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  • Column: Was de schoolstart werkelijk het probleem?

    Column: Was de schoolstart werkelijk het probleem?

    For students across Suriname, the first day of a new school year should mark a fresh, hopeful start. But on October 1 this year, thousands of parents and children were instead plunged into widespread uncertainty, left guessing whether children should report to classes or stay isolated at home.

    The chaos erupted after the Joint Education Unions (GOV) issued a last-minute call on the eve of the new school year, urging parents to keep their children home. In a contradictory directive, the union ordered teachers to report to campus as scheduled, so that school leadership could jointly assess whether facilities were sufficiently staffed and prepared to welcome learners.

    The Surinamese government did not issue a clear response until the following morning, when officials emphasized that all schools were required to open as normal and stated that the unions lacked the legal authority to urge parents to keep children home. Education Minister Dirk Currie and Minister of the Interior Marinus Bee both expressed surprise at the union’s action, noting that productive negotiations between the government and education unions had been ongoing for weeks, including talks focused on the logistics of the new school year opening. Currie confirmed that those discussions had proceeded smoothly from the government’s perspective.

    Yet the on-the-ground reality on October 1 told a different story. Some parents heeded the union’s call and kept children home, while the vast majority of teachers showed up for work as required. The confusion laid bare a core failure: after multiple rounds of negotiations, neither the government nor the unions could deliver a single, clear, consistent message to parents, students, and school staff. If the agreements reached had truly been as clear as the education ministry claims, this widespread disruption and uncertainty would never have occurred.

    Beyond questions of school preparedness, an unresolved labor dispute is at the heart of the conflict. The GOV has been negotiating with the government for improved teacher salaries, and had previously stated that the negotiation process needed to conclude before October 1. That deadline passed without a deal, meaning the salary dispute cannot be separated from the action surrounding the school opening. This is not to say that longstanding issues of understaffing, inadequate facilities, and insufficient learning materials do not exist – these problems have been plaguing Suriname’s education sector for years. But that longstanding context makes the union’s argument that an assessment of school readiness could not wait until after the first day of classes far less convincing.

    A new school year is never an unexpected event. In Suriname, the summer school break runs from mid-August to late September, giving the education ministry, school leaders, and other relevant stakeholders more than enough time to map out the challenges facing every campus: which campuses face teacher shortages, which classrooms are unfit for use, where learning materials are lacking, and which open positions need to be filled. All of this preparatory work should be completed long before the first day of classes.

    It is a common misperception that the entire education system shuts down during school breaks. While students get time off, the administrative and operational side of education cannot grind to a halt for six weeks. Teachers are public employees, and school leaders bear formal responsibility for organizing their campus’ operations. End-of-year evaluations and preparations for the new academic year should therefore be scheduled and completed well in advance of the October 1 start date. If a school is not ready to function properly on the first day of classes, that is a failure of pre-term planning, not an unforeseen emergency.

    This does not mean that the teacher salary dispute is any less urgent. On the contrary, teacher compensation has been a simmering pain point in Suriname for decades. Teachers are expected to take on heavy workloads and immense responsibility, but many argue their pay does not align with either their professional duties or rising cost of living. Even many teachers who do not support every industrial action taken by unions agree that their financial standing needs urgent improvement. The government has acknowledged that new salary negotiations are needed and has stated it is working toward improved compensation for educators.

    Unions have every legal right to advocate for better working conditions and fair pay for their members. At the same time, the education ministry bears a core responsibility to protect the continuity of learning for students as much as possible. When a labor dispute is a driving factor behind industrial action, that fact should be stated clearly and publicly to all stakeholders. If schools are genuinely unprepared to receive students, officials and unions alike should specify exactly which schools are affected, what shortages are present, and what risks families face. Leaving parents in limbo the night before classes start is not a solution to either longstanding school under-preparedness or unresolved labor issues.

    Ultimately, the people who bear the brunt of this conflict are the stakeholders with no seat at the negotiation table. Parents were forced to make last-minute, high-stakes decisions about their children’s education without reliable information. Students lost a day of learning and started their new school year mired in confusion. Teachers were caught in the middle, caught between conflicting directives from unions, school leadership, and the national ministry.

    Suriname’s education system has struggled with deep structural problems for years: persistent teacher and learning material shortages, inadequate school infrastructure, and uncompetitive salaries that fail to retain qualified educators in the profession. None of these problems emerged out of the blue on October 1, and they should not have been “discovered” on the first day of the new school year either.

    The chaos surrounding this year’s school opening makes one thing abundantly clear: two separate crises have become intertwined, to the detriment of everyone involved. Longstanding inadequate pre-term preparation for many schools, and an unresolved labor dispute over working conditions and pay, have become tangled together with no clear path forward. Both the government and the unions share responsibility for keeping these issues separate and communicating clearly with the public.

    No child should have to stay home on the first day of school because adults who spent weeks negotiating still cannot agree on what was agreed. Better teacher pay deserves serious, good-faith negotiations. Persistent school shortages deserve timely, targeted solutions. And every new school year deserves full preparation before the first bell rings.

  • Financieel Jaarplan spreekt zichzelf tegen over uitvoering ontwikkelingsprojecten

    Financieel Jaarplan spreekt zichzelf tegen over uitvoering ontwikkelingsprojecten

    A major discrepancy in public development project completion statistics has emerged in Suriname’s newly released 2027 Financial Annual Plan, raising questions about government data transparency and implementation progress of the country’s current multi-year development strategy. The document, published on October 2, 2026, contains two vastly different success rates for the 634 development projects registered in the National Database for Development Projects (NDOP), creating confusion over how many government-led initiatives have actually been finished. In the opening section of the plan, policymakers state that less than 10% of the 634 registered projects have been successfully completed. The introduction also notes that public resources are not being deployed optimally across initiatives, and that poverty reduction remains one of the government’s most pressing unmet challenges. However, a detailed chapter later in the same official document presents entirely different figures that paint a far more positive (though still uneven) picture of project progress. As of June 2026, when the data for the plan was collected, 145 of the 634 NDOP projects had not yet broken ground, and no progress updates were available for an additional 80 projects. Nine projects were terminated early before reaching their goals. According to this detailed breakdown, 231 projects – equal to 36.4% of all registered initiatives – were marked as successfully completed. A comparison with data from November 2025 puts this slow progress in context: 12 months prior, the NDOP held 623 projects, with 220 successfully completed, equal to a 35.3% success rate. Over seven months, the total number of registered projects rose by 11, while the share of completed projects grew by just 1.1 percentage points, indicating new initiatives are being added far faster than existing ones are being finished. A closer look at the plan offers a potential explanation for the conflicting statistics. The document separately analyzes a subset of projects directly tied to the strategic priorities of the 2022-2026 Multi-Year Development Plan (MOP), the government’s current overarching development framework. For this targeted group of MOP-aligned projects, just 6.6% had been completed as of June 2026. That figure lines up with the “less than 10%” claim in the introduction – but the opening section fails to clarify that the statistic applies only to strategic MOP projects, not all 634 projects in the national database. For the MOP subset, 55.5% of projects remain in active implementation, 20.8% have not started, and no progress data is available for 16.7%. Even with the explanation for the discrepancy, the conflicting data underscores long-running challenges with project tracking in Suriname, a point the government itself acknowledges in the plan. Citing the inconsistencies and the overall slow progress compared to initial forecasts for the 2022-2026 MOP, the plan emphasizes the urgent need for stricter monitoring and evaluation of public development projects. Key reforms outlined include more standardized and accurate data entry, strengthening planning units within individual government ministries, and improving alignment between national policy goals and on-the-ground implementation. The Suriname Planning Bureau’s June 2026 half-year report, which is referenced in the Financial Annual Plan, previously confirmed that MOP goal delivery is lagging behind original expectations. Government officials note they will draw on lessons learned from the current 2022-2026 planning cycle to shape the upcoming 2027-2029 Multi-Year Development Plan, with the goal of addressing implementation bottlenecks and improving project outcomes moving forward.

  • Tropic Air Says Punta Gorda Route Is Unsustainable

    Tropic Air Says Punta Gorda Route Is Unsustainable

    Scheduled commercial air connectivity to southern Belize’s Toledo District is at risk of disappearing entirely, after regional carrier Tropic Air announced it will end all flights to the district’s main hub of Punta Gorda starting November 1, 2026, citing long-term unsustainable financial losses. The impending cut has thrown the district’s economy, healthcare system, tourism sector and community well-being into uncertainty, prompting hundreds of stakeholders—including business owners, tourism operators, healthcare leaders, community representatives and local residents—to gather for an emergency summit in Punta Gorda to coordinate a response.

    Tropic Air’s station manager Robert Pennell outlined the multiple financial and operational pressures that have pushed the carrier to exit the route, explaining that each of the company’s aircraft costs $6 million to operate and maintain. He noted that Punta Gorda’s substandard runway places excess mechanical stress on aircraft, accelerating wear and increasing maintenance costs. While local officials have long promised runway upgrades, Pennell confirmed the airline has not received any formal, binding confirmation that the work will move forward, creating unresolvable operational uncertainty. He added that current round-trip fares on the route already sit at nearly $400—close to the cost of a round-trip ticket from Belize to Miami—even as the route continues to post consistent losses amid rising global aviation operating costs.

    But local stakeholders argue that cutting the route will cause cascading harm across the entire district, and are pushing for coordinated intervention from the national government, Belize Tourism Board (BTB) and other national bodies to reverse the decision or find a replacement service. Efren Perez, president of the Belize Tourism Industry Association (BTIA), acknowledged the airline’s legitimate financial challenges but stressed that air connectivity is the backbone of Toledo’s economic viability. “When a district loses an air service, the impact extends beyond visitor arrivals to the businesses, families and services that depend on reliable transport,” Perez said, calling for immediate collective action to boost destination marketing for Toledo, grow flight demand and secure the long-term connectivity needed for sustained economic development.

    Local tourism business owners warned the route cut could put their companies out of business entirely. Dennis Garbutt, owner of the popular Garbutt’s Fishing Lodge in Punta Gorda, noted that most of his clients come from outside Belize City and would refuse to endure a multi-hour overland trip from the capital to the southern district. “Without it, our business will completely die,” Garbutt said, adding that other major local tourism operators like Copal are facing the same existential threat.

    Healthcare leaders added that the loss of air service would directly disrupt critical medical services across southern Belize. Dr. Jorge Sajia, deputy regional health manager for Belize’s Southern Region, explained that medical samples such as laboratory testing for infectious disease outbreaks require urgent transport to national facilities in Belize City. “Recently, we had measles cases. Those samples need to be shipped before a certain time. They cannot last more than 24 hours,” Dr. Sajia said, noting that overland transport would add extra costs and create dangerous delays that put public health at risk.

    Environmental representatives also raised alarms over secondary ecological harm: if tourism businesses collapse, many operators may turn to unregulated artisanal fishing to make ends meet, putting additional pressure on already strained coastal ecosystems in the Toledo District. Caroline Oliver, a representative of the Toledo Institute for Development and Environment (TIDE), argued that this shift would undermine the region’s goal of building a sustainable blue economy. “If doing that is going to be causing that, we’re not going to support this in any way,” Oliver said.

    National authorities have acknowledged the crisis but have not yet finalized a solution. The Belize Airport Authority confirmed it has received Tropic Air’s notice of suspension, noting that plans for both a long-overdue upgrade to the Punta Gorda airstrip and a new passenger security fee (starting at $4 in June 2027 and rising gradually to $10) remain under active discussion. Local representative Dr. Osmond Martinez for Toledo East has pledged to advocate on behalf of the community, saying he will keep BTIA updated on every step of negotiations with national government and the airline.

    Pennell, who also serves as chair of BTIA’s Toledo Chapter, argued that the region has been overlooked for decades in national tourism marketing. He called on the BTB to allocate promotional resources to emerging destinations like Toledo, rather than concentrating all investment in the country’s already popular tourist hubs. Discussions between the Belize Airport Authority and Tropic Air remain ongoing, and the authority says it remains committed to finding a workable solution for all parties. But with less than a month left before the scheduled service end, community leaders warn time is running out to save the route that Toledo says it needs for economic survival.

  • Regering raamt woningbehoefte op 30.000 huishoudens

    Regering raamt woningbehoefte op 30.000 huishoudens

    Suriname is facing growing uncertainty around the true scale of its unmet housing demand, as early data from the country’s new national housing initiative highlights gaps in current measurement of housing insecurity, according to the 2027 Financial Annual Plan released by the government.

    The Surinamese government currently estimates that total housing need across the country stands at roughly 30,000 households. When the National Housing Program Suriname (known locally as NaHuSu) launched its new centralized online registration system for people seeking housing in 2026, the first counting round already recorded nearly 10,000 completed registrations from prospective home seekers.

    However, the 2027 Financial Annual Plan explicitly warns against conflating these registration numbers with the total count of houseless households in the country. Officials emphasize that registering as a housing seeker does not automatically mean an applicant has no housing at all. Many of those who signed up through the NaHuSu portal are already housed but searching for more affordable options, seeking independent living arrangements separate from shared households, or looking to upgrade the quality of their current living space. Because of this key distinction, the 30,000 estimated total housing need and the 10,000 recorded registrations measure two different populations, and cannot be directly compared to calculate an unmet demand.

    To get a clearer, more accurate picture of the actual housing shortage facing the nation, the annual plan recommends that NaHuSu registration data be cross-referenced with other critical datasets, including information on Suriname’s existing housing stock, total number of households across the country, rates of overcrowding, and overall housing quality. This integrated analysis will also help policymakers clarify what share of total unmet demand must be addressed through new construction, versus what share can be met through existing home replacement, renovation projects, or expansion of current housing stock.

    Currently, the Surinamese government supports the housing construction sector through a range of policy initiatives, including the national Affordable Housing Project, the National Housing Construction Program, multiple public-private partnership housing projects, and mortgage financing supported by state reserve funds. Despite this support, the annual plan notes that housing development is facing significant headwinds: rising construction costs, persistent shortages of fully prepared building-ready land, inadequate infrastructure to support new developments, and slow, cumbersome administrative approval processes that delay projects.

    New data on land subdivision permits also points to a slowdown in housing development activity in 2026. Through the end of June 2026, 194 subdivision permits had been issued across the country: 175 for small-scale subdivisions and 19 for large-scale projects. By comparison, the full year of 2025 saw 338 total permits issued, while 429 permits were granted across 2024.

  • Who Is Telling the Truth About the Guatemalan Military Flight?

    Who Is Telling the Truth About the Guatemalan Military Flight?

    A sharp diplomatic dispute has emerged between Central American neighbors Guatemala and Belize, centered on conflicting accounts of an unauthorized Guatemalan military flight into Belizean airspace. The clash, which unfolded in early October 2026, pits Guatemala’s President Bernardo Arévalo directly against Belize’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, with Belizean officials pushing back hard against recent denials from the Guatemalan head of state.

    Arévalo has publicly claimed that no Guatemalan military aircraft ever entered Belizean airspace, dismissing the entire incident as a false report generated by a teenager using an amateur plane-tracking mobile application. But Oscar Arnold, chief executive officer of Belize’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, has rejected that claim outright, stressing that Belize’s accusations are rooted in verified, official data rather than speculation or unconfirmed public reports.

    In comments recorded during a televised broadcast, Arnold explained that Belizean authorities deliberately delayed releasing an official statement about the incident to avoid relying on unvetted social media or app-based data. “We understood from the onset that just relying on an app or on information that was already in the public sphere, that we could not be irresponsible, that we had to await an official report from our agencies, people who use our primary and secondary radars, to confirm that there was an aircraft that entered into our airspace without authorization,” Arnold said.

    That patience, Arnold says, has produced solid evidence: Belize’s own official radar systems definitively detected the Guatemalan military aircraft crossing into the country’s uncontrolled airspace, and independent, credible third-party sources have since corroborated that finding. He emphasized that Belizean authorities have no incentive to fabricate a national security incident of this nature.

    “We are not in the business of making these things up,” Arnold noted, adding that the incursion represents a clear violation of national sovereignty and a genuine national security concern for Belize. After completing its internal verification, Belize formally submitted a diplomatic protest note to Guatemalan officials on the Friday following the incident, and also notified the Organization of American States (OAS) of the incursion.

    Guatemala has already indicated that it would accept an independent investigation led by the OAS to resolve the conflicting claims, a path Belize is now prepared to pursue to clarify the truth of the incident. Both Arnold and the chief executive of Belize’s Ministry of National Defense and Border Security have publicly stated they are fully available to cooperate with any OAS-led probe into the matter.

  • If the Plane Wasn’t There, Why Was Its Transponder Off?

    If the Plane Wasn’t There, Why Was Its Transponder Off?

    A cross-border airspace incident between Belize and Guatemala has sparked diplomatic friction, with both nations now turning to the Organization of American States (OAS) for a neutral, independent investigation into the September 24 event. Belize’s official position is clear: an unauthorised Guatemalan military aircraft entered its sovereign airspace last month, with the plane’s transponder intentionally disabled during the incursion. Speaking on behalf of Belize’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, CEO Oscar Arnold confirmed that the country is fully prepared to substantiate its claims with solid radar data, and has questioned what evidence Guatemala can present to contradict Belize’s account of the incident.

    The OAS has long held a formal mandate to oversee confidence-building measures and mediate low-level tensions in the adjacency zone between the two neighboring countries. While this specific investigation falls outside the body’s standard regional remit, Arnold explained that the OAS has agreed to take on the role of impartial observer after both countries submitted formal requests to the OAS Secretary General. Belize has raised no objections to the OAS leading the probe, Arnold noted, and is ready to hand over all collected evidence for technical review.

    Arnold also pointed out that the intentional disabling of the aircraft’s transponder would inherently impact flight logs and tracking records, a detail that technical experts assigned to the investigation will need to account for when reviewing evidence. From Belize’s perspective, there is no question that a breach of sovereign airspace occurred: “Where the government is concerned, there was an issue, an unauthorized aircraft entered our airspace,” Arnold stated.

    Moving forward, the OAS will conduct a full in-depth review of all evidence submitted by both parties before releasing an official finding on the incident. Both countries have committed to accepting the OAS’s mediated position on the dispute, in a step aimed at preventing further escalation of cross-border tensions.

  • Can Pablo Cawich Survive the Mira Millions Fallout?

    Can Pablo Cawich Survive the Mira Millions Fallout?

    As the 2026 Belmopan municipal elections approach, incumbent Mayor Pablo Cawich is confident that his administration’s track record and forward-looking policy platform are enough to secure him another term in office. However, a high-profile political scandal linked to his close political ally threatens to derail his bid for re-election, casting a shadow of uncertainty over his campaign.

    Cawich, who first won the mayoral seat in the 2024 election, is running on a platform centered on critical infrastructure upgrades across Belmopan and targeted policies to strengthen the city’s local business ecosystem. In a recent interview, the mayor maintained that public support for his administration remains as solid as it was when he took office two years prior. But political observers and voters alike are increasingly questioning how the so-called “Mira Millions” scandal, tied to Oscar Mira, the Area Representative for Belmopan and Cawich’s close political ally, will impact Cawich’s approval ratings ahead of the vote.

    Mira appeared prominently at Cawich’s recent campaign endorsement event, a choice that has renewed public scrutiny of the pair’s long-standing political alignment. When asked directly if he was concerned about the scandal’s impact on his re-election bid, Cawich acknowledged the controversy surrounding his party colleague, but framed continued collaboration with Mira as a necessary part of governing.

    “It is a reality that he is the area representative of Belmopan. It is also a reality that he is my PUP brother. It is unfortunate what has transpired and what he is going through. But that is something for a higher level. I need to ensure that I do what is needed for the progress and development of the city,” Cawich stated in the interview. “As mentioned, he is the area representative and I need to collaborate with him, as I do with other ministers and other organizations that are nonpolitical. I have to be willing and able to work with every single person.”

    When pressed further on whether he viewed Mira as a political liability for his campaign, Cawich deflected the question, saying he would not allow the controversy to distract him from his governing priorities. “I can’t focus on that. I have to stay focused and continue moving Belmopan forward,” he said.

    Asked if he had considered sidelining Mira from campaign activities until after the municipal election concludes, Cawich noted that the decision was not his to make, and emphasized that his campaign remains focused on demonstrating to Belmopan voters that his team is committed to core governance principles of transparency, accountability, and inclusive progress for all residents.

    This report is a transcribed excerpt from an evening television news broadcast, with Kriol-language statements rendered using a standardized spelling system for accuracy.

  • Where Were Pablo Cawich’s Two Thousand Supporters?

    Where Were Pablo Cawich’s Two Thousand Supporters?

    Long before the October 2026 endorsement convention for Belmopan Mayor Pablo Cawich and his incumbent team, a projected attendance number set the stage for post-event political speculation. Cawich had previously shared that 2,000 attendees was his team’s target turnout for the rally, designed to demonstrate the People’s United Party (PUP)’s broad voter support in Belmopan ahead of upcoming elections. But once the event wrapped, conflicting accounts of how many residents actually showed up have thrown the party’s local standing into question.

    Unnamed sources familiar with the event told local outlet News Five that actual turnout hovered closer to just 300 people – a far cry from the 2,000-person target that was meant to send a clear message of PUP dominance in the capital. That sharp gap between projected and reported attendance has fueled growing uncertainty about the party’s ability to mobilize voters in one of Belize’s key electoral districts.

    Cawich, however, has pushed back hard against the low turnout claims, pushing the narrative that misleading optics, not a lack of support, are to blame for the speculation. In an interview transcribed from News Five’s evening television broadcast, the mayor clarified a common misrepresentation of his earlier statements: the 2,000 figure was always an aspirational target, not a guaranteed expected attendance. He puts the actual headcount at roughly 500 attendees, a number he says is corroborated by on-site sales of campaign merchandise.

    The small apparent crowd, Cawich explained, was a product of the event’s venue: the gathering was held in a large, spread-out municipal park, where low evening lighting scattered attendees across wide open spaces rather than concentrating them in a single visible block. He also acknowledged that other unspecified factors contributed to lower-than-target turnout, but emphasized that one underwhelming event does not reflect the PUP’s underlying support in the city.

    “[T]hat is something that is in the past and we know the support is there and we are consistently reminded by supporters and residents that they are on our side. So, I don’t rely on single events like that,” Cawich said.

    The dispute comes as political parties across Belize are beginning to shore up support ahead of upcoming local elections, with turnout at pre-election rallies often closely watched as an informal barometer of a party’s momentum and voter enthusiasm.

  • Cawich Dismisses “Richie” Galvez as Viable Political Opponent

    Cawich Dismisses “Richie” Galvez as Viable Political Opponent

    As the 2026 municipal election race in Belmopan enters its early heated phase, incumbent Mayor Pablo Cawich has launched a direct public critique of his United Democratic Party (UDP) challenger, Richie Galvez, outright rejecting claims that Galvez represents a competitive threat to his re-election bid.

    In an on-record interview ahead of the October vote, Cawich made clear that his focus remains fixed on delivering ongoing infrastructure and development projects for Belmopan, rather than monitoring his opponent’s campaign activities. “I don’t follow Richie’s movements or events, so I don’t know what he is attracting. I know what we are doing and we are ensuring that we are working for positivity and development of the city,” Cawich stated.

    When asked to respond to claims from political observers that Galvez is the most competitive candidate the UDP has fielded in Belmopan in recent years, Cawich pushed back firmly, tying Galvez to the perceived failures of the previous UDP city administration. Cawich argued that Galvez’s past tenure as a Belmopan city councilor undermines his campaign promise of a “New Era” for the capital city, pointing to what he calls damaging policy decisions from the prior UDP council.

    Cawich specifically called out Galvez’s role in what he described as the mismanagement of public municipal assets during the previous UDP leadership, noting that the administration sold off large tracts of public land alongside public streets and green park spaces, leaving the municipality in what he called a “very terrible state” when his administration took office. “So, in terms of viability, I don’t see him as a viable candidate,” Cawich added.

    Cawich, who is running for a second term as mayor, emphasized that he remains focused on his own team’s agenda and the outstanding projects his administration has planned for Belmopan, rather than expending energy on campaign attacks against his challenger. This report is adapted from a transcript of an evening television news broadcast originally published on October 1, 2026.

  • Mayor Cawich Defends City Council’s Handling of Investigation

    Mayor Cawich Defends City Council’s Handling of Investigation

    Nearly three years from now, in October 2026, public debate continues to swirl around the Belmopan City Council’s handling of a closed sexual harassment investigation, even after the probe officially concluded. Belmopan Mayor Pablo Cawich has stepped forward to publicly address lingering questions about the process, pushing back against growing claims that city officials intentionally hid the investigation’s findings from the general public.

    At the center of the case are sexual harassment allegations leveled against Efrain Novelo, a contract employee who served as the council’s local economic development advisor. Novelo has repeatedly denied all claims of misconduct, and the formal investigative committee convened by the city ultimately found no concrete evidence to support the allegations against him. Despite the lack of evidence tying Novelo to wrongdoing, Cawich confirmed this week that the council has parted ways with the employee, a change that has sparked fresh suspicion among observers.

    Cawich was quick to decouple Novelo’s departure from the investigation, explaining that the advisor’s contract had reached its scheduled end, and the council simply no longer required his services. He pushed back against widespread rumors that the separation was a quiet disciplinary action tied to the harassment claims, noting that Novelo’s role was always a time-bound contracted position, and the mutual separation followed the council’s standard contracting protocols. He also emphasized that Novelo never served as a personal advisor to him, correcting a common misrepresentation of the employee’s role that has circulated in public discussion of the case.

    Addressing the most persistent criticism that the council attempted to cover up the investigation’s findings, Cawich argued that the multi-step process of forming a special investigative committee, conducting interviews and analysis, and drafting a final report naturally requires significant time. He pushed back on narratives that frame delays in releasing the findings as proof of an intent to hide information, arguing that critics who make this claim simply do not understand the formal procedures required for an impartial internal investigation.

    The mayor repeatedly stressed that the Belmopan City Council remains fully committed to two core priorities: radical transparency in its internal operations, and maintaining a safe, respectful working environment free from harassment for all city employees. He pointed to the creation of an independent investigative committee to review the claims as proof that the council took the allegations seriously and had no intention of sweeping the issue under the rug, contrary to recent public claims.

    This report is adapted from a verbatim transcript of a televised evening news broadcast, with Kriol language quotes transcribed using a standardized spelling system for accuracy.