分类： politics

In a nuanced Senate deliberation on January 20, Independent Senator Alicia Lalite-Ettienne endorsed the government’s Motor Vehicles and Road Traffic (Amendment) Bill while advocating for practical adjustments to its grace period provisions. The visually impaired senator drew upon her husband’s experiences as a taxi driver to highlight systemic challenges in vehicle maintenance within Trinidad and Tobago’s import-dependent automotive ecosystem.

Senator Lalite-Ettienne articulated how sourcing specific vehicle components—particularly for models like the Toyota Yaris—often requires international procurement, with lead times extending to months rather than days. She emphasized that while the bill’s 3-7 day compliance window appears reasonable theoretically, it fails to account for logistical realities in developing nations without local manufacturing capabilities. The senator specifically requested implementation of a documentation system that motorists could present to law enforcement while awaiting parts, noting that current enforcement approaches lack necessary flexibility.

The legislative amendment, previously passed in the House of Representatives on January 16, establishes graduated grace periods for regulatory violations, allowing motorists to rectify issues before automatic fines trigger. Government Senator David Nakhid responded that discretion remains essential in enforcement, acknowledging that legislation cannot anticipate all practical complexities.

Opposition Senator Janelle John-Bates raised complementary concerns regarding administrative burdens on under-resourced police and licensing officers. She cited the 2018 case of Patrick Awong—detained for eight hours over a previously paid fine—as evidence of systemic vulnerabilities that could exacerbate under the new timeline pressures. Senator John-Bates warned that automated systems could generate penalties despite compliance if certification paperwork experiences processing delays.

Despite these concerns, Senator Lalite-Ettienne affirmed her fundamental support for the legislation, framing vehicle maintenance as a civic responsibility comparable to personal health management. The debate highlighted the ongoing tension between legislative idealism and implementational practicality in Trinidad and Tobago’s governance landscape.

Caribbean nations have demonstrated remarkable regional solidarity in response to what they characterize as unlawful US military actions against Venezuela. The First Regional Conference: The Voices of the Caribbean in Defense of Venezuela and International Law convened on January 19, bringing together over 180 political and civil representatives from across the hemisphere to address escalating tensions.

The gathering, which included delegates from Trinidad and Tobago, Antigua and Barbuda, Barbados, Cuba, Jamaica, and numerous other Caribbean states, plus representation from Palestine’s Gaza Strip, focused on coordinating a unified response to the January 3rd military operation that resulted in the capture of Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro and First Lady Cilia Flores.

Venezuelan Ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago Álvaro Sánchez Cordero stated that the conference served as a platform to articulate coordinated proposals between social and solidarity movements throughout the Caribbean. Participants unanimously condemned the Trump administration’s military intervention, which reportedly resulted in over 100 casualties and what attendees labeled the ‘unlawful kidnapping’ of Venezuela’s constitutional leaders.

The primary objectives emerging from the conference included establishing an international solidarity network to defend national sovereignty, developing actionable plans to influence foreign policy reformulation across participant nations, and creating legal instruments to preserve Caribbean unity and territorial integrity.

Maduro and Flores, who appeared before a New York court on January 5th pleading not guilty to narcoterrorism and drug trafficking charges, are scheduled for their next court appearance on March 17th. Meanwhile, Venezuelan Vice President Delcy Rodríguez has assumed the role of interim president following Maduro’s capture.

The conference represents the initial phase of coordinated activities that will include expert presentations on international law, analytical sessions, and thoughtful discussions aimed at maintaining regional stability against external threats.

The United National Congress (UNC), having secured a decisive victory in last April’s general election with a 29-12 parliamentary majority, followed by a clean sweep of all 15 seats in the January 12 Tobago House of Assembly election by its Tobago allies, now faces mounting criticism over its administrative practices. Despite this commanding mandate, concerns have emerged regarding the apparent conflation of party and state functions.

Over the past month, multiple government ministers have chosen to deliver official policy announcements from the UNC’s party headquarters in Chaguanas rather than from government offices. This practice, while common when the party was in opposition, has raised eyebrows now that the UNC holds governmental power. The briefings have featured prominent cabinet members including Foreign Affairs Minister Sean Sobers, Housing Minister David Lee, Transport Minister Eli Zakour, and several others, all speaking from party premises flanked by both national and party flags.

Journalists have reported difficulties in accessing these events, with many briefings announced merely as online occurrences without clear venue information until the last moment. Notably, only a January 14 briefing by Attorney General John Jeremie and Minister of Lands Saddam Hosein was conducted at an appropriate government ministry.

When questioned about this blending of party and government functions, UNC Public Relations Officer Dr. Kirk Meighoo offered a straightforward defense: ‘Our members form the government and that is government policy. The UNC forms the government. We were voted in by the majority and that is how democracy works.’

However, editorial analysis suggests that if the previous administration had similarly conducted government business from PNM headquarters, the UNC would have undoubtedly criticized such practices. The current approach raises important questions about institutional separation between governing party and state apparatus, with advocates emphasizing that utilizing proper government offices for official announcements would better serve democratic norms and transparency in Trinidad and Tobago.

The recent electoral triumph of a Tobago-based political party in the Tobago House of Assembly (THA) elections has created a pivotal moment for advancing the island’s long-standing pursuit of genuine internal self-government. This development comes after decades of unfulfilled promises and political maneuvering that have repeatedly raised and dashed the hopes of Tobagonians.

Audley Graham, in a compelling editorial submission, argues that any legitimate legislative arrangement must fundamentally treat the Tobagonian people with fairness, dignity, and respect. This necessitates establishing frameworks that enable Tobago to generate its own revenue, develop critical infrastructure, and exercise substantial control over local resources.

Rather than initiating new legislative drafts, Graham recommends that Chief Secretary Farley Augustine appoint a dedicated secretary for devolution and governance matters. This official should synthesize existing proposals dating back to the Seemungal draft of the 1970s through the most recent bill from the Rowley administration, creating a robust legislative document that reflects Tobago’s aspirations.

The editorial highlights how successive central governments—both PNM and UNC administrations—have consistently demonstrated insufficient political will to facilitate authentic self-government for Tobago. These administrations have typically employed token approaches that disregard the unique intersectional identity of Tobagonians within the unitary state of Trinidad and Tobago.

Graham points to Tobago’s proven governance capabilities, noting that key architects of the nation’s early independence era—including Doddridge Alleyne, Eugenio Moore, Victor Bruce, and ANR Robinson—hailed from Tobago. The current practice of delaying tactics, such as appointing joint select committees under the guise of bipartisan cooperation, only serves the self-interest and neo-colonial ambitions of Trinidad-based parties.

The prolonged denial of Tobago’s self-determination aspirations not only harms Tobagonians economically and psychologically but also weakens the nation’s overall economic potential. Graham warns that continued delays risk hardening the resolve of minority elements who might advocate for secession—an outcome beneficial to no party, least of all Tobago itself.

With the people of Tobago having clearly expressed their political will through the ballot box, the editorial concludes that their democratic voice must now be respected through concrete action toward meaningful self-governance.