community’s long-standing decision-making frameworks, traditional leaders were given extended space to raise questions, highlight priority concerns, and share their community’s collective vision for responsible resource management. Discussions covered a range of critical topics, including the potential impacts of mining expansion on ancestral territories, natural resource protection, and long-term community development outcomes.

    The entire dialogue unfolded in an open, constructive atmosphere, with all participants centering mutual respect for Matawai culture, traditions and community interests. The agenda included a formal project presentation, an extended question-and-answer session, an internal deliberation by Matawai traditional leaders, and a collective discussion of potential collaborative models moving forward.

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    Participants across all groups emphasized the critical need to sustain ongoing dialogue between project implementers, local communities and traditional authorities through every stage of the initiative. They underlined that lasting, sustainable solutions can only succeed if they are rooted in and responsive to the unique needs, lived experiences and expectations of the Matawai community that calls the mining region home.

    This introductory meeting marks the official starting point of a process that will center participation, transparency and shared accountability for all stakeholders moving forward. All key insights and concerns raised during the dialogue will be integrated into the next phases of project planning and implementation.

    Overall, the first formal gathering has established a solid foundation for continued partnership between planetGOLD Suriname and the Matawai Traditional Authority, aligned around shared goals of sustainable development, responsible stewardship of natural resources, and meaningful community participation in all decision-making processes related to gold mining.

  • Derde helft WK 2026: Team Brazilië barst van talent, moet zich bewijzen

    Derde helft WK 2026: Team Brazilië barst van talent, moet zich bewijzen

    As the 2026 FIFA World Cup approaches in North America, five-time champions Brazil enter the tournament as one of the tournament’s most surprising underdogs, despite a long and unparalleled history of success on the world’s biggest football stage. The only nation to have qualified for every men’s World Cup since the tournament’s inception in 1930, Brazil holds the record for the most World Cup titles, with triumphs in 1958, 1962, 1970, 1994 and 2002. However, it has now been 24 years since the Seleção last lifted the golden trophy – a drought that matches the dry spell the side broke with their 1994 win on American soil, a parallel that has not been lost on fans and players alike.

    Recent years have brought a string of crushing disappointments for Brazilian football, from the traumatic 7-1 semi-final defeat to Germany on home soil in 2014 to a penalty-shootout quarter-final exit at the hands of Croatia in the 2022 Qatar World Cup. A shaky CONMEBOL qualifying campaign that saw Brazil finish fifth in the regional standings ultimately cost manager Dorival Jr his job, paving the way for a historic appointment: Real Madrid icon Carlo Ancelotti became the first permanent foreign head coach to take charge of the Brazilian national team last year.

    Ancelotti brings one of the most impressive resumes in club football to the role, with five UEFA Champions League titles earned across stints at AC Milan and Real Madrid, plus league trophies in all five of Europe’s top domestic competitions. Renowned for his ability to manage star personalities and build pragmatic, tactically flexible sides that thrive under pressure, Ancelotti does carry one major question mark into the World Cup: he has limited experience in international football. Early results with the Seleção have also been mixed, with friendly wins over Colombia and Chile offset by a 2-1 loss to world champions France in March 2026. One clear advantage for Ancelotti is his existing familiarity with many of Brazil’s top talents, most notably Real Madrid winger Vinicius Jr – the player widely flagged as Brazil’s difference-maker heading into the tournament.

    The 2026 Seleção’s breakout star has had a rollercoaster club season, struggling early on under former Real Madrid manager Xabi Alonso before finding his form once Álvaro Arbeloa took charge, finishing the La Liga campaign with 16 goals. For Brazil, the 28-year-old winger has yet to hit the same heights he reaches at club level, notching just eight goals in 43 senior international caps. Ancelotti has made the bold choice to move Vinicius into a central striker role, a positional shift that has sparked debate, but few doubt that when at his best, his blistering pace, close control and eye for goal make him nearly unstoppable for opposing defenders.

    One of the most controversial selection calls Ancelotti made was the inclusion of veteran Neymar, Brazil’s all-time leading goalscorer with 79 international goals, who has been plagued by a string of serious injuries over the past five years. The 34-year-old has not featured for Brazil since October 2023, and after a difficult spell in Saudi Arabia, he returned to his boyhood club Santos to rebuild match fitness. He was left out of Brazil’s March friendly squad due to lack of rhythm, so his World Cup selection came as a major surprise – especially with Chelsea’s player of the year Joao Pedro left out of the final squad. Ancelotti defended the call, noting that Neymar has shown consistent improvement in fitness and form over the past few months, and that his veteran experience was a priority for the squad. Neymar has spoken of his desire to mirror the 2002 run of Ronaldo, who led Brazil to the title after two years of injury struggles, though concerns remain over his fitness and off-field issues at this late stage of his career.

    Beyond the two star forwards, Brazil’s 2026 squad is packed with quality across the pitch. Raphinha comes into the tournament full of confidence after a standout title-winning season with Barcelona, while young talents like Endrick, Gabriel Martinelli and Matheus Cunha add further attacking depth, even as injuries to Rodrygo and Estevao are major blows to the side’s attacking options. In midfield, Newcastle’s Bruno Guimaraes has established himself as one of the Premier League’s top midfielders, while veteran Casemiro is enjoying a late-career resurgence at Manchester United. Brazil’s defense is anchored by Paris Saint-Germain leader Marquinhos, with Liverpool’s Alisson Becker widely regarded as one of the best goalkeepers in world football, giving the side a solid foundation at the back.

    Brazil has been drawn into Group C for the 2026 tournament, a repeat of the 1998 group stage that paired the Seleção with Morocco and Scotland. Haiti is the surprise qualifier, making their first World Cup appearance since 1974. 2022 semi-finalists Morocco are widely expected to be Brazil’s toughest group test, and will be eager to pull off an upset in their opening clash in East Rutherford, New Jersey on June 13. Brazil will then face Haiti in Philadelphia on June 19, before closing out group play against Scotland in Miami on June 24. Analysts widely expect Brazil to top the group if they perform to their potential, with comfortable wins projected against Haiti and Scotland.

    As the tournament kicks off, the narrative around Brazil remains clear: the five-time champions have all the individual talent and top-tier coaching needed to compete for the title, but their underdog status comes with good reason. Key question marks over Neymar’s fitness, Ancelotti’s inexperience at international level, and the strength of opposing contenders could all derail Brazil’s bid to end the 24-year title drought. For long-time Brazil fans, many of whom have supported the side through decades of highs and lows, belief remains unshaken – if the Seleção can find cohesion and perform at their best when it matters, they could pull off one of the most surprising World Cup triumphs in the tournament’s modern history.

  • Interpol weigert OM wederom opsporingsverzoek tegen Hoefdraad

    Interpol weigert OM wederom opsporingsverzoek tegen Hoefdraad

    The international law enforcement cooperation agency Interpol has for a second time turned down a request to issue a so-called Red Notice for former Surinamese Finance Minister Gillmore Hoefdraad, according to an official correspondence sent by Interpol to Suriname’s prosecutor general.

    Details of the rejection were confirmed by Hoefdraad’s legal defense team, which confirmed that Interpol reviewed the renewed request from Suriname to add the former minister to its global wanted person alert system. After assessment, the agency once again found no justifiable grounds to approve the request. This marks the second time Suriname’s attempt has failed, after Interpol revoked an earlier global alert for Hoefdraad months prior.

    Murwin Dubois, a lead defense attorney representing Hoefdraad, told local outlet Starnieuws that this second rejection sends a clear signal: Interpol continues to harbor serious doubts about the objectivity of the criminal prosecution against the former minister. Interpol operates under strict core rules designed to prevent the agency from being drawn into legal matters that carry potential political motivations, a policy that guided the agency’s decision in this case.

    When Interpol rejected Suriname’s first request, it explicitly justified its ruling by concluding that the prosecution against Hoefdraad carried political motives. The agency also noted that Suriname’s Public Prosecution Service failed to submit sufficient documentation and solid legal evidence to disprove that conclusion. Today, Dubois argues that the string of rejections should prompt a full, critical re-evaluation of both the entire criminal case against Hoefdraad and the procedural practices that have guided the prosecution to date. He pointed to longstanding criticism from multiple independent jurists and defense lawyers over flaws in key parts of the investigation and legal process.

    The attorney further called on Suriname’s Public Prosecution Service to release full transparency about all requests submitted to Interpol in the Hoefdraad case, as well as all responses received from the agency. “Suriname’s society has an inherent right to know the full details of proceedings in a case brought in the name of the Surinamese state,” Dubois argued.

    As of this report, the Public Prosecution Service has not issued any official comment on Interpol’s latest rejection. Beyond the short formal notification sent to the prosecutor general, Interpol has not released any additional supporting documentation or public explanation of its second rejection.