As Trinidad and Tobago moves forward with a landmark national security plan to confront rising violent and gang-related crime, Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar has moved to reassure compliant residents that the sweeping new seven-district security framework poses no threat to ordinary citizens. The new framework, formalized under the proposed Special Operations Bill 2026, will deploy specialized dedicated police units across the country authorized to carry out targeted crackdowns against organized gangs, armed suspects and violent criminal networks, and parliamentary debate on the legislation is scheduled to kick off at 10:30 a.m. local time today ahead of a final vote.\n\nThe Prime Minister confirmed that all outstanding questions about the new legislation will be addressed during floor debates in both the lower and upper houses of parliament, emphasizing that the bill is expected to pass successfully, with daily life across the country continuing largely uninterrupted for law-abiding residents. Drawing on past policy success, Persad-Bissessar pointed to the previously implemented state of emergency, which she described as highly effective at curbing crime, and expressed confidence that the new Special Operations strategy will deliver equally strong results. When asked about the bill’s provision for establishing restricted “closed areas” in high-crime hotspots, the Prime Minister noted that policymakers will rely on empirical data to guide any such designations, adding that it remains too early in the process to determine how long any potential closed area would remain in effect.\n\nA review of the legislation by local outlet *Trinidad Express* confirms that the bill will remain in force for a full two years starting from the date it is officially proclaimed by the President. Structurally, the new bill draws heavily from the earlier Zones of Special Operations (ZOSO) Bill, which failed to gain enough parliamentary support to pass earlier this year. Unlike the previous proposal, however, the current iteration does not require a special supermajority to pass, meaning it can be approved with a simple majority of sitting lawmakers.\n\nThe legislation divides the entire country into seven distinct special policing districts, covering every populated region of both Trinidad and Tobago. District 1 includes Port of Spain, Diego Martin and San Juan/Laventille; District 2 covers Arima and Tunapuna-Piarco; District 3 encompasses Sangre Grande and Mayaro-Rio Claro; District 4 includes Chaguanas and Couva-Tabaquite-Talparo; District 5 covers San Fernando and Princes Town; District 6 includes Point Fortin, Siparia and Penal-Debe; and the entire island of Tobago makes up the seventh district.\n\nEach of the seven districts will be led by a dedicated Head of Special Operations, selected by the Commissioner of Police from officers holding at least the rank of Superintendent. Before formalizing the appointment, the Commissioner is required to consult with the Prime Minister, who retains the power to reject a candidate after consulting with relevant cabinet ministers and the Chief of Defence Staff. All personnel selected for special operations duties, including both police officers and participating military personnel, must complete mandatory training in human rights protocols, rules governing the use of force, community engagement practices and conflict de-escalation strategies.\n\nThe legislation also allows for the Trinidad and Tobago Defence Force to support police operations, though any military deployment must be formally requested by the Commissioner of Police. Each district receiving military support will have a Head of Military Assistance, appointed by the Chief of Defence Staff from officers holding at least the rank of Major. Similar to the police appointment process, the Chief of Defence Staff must consult the Prime Minister before making the appointment, and the Prime Minister can reject the nomination after consulting relevant ministers and the Commissioner of Police.\n\nTo ensure accountability and coordinated action, the Commissioner of Police and Chief of Defence Staff are required to develop joint formal protocols governing police-military collaboration, including clear systems for verifying the identity of all participating personnel. Separate standard operating procedures (SOPs) must also be created for both police special operations and military assistance, with any personnel found violating SOPs facing disciplinary action.\n\nClocked in at 26 clauses plus a formal schedule, the bill authorizes targeted special operations that can be carried out by police alone or with military backup, and grants authority to declare areas facing extreme criminal activity as closed areas. Within these designated zones, police receive expanded powers to conduct warrantless searches, seize evidence, and make arrests and detentions. Authorities are also permitted to implement cordons and curfews, and require any person entering or exiting the area to hold a valid entry/exit permit.\n\nThe President holds the sole authority to declare a zone within a special operations district a closed area, and can only do so if presented with reasonable evidence that escalating violent crime – including homicides, shootings, kidnappings and gang activity – or the widespread possession of illegal firearms, ammunition, explosives or other weapons poses a direct threat to public safety and peace. The power can also be invoked if gangs have seized control of, or are actively intimidating, a local community, and only after ordinary law enforcement measures have proven unable to restore public safety and order.\n\nAny closed area declaration is issued as an executive Order that is subject to negative resolution by the House of Representatives, meaning lawmakers can vote to annul the order if they choose. Within seven days of issuing the declaration, the President must provide the Speaker of the House with a formal statement outlining the specific justifications for the order. While the House can annul the declaration at any time, no annulment motion can be introduced more than once every three months.\n\nOnce a closed area is declared, the district’s Head of Special Operations can implement physical access restrictions via barriers, roadblocks and other containment measures. With the exception of a small group of explicitly exempted officials, no person may enter or exit a closed area without a valid permit. Exempted individuals include the President, Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, members of parliament, Tobago House of Assembly members, municipal councillors, the Chief Justice and sitting Supreme Court judges, the Commissioner of Police, Chief of Defence Staff, district special operations commanders, and on-duty police and military personnel traveling to or from their assignments.\n\nViolating the permit requirement, or failing to comply with permit conditions without a reasonable excuse, carries a maximum penalty of a TT $50,000 fine and one year of imprisonment. Police may also establish internal and perimeter cordons around specific sites within closed areas using roadblocks and barriers; the Head of Special Operations is required to issue immediate public notice of any cordon, clearly marking its boundaries and outlining requirements for people inside and those seeking entry, with formal notice published in the official government Gazette within three days.\n\nThe President also holds authority to impose a curfew within a closed area, requiring all residents to remain inside their properties during specified hours unless they qualify for an exemption or hold a valid curfew permit. Breaching a curfew order carries the same maximum penalties as violating permit rules: a TT $50,000 fine and one year of imprisonment.
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Warm, vochtig en een mix van zon en wolken
# Weather Forecast for Suriname: September 18 Brings Steamy Warmth and Isolated Rain Chances
Released on September 18 at 04:52, this official weather forecast outlines conditions across Suriname for the day, highlighting the typical late-season warm and humid pattern that has defined the current period.The day kicks off across most regions carrying the seasonal traits that have become common at this time of year: already mild warmth paired with high atmospheric moisture, building steadily through the morning hours. By early morning, temperatures across low-lying areas quickly climb toward 28°C, with relative humidity holding steady around 80% that creates a close, brooding feel across outdoor spaces. A layer of broken cloud cover softens the force of the early sun, holding back the most intense heat for the first half of the day. In the capital city of Paramaribo, the opening hours of Friday September 18 will bring a shifting mix of bright sunshine and scattered cloud cover.
The afternoon shift will bring the day’s most intense heat, with thermometers climbing steadily across the entire country. In Paramaribo, forecasts predict highs will reach a sweltering 37°C, while other inland and regional areas including Onverwacht will see nearly matching highs around 36°C. High humidity remains the norm through the afternoon, with bright sunlight breaking through puffy cumulus cloud banks. Light wind will blow from the northeast to east for most of the day, doing little to offset the steamy conditions.
While most of the country will stay dry through the day, there is a small chance of short, cooling rain showers for some regions. Paramaribo is expected to remain entirely dry all day, with overnight temperatures holding at a mild 26°C after the daytime heat. For regions such as Smalkalden, the chance of afternoon precipitation climbs to roughly 60%, though any rain that develops is expected to be quick, intense thunderstorms that pass through the area rapidly, clearing out quickly after they arrive.
As evening approaches and night falls, temperatures will gradually cool to a low of 26°C across most populated areas. Even with the dropping thermometer, high humidity will remain locked in around 80%, leaving a sticky, muggy feel for evening outdoor activities. Light easterly winds will continue through the overnight hours, with little change in speed or direction.
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Column: Leg eindelijk alle kaarten over de Mennonieten op tafel
As questions continue to mount over the presence of Mennonite communities in Suriname, a new group of Mennonite arrivals entered the country Thursday aboard a Copa Airlines flight. This new influx comes even as critical details remain unresolved about the status of existing Mennonite groups, the agricultural land they intend to work, and the agreements that were purportedly struck before their initial arrival. This situation cannot continue as it stands: full, permanent clarity on this entire issue is long overdue.
Against this backdrop, the recent site visit by Members of Parliament Rabin Parmessar and Jennifer Vreedzaam to the areas where Mennonites have settled is a welcome step. It is positive that elected representatives are not limiting their questioning to debates within the National Assembly, but are instead choosing to see conditions firsthand and speak directly to stakeholders. Even so, this on-the-ground visit is far from sufficient to resolve the deep uncertainty surrounding the settlement initiative.
During the visit, Peter Petersen, a Mennonite originally from Belize, made statements that have underscored the need for further formal investigation. Petersen told lawmakers that his group had no idea they would be required to leave the area they are currently occupying; instead, they were told that formal approval for agricultural use of the land was still being processed. He also shared that group members have already sold all their property in Belize and shipped their agricultural equipment to Suriname to begin work. Most notably, when asked who had facilitated the group’s relocation to Suriname, Petersen named two individuals: Ruud Souverein and Lionel Blokland.
These claims require urgent follow-up investigation, as both names have already been linked to the Mennonite settlement initiative and the allocation of agricultural land in Suriname. Souverein was involved in efforts to bring Mennonite farmers to Suriname for large-scale agricultural projects during the previous national administration. Through his firm Terra Invest, Souverein submitted extensive applications for large land parcels. While not all of these applications were approved, the paper trail confirms that the current controversial situation has roots in decisions made by the previous government. More recently, Braganza Marketing Group has emerged as a key actor in the initiative. The Surinamese Ministry of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries (LVV) has signed formal agreements with Braganza for large-scale agricultural development projects, and the company has publicly stated its intent to partner with Mennonite farmers on these projects.
However, conflicting public statements from all involved parties, including the national government, have only deepened public confusion. LVV Minister Mike Noersaliem told parliament that the Surinamese government has not entered into any formal agreement directly with the Mennonite groups. Technically, this statement may be accurate, but that does not resolve the core controversy. If a company that has a direct formal agreement with the Surinamese state then brings Mennonite farmers into the agricultural project, the debate cannot end with a technical disclaimer that there is no direct agreement between the state and the Mennonites. This technicality hides far more complex arrangements that need to be brought into the open.
A series of core questions remain unanswered: Who first contacted the Mennonite groups about relocating? What promises were made to them before they left Belize? What agreements have they reached with Braganza or other private entities? Was the LVV aware that Mennonite farmers would be brought into these development projects? If the ministry was aware, when did they learn of this partnership, and how does this align with the government’s recent public order that Mennonites leave the land currently occupied? It is also critical to clarify what the Mennonite settlers themselves believed they were getting when they relocated. Do they expect to own or occupy the land themselves? Are they working as employees for Braganza? Are they private investors, project partners, or independent agricultural producers within the larger development scheme? These are not semantic points: the answers will directly determine the legal rights, obligations and accountability of all parties involved.
In this context, the $150 per hectare payment Petersen mentioned is also a key relevant detail. Who is paying this fee, to whom is it paid, and what is it for? Until this detail is clarified, a core part of the entire arrangement remains hidden from public view. And all the while, new groups of Mennonite settlers continue to arrive in Suriname, which only increases the urgency of resolving the controversy. Who is organizing these new arrivals? What information are they given before they leave their home country? Are they aware that there is ongoing debate and regulatory uncertainty about land access and approval in Suriname? Who is receiving them upon arrival, and what future plans are they promised upon entry?
It would be deeply irresponsible to allow Mennonite families to continue selling their belongings, shipping their equipment and relocating to Suriname under the impression they will be able to begin agricultural work, when fundamental questions about the project remain unresolved on the Surinamese side. This debate does not need to devolve into being for or against Mennonite immigration. The settlers who have already moved to Suriname deserve clarity just as much as the Surinamese public. If agreements were made with the settlers, we need to establish who made those agreements and on what legal basis. If agreements were made that cannot be honored, we must also establish who bears responsibility for that outcome.
Suriname’s parliament must deepen its investigation into this matter and leave no stone unturned. It is not only the current LVV minister that must provide answers. The full history of the initiative under the previous government also needs to be reconstructed: What land applications were submitted? What agreements were reached? What changes or adjustments were made to the plan along the way? And how did the country end up in a situation where Mennonite settlers are already living and working in Suriname, while they maintain they were invited here to develop agricultural land? Braganza must also provide full transparency about its role. If all processes have followed proper legal procedure, the company should be able to explain its agreements with the Mennonite settlers and how these align with its formal contract with the Surinamese state.
If evidence emerges that Mennonite settlers were brought to Suriname under false pretenses, it will be necessary to determine whether further legal action is required. The Mennonite controversy is already about far more than just agricultural development. It touches on state-owned land, governmental accountability, transparency, environmental protection, foreign investment, and the reliability of agreements made by the Surinamese government. Enough statements have been issued, and enough questions have been raised. It is time to put all cards on the table. The public deserves full clarity on who brought the Mennonites to Suriname, what promises were made to them, and what agreements underpin the entire initiative. As long as new settlers keep arriving while these questions remain unanswered, the problem will only continue to grow.
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Díaz-Canel inspects Ariguanabo water supply system
On Thursday, September 18, 2026, Cuba’s top leader Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez — who holds the dual positions of First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba and President of the Republic — embarked on a day-long inspection tour of high-priority public works, sports and sustainable infrastructure projects across Artemisa province and the capital city of Havana.
The first stop on the president’s itinerary was the Ariguanabo water supply facility, located in Bauta municipality of Artemisa. This site is a critical component of western Havana’s water distribution network, providing clean drinking water to more than 23 percent of the capital’s total population, covering the densely populated municipalities of La Lisa, Playa, and Marianao. The visit was part of ongoing oversight for the national Comprehensive Program to Guarantee Stable Water Access for Havana’s residents. During the inspection, Díaz-Canel received a full briefing on the facility’s current operations and upcoming upgrades from senior government officials, including Minister of Energy and Mines Vicente de la O Levy, National Institute of Hydraulic Resources President Antonio Rodríguez Rodríguez, Havana Provincial Communist Party Committee First Secretary Liván Izquierdo Alonso, and Havana Governor Yanet Hernández Pérez.
Briefers updated the president on progress across the full water program, noting that new generator sets are already being deployed at key pumping stations across the system to improve reliability. Teams are also advancing site preparation for new photovoltaic solar farms and grid-scale energy storage facilities, designed to cut the system’s carbon footprint and reduce vulnerability to power disruptions. Discussions during the briefing also touched on water security efforts across the country, including ongoing work to stabilize supplies for communities in Santiago de Cuba province, covering the provincial capital and the municipalities of Guamá, San Luis, Contramaestre, and Songo-La Maya.
Following the inspection of the Ariguanabo facility, the president traveled back to Havana for his second stop: La Polar Stadium, Cuba’s first sports venue to install synthetic playing turf back in 2017. The stadium already leverages photovoltaic solar panels to power lighting for evening matches, fitting into Cuba’s broader push for renewable energy adoption across public infrastructure. During the visit, Díaz-Canel was briefed on plans for the venue’s third phase of modernization, which includes expanding spectator seating and upgrading on-site facilities with cutting-edge sports technology.
The president used the visit to emphasize the central role of grassroots sports in Cuban communities, calling for expanded access to neighborhood athletic activities and stronger collaboration between local schools and community groups to grow popular sports including soccer. He noted that competitive sports do more than develop athletic talent and boost personal self-esteem; they also serve as a unifying force that brings together players’ families and entire local neighborhoods.
The third and final stop on Thursday’s itinerary was a newly developed solar-powered charging station located at the intersection of 23rd and J Streets in Havana’s historic Vedado district. The facility boasts 18 individual charging points, purpose-built to power the fleet of electric tricycles that now handle solid waste collection for the surrounding Rampa neighborhood. After touring the station, Pedro Lizardo Garcés Escalona, president of the Rampa People’s Council, shared details of the new waste collection model with the Cuban presidency’s press team.
Lizardo explained that 15 solar-powered tricycles now serve the 15 electoral districts that make up the Rampa People’s Council. The project has introduced coordinated collection schedules: residents are asked to place their waste bags outside their buildings by 7 a.m. and 7 p.m. daily, with some areas adjusted to a 6 p.m. evening collection to improve efficiency. He reported that the community-focused initiative has already delivered dramatic, positive results for local residents, with more than 20 large illegal open dump sites completely eliminated across the district.
The initiative also includes restoration work for street corners that were damaged by heavy waste collection equipment used in previous collection models, improving the overall quality of public space in the neighborhood. Lizardo acknowledged that organizational and cultural challenges remain, noting that low civic compliance in some areas continues to slow progress toward the clean, vibrant neighborhood residents expect. Even so, the successful pilot in Rampa is already being scaled to other People’s Councils across the Plaza de la Revolución municipality.
Looking forward, the project aligns with Cuba’s long-term goals to transition toward a circular economy that prioritizes raw material recovery and waste reduction. The ultimate aim, Lizardo explained, is to fully revitalize sidewalks, community gardens, and public parks, creating a cleaner, more attractive environment for both local residents and visitors who pass through the iconic Vedado district.
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Onderwijsbonden beginnen volgende week onderhandelingen over nieuwe loonstructuur
After months of preparatory work and unexpected delays, joint education unions in Suriname have confirmed that the first full round of negotiations for a new dedicated pay structure for education workers will kick off on September 24 and 25, according to an internal GOV (Gezamenlijke Onderwijs Vakbonden, or Joint Education Unions) notice obtained by local outlet Starnieuws on September 17.
Work on the separate, education-specific pay framework began back in June, with the four participating unions — Syndicaat, DoHoS, FOLS and VWPU — laying out a core goal of building a “fair, inflation-resilient” pay system that will be rolled out in phases. The unions first presented the preliminary framework to the Government Negotiation Body (OO) on July 24, and a follow-up presentation to the Presidential Working Group on Trade Union Affairs, chaired by Minister of the Interior Marinus Bee, was originally scheduled for August 27.
That presentation was unexpectedly postponed, however, after the national government proposed a general 15 percent pay increase for civil servants and equivalent public employees. Despite the holdup to the scheduled presentation, unions continued advancing work on the dedicated education pay structure, and finally submitted their full pay scale proposal to government representatives led by Minister Bee and the OO on September 14. Now, the first plenary sessions to dive into substantive discussions of the proposed framework are locked in for later this month.
In their internal notice to members, the unions have chosen not to release specific pay figures at this stage of the process. Union leaders acknowledged that widespread impatience and demand for clarity have grown among education workers, particularly amid ongoing challenging economic conditions, but stressed that no numerical details will be shared publicly before negotiations advance. The organizations also reassured members that they will confront every challenge head-on during talks to secure a beneficial outcome for education staff.
Beyond the pay structure negotiations, the unions added that they hold weekly coordination meetings with staff from the Ministry of Education, Science and Culture to track progress on implementing the collective agreement reached on June 2, 2026. Unions have urged education workers to follow GOV’s official communication channels for all future updates as negotiations progress.





