分类: politics

  • Asabina wil inzage in oliecontract: Parlement mag niet in het duister tasten

    Asabina wil inzage in oliecontract: Parlement mag niet in het duister tasten

    A Surinamese parliamentary opposition leader has reignited debate over transparency in the country’s burgeoning offshore oil sector, renewing scathing criticism of the government’s refusal to grant the National Assembly full access to the critical exploration and development contract between state-owned oil firm Staatsolie and French energy giant TotalEnergies.

    Ronny Asabina, who leads the BEP political faction in the Surinamese legislature, argues that parliament is fundamentally blocked from fulfilling its constitutionally mandated oversight role as long as the terms of the landmark agreement remain hidden from elected representatives.

    In unusually harsh remarks, Asabina labeled the ongoing secrecy a “national shame” for the South American nation, pointing out that the country’s state oil company has explicitly rejected requests to share the full text of the deal with the nation’s lawmaking body – even as elected officials are expected to extend political trust to the agreements struck behind closed doors.

    The parliamentary leader says that without access to the full contract, key details that matter deeply to the Surinamese public remain out of sight, including legally binding environmental protection clauses, frameworks for resolving commercial disputes, and critical fiscal terms that outline how much revenue the state will earn from the development of the offshore reserves. In particular, Asabina has raised pointed questions about the timeline of projected government tax revenues from the project. Under the terms of typical large-scale oil development deals, companies do not pay income tax until all upfront capital investments have been recouped and operational profits are generated.

    Given the extremely capital-intensive nature of offshore oil exploration and production, and the ability of firms to offset early operational losses against future tax obligations, Asabina warned that substantial tax revenues for the Surinamese government could be delayed for decades after production first begins, a timeline that would put immense strain on the country’s already stretched public finances.

    Asabina stressed that the National Assembly has an inalienable right to full disclosure of all agreements that the executive branch has negotiated on behalf of the Surinamese state and its people. He also recalled that government officials previously made a public promise to convene a special parliamentary committee to review all oil sector contracts, a commitment that has yet to be fulfilled. “As the elected representatives of the Surinamese people, we have a non-negotiable responsibility to know exactly what terms have been agreed to in the name of our entire society,” Asabina told the government in his address.

  • Medical Products Bill aims to strengthen drug safety, production

    Medical Products Bill aims to strengthen drug safety, production

    Barbados is taking a major step toward reshaping its national healthcare framework, as a transformative new piece of legislation targeting pharmaceutical regulation and supply chain security moves forward through the country’s Parliament. Titled the Barbados Medical Products Bill, the proposed law marks a historic milestone not just for its policy goals, but also for the procedural context in which it was introduced: it was piloted through its second reading in the House of Assembly by Health Minister Senator Lisa Cummins, marking the first time a sitting senator has appeared on the floor of the lower house of parliament following constitutional amendments ratified late last year.

    In her address to lawmakers, Minister Cummins framed the bill as a critical step toward establishing full medical products sovereignty for the Caribbean island, with public safety serving as the core priority. The primary risk the new regulations aim to address is the growing threat of counterfeit pharmaceuticals, which put public health at severe risk through untested ingredients and fraudulent claims of efficacy. Key to the new regulatory structure is Section 6 of the bill, which lays out formal requirements for the registration and marketing authorization of all medical products sold or distributed in Barbados.

    Minister Cummins emphasized that strong, centralized regulation is non-negotiable to protect Barbadians from substandard or fraudulent drugs that are often marketed with false claims about their ability to treat medical conditions. “One of the things that this legislation is meant to do is to protect this community by way of regulation from counterfeiting drugs and drugs that are marketed to do one thing but really are not doing what they’re said to do,” she told assembled lawmakers.

    The push for this new framework grew directly out of disruptions that hit the island during the COVID-19 pandemic, when global supply chain breakdowns and export restrictions left many small nations struggling to access critical medical supplies. Compounding those ongoing challenges are current global supply chain disruptions linked to rising international tensions, which have added new layers of uncertainty to global pharmaceutical trade. Currently, Barbados imports 47 percent of all pharmaceutical products consumed domestically, a level of dependence that left the country extremely vulnerable during recent crises.

    Minister Cummins described the confluence of pandemic-related disruptions, export bans, international supply chain breakdowns, and country-level hoarding of medical supplies as a “perfect storm” – but also a perfect opportunity to build long-term self-reliance. The bill aligns with Barbados’ broader national strategy to secure sovereignty across key strategic sectors, from energy and agriculture to food production, now extending that momentum to health and medical supplies. The goal, she stressed, is to ensure Barbados is never again fully reliant on the goodwill of foreign nations, a vulnerability laid bare during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic when many countries prioritized domestic access to critical supplies over exports.

    A core complementary initiative tied to the bill is the launch of Barbados Pharmaceutical Inc., a state-backed domestic pharmaceutical production company that will serve as a foundation to transform Barbados from a regional logistics hub into a full-fledged pharmaceutical, distribution, and regulatory hub for the Caribbean and broader global south. Minister Cummins revealed that the new facility is already working with key partners in Nigeria to build collaborative partnerships with pharmaceutical manufacturers across the African continent, opening new avenues for South-South cooperation in pharmaceutical production.

    The bill also formalizes the structure for a new Barbados Medical Products Regulatory Authority, which will operate under the legislation’s framework to oversee both domestic manufacturing and research and development activity carried out at the Barbados Living Lab, the country’s new pharmaceutical R&D facility. Minister Cummins simplified the authority’s role: just as the U.S. Food and Drug Administration provides trusted verification of pharmaceutical safety and efficacy for global markets, the new Barbadian regulator will fill that same role for domestic and regional production. Without a formal, robust regulatory framework, she noted, domestic manufacturing and international collaboration cannot expand.

    The legislation also draws heavily on existing regional regulatory frameworks across both the Caribbean and African regions, where leaders have prioritized expanding domestic pharmaceutical manufacturing and strengthening independent regulatory authorities. Under the new structure, the existing Barbados Drug Service will be separated from the new regulatory authority, which will take on full independent oversight of all medical products. The bill also incorporates formal requirements for pharmacovigilance, including systematic quality monitoring, processes for product recalls, and removal of unsafe products from the market.

    From the moment pharmaceutical products arrive at Barbados’ border, through customs clearance, import licensing, and final placement on retail shelves, multiple government agencies including Customs, the Department of Commerce, the new regulatory authority, and the Ministry of Health will collaborate to maintain extensive regulatory oversight and surveillance, with each institution holding clear defined responsibilities under the law.

    The procedural milestone of a senator presenting legislation to the House of Assembly follows the December 2023 ratification of amendments to the Constitution of Barbados, which explicitly allow sitting ministers from the Senate to attend sittings of the House of Assembly, and vice versa for ministers sitting in the lower house. The first cross-chamber ministerial appearance took place just last week, when two members of the House of Assembly – Criminal Justice Minister Michael Lashley and Attorney General Wilfred Abrahams – presented the Criminal Gangs (Prevention and Control) Bill for its second reading before the Senate.

  • Nepotism Allegations? Police CEO Says That’s Just “Noise in the Market”

    Nepotism Allegations? Police CEO Says That’s Just “Noise in the Market”

    Amid a growing wave of unaddressed nepotism allegations targeting Belize’s Minister of Home Affairs Oscar Mira, the top police chief has stepped forward to dismiss the controversy as unfounded public speculation. In an exclusive interview with local outlet News 5 on June 16, 2026, Rear Admiral Elton Bennett, Chief Executive Officer of the department, pushed back against claims that the scandal is undermining Mira’s ability to lead.

    Bennett emphasized that despite the swirling public discourse, Minister Mira has maintained unbroken focus on his official responsibilities, and the unsubstantiated claims have had no tangible impact on his leadership of the ministry. According to Bennett, all core operations across the Ministry of Home Affairs are running smoothly as planned, including critical functions of the Police Department and national forensic services. He also confirmed that regular communication and coordination between himself and the minister remain unchanged.

    When questioned about whether the nepotism claims could damage ongoing efforts to restore public trust in national law enforcement, Bennett rejected any link between the allegations and institutional integrity. “No, not at all,” he stated firmly. “I don’t see the connection, and I don’t see there is any question as it relates to trust and the integrity of the minister at all.”

    As of the publication of this report, Minister Mira has not offered any direct on-the-record response to repeated media requests for comment on the allegations. Prior to this, Mira only released a brief public statement via Facebook, labeling the nepotism claims as deliberate “lies and misinformation” aimed at discrediting his office.

  • Panton Calls Proposed $73M BEL Share Investment a “Bailout”

    Panton Calls Proposed $73M BEL Share Investment a “Bailout”

    A planned $73 million government investment into Belize Electricity Limited (BEL) has ignited sharp political debate in Belize, as the opposition lashes out at the proposal framing it as an underdisclosed bailout that will ultimately burden ordinary taxpayers.

    The initiative, put forward by Prime Minister John Briceño’s administration, asks for legislative approval to acquire just over 8.1 million newly issued shares of BEL at a price point of $9 per share. In defending the plan, Briceño has emphasized that the core goal of the investment is to reinforce national control over Belize’s critical electricity infrastructure, strengthening domestic ownership of the country’s core power supply network.

    But the proposal has quickly drawn fierce scrutiny from the country’s political opposition. Tracy Panton, leader of the United Democratic Party, is leading the charge against the plan, questioning both the source of the $73 million in funding and the ultimate impact on public finances. During a press briefing held by her party on June 16, 2026, Panton publicly labeled the share acquisition nothing more than a bailout for the state-linked power provider.

    Panton raised concerns specifically about whether the government intends to draw funds from Belize’s Social Security Board (SSB) to cover the cost of the purchase, a move she argues would put retirement and social welfare funds at risk. Ahead of a scheduled House of Representatives committee meeting set to discuss the proposal the following day, Panton warned she would immediately make the information public if there was any confirmation of SSB funds being tapped for the investment.

    The opposition leader also noted that while she had directly raised the funding question to a member of the ruling People’s United Party (PUP) during a visit to Belmopan, she did not receive a clear response. The ruling party member did, however, deny that SSB funds would be used for the share purchase.

    Despite that denial, Panton maintained her position that no matter what funding stream the government chooses to use, the full cost of the $73 million investment will eventually be passed on to the Belizean public. She added that while Belizeans would likely be far more open to supporting public spending on the power sector if it translated to lower monthly electricity bills or more reliable service, she remains deeply skeptical that the proposal will deliver any such tangible benefits for ordinary citizens.

    The upcoming House committee meeting is expected to be the first major legislative step for the proposal, where further details on funding and policy goals will likely be debated publicly.

  • LETTER TO THE EDITOR: Dominica Grammar School roof collapse, June 16

    LETTER TO THE EDITOR: Dominica Grammar School roof collapse, June 16

    It has been exactly one year since the catastrophic roof collapse at the under-construction Dominica Grammar School auditorium, yet Dominican government authorities have still not released any official explanation for the serious structural failure of a facility designed to hold 600 people, mostly students and faculty. The site of the incident, the collapsed roof debris has long been cleared away, but the remaining unfinished structure sits frozen in time like an empty graveyard, leaving passersby to only speculate about what exactly went wrong – and what devastating outcomes could have unfolded if the collapse had occurred while the building was occupied.

    For the island nation’s governing bodies, the incident appears to have been brushed off as a non-urgent matter. For much of the general public, the common dismissive attitude boils down to a fatalistic shrug: no lives were lost, so there is little cause to push for further action. Overall construction work on the wider school upgrade project has crawled forward at a glacial pace, despite public promises from both the Prime Minister and the Minister of Education that all construction would be fully completed in time for the September 2025 school reopening.

    Most troublingly, not a single individual or entity has been held responsible for the structural failure to date. The country’s Physical Planning Division, the contracted construction firm, project consultants, and the lead developer have all been allowed to step away from the incident without issuing even a basic public statement to the Dominican people, let alone to the student body that could have become victims of what would have been the worst disaster in the Commonwealth of Dominica’s modern history – a catastrophe only avoided by sheer chance, which many locals describe as divine intervention. Community advocates note that June 16, the anniversary of the collapse, should serve both as a day of remembrance for the near-tragedy and a reminder of the unanswered questions that remain unaddressed by the nation’s leadership.

  • DLP claims Ashma McDougall turned down UWP offer before accepting Roseau North candidacy

    DLP claims Ashma McDougall turned down UWP offer before accepting Roseau North candidacy

    Ahead of the hotly anticipated Roseau North parliamentary by-election, Dominica’s governing Dominica Labour Party (DLP) has made a striking announcement: its newly selected candidate Ashma McDougall was actively courted by the opposition United Workers Party (UWP) to run on their ticket before committing to the ruling party.

    The upcoming by-election was triggered after former Roseau North representative Miriam Blanchard stepped down from her post, leaving an open parliamentary seat that will be contested by voters in the coming weeks. In an official public statement released by the DLP’s Roseau North campaign team on June 16, 2026, the party confirmed that both of Dominica’s major political parties identified McDougall as their top prospective candidate for the constituency.

    According to the statement, UWP leadership reached out to McDougall first to invite her to stand as their nominee, framing her as a potential future leader who would bring significant strength to their political bloc. McDougall agreed to a meeting to hear the opposition’s proposal in full, but ultimately turned down the offer after a period of careful consideration, opting instead to run for the DLP.

    McDougall’s decision, the DLP explained, was rooted in her conviction that she could best deliver for Roseau North’s residents as part of the incumbent governing administration, which holds the institutional capacity to turn policy pledges into tangible results. The ruling party highlighted that the opposition’s own outreach to McDougall reveals a telling detail about their internal priorities: even UWP leaders were searching for a new face and a new direction for the Roseau North seat, long before the by-election was called. The DLP drew a direct contrast between McDougall and the UWP’s eventual nominee, three-time candidate Danny Lugay, arguing that the opposition’s attempt to recruit McDougall proves they themselves acknowledge the need for fresh leadership in the constituency, rather than repeating the same political approach that has failed to win in past elections.

    Both parties, the DLP emphasized, recognized the same strengths in McDougall: sharp intellect, proven leadership ability, strong credibility, unwavering discipline, a clear sense of purpose, contagious energy, and authentic ties to the communities that make up Roseau North, including Goodwill, St. Aroment, Pottersville, Gutter, Stock Farm, Yam Piece, Tarish Pit, Bellevue Rawle, Louisville and Morne Daniel. Where the parties differed was in McDougall’s own choice: she selected to align with progress over protest, development over division, and a governing party that has a track record of delivering critical public goods from affordable housing and upgraded infrastructure to expanded education and healthcare access.

    For the DLP, the 2026 Roseau North by-election is far more than a simple race between two individual candidates. The party has framed the contest as a clear choice between two competing visions: a forward-looking future led by new, broadly admired leadership, and a stagnant past defined by the same outdated political approaches. With voting set to take place in the coming weeks, the key question hanging over the contest is whether Dominica voters will back McDougall, the candidate both major parties sought out, and deliver a victory for the DLP’s vision of continued progress for Roseau North.

  • Afonsoewa: Begroting moet meer opleveren voor de burger

    Afonsoewa: Begroting moet meer opleveren voor de burger

    During ongoing parliamentary deliberations over the national government budget, Member of the National Assembly Silvana Afonsoewa of the NDP party has called for a rigorous, critical review of public spending, arguing that scrutiny must extend beyond total expenditure figures to verify that tax revenues actually reach their intended purposes.

    Afonsoewa drew legislators’ attention to the key fiscal projections laid out in the 2026 budget plan, which forecasts total government expenditures of 77.5 billion Surinamese dollars against projected revenues of just 64.6 billion Surinamese dollars. Under the current framework, this substantial deficit would once again be covered through new borrowing, a move that will only add further pressure to the country’s already strained national debt load. To address this structural challenge, the parliamentarian stressed that three core priorities remain non-negotiable: improving tax collection capacity, strengthening overall public financial management, and keeping national debt growth at a manageable level.

    She further noted that the vast majority of the 2026 budget is already allocated to fixed recurring costs, including public sector salaries, state subsidies, operational government expenses, and existing debt repayments. This leaves remarkably limited fiscal room for new infrastructure and social investments that would directly benefit the broader Surinamese public. In response, Afonsoewa has called on the sitting administration to publish clear, transparent targets outlining what outcomes it intends to deliver with the public funds at its disposal.

    As part of her address during the budget debate, Afonsoewa raised multiple targeted questions about specific line items in the proposal, seeking greater clarity on several high-priority spending areas. She pressed for details on how additional allocated funds for social welfare programs will be distributed on the ground, exactly what initiatives fall under the vague budget line labeled “special projects,” and which road and infrastructure projects are actually scheduled for completion this year.

    She also highlighted the long-running unresolved issue of traffic and infrastructure problems on Van ’t Hogerhuysstraat, pointing out that repeated explanations from relevant government agencies have done little to improve daily life for local residents, so long as the road itself remains unrepaired and congestion issues persist.

    Beyond infrastructure and social spending, the assembly member demanded transparency around budget allocations for school renovation and new construction projects, as well as updates on the implementation of previously announced education initiatives that have yet to break ground.

    Afonsoewa also voiced growing concerns over the management of public sports facilities across the country. She noted that the national government invests significant sums of public money into renovating and maintaining these venues, yet there is little public visibility into the revenue streams generated by facility operators. To resolve this gap in accountability, she called for strengthened oversight and mandatory public reporting for all funds related to sports venue management.

    In closing, Afonsoewa emphasized that the government must enforce far stricter oversight over both the collection and spending of all public funds. She concluded her address by reiterating her call for greater fiscal transparency, stronger control mechanisms, and more efficient public financial management – changes she says are critical to ensuring that taxpayer money actually delivers tangible benefits to national development and the Surinamese people.

  • Are Children Still Getting Through? TikTok Sued Again

    Are Children Still Getting Through? TikTok Sued Again

    In a fresh escalation of regulatory scrutiny on social media platforms’ handling of underage users, the U.S. state of Florida has launched a new lawsuit against ByteDance-owned TikTok, accusing the platform of violating state child protection laws by enabling children under 14 to create accounts and exposing young users to harmful violent and sexual content.

    The legal action was filed Tuesday by Florida’s Republican Attorney General James Uthmeier, who leveled sharp accusations that TikTok deliberately misled parents and sidelined child safety to prioritize corporate profit gains. “TikTok knowingly deceives parents and allows children to be exposed to harmful and inappropriate content in direct violation of Florida law,” Uthmeier outlined in an official statement accompanying the lawsuit. “We have zero tolerance for companies that prioritise profit over children’s safety.”

    At the core of the complaint is a demand for a court injunction to force TikTok to fully comply with Florida’s House Bill 3 (H.B. 3), a landmark child protection regulation for social media that took effect in January 2025. The statute explicitly bans social platforms from permitting users under the age of 14 to open personal accounts, and mandates verifiable parental consent for any account registration by users between 14 and 16 years old.

    TikTok has forcefully pushed back against the state’s allegations, pushing back on claims that it has failed to enforce child safety rules. A company spokesperson noted that the platform has already been in ongoing communication with Florida state officials over compliance issues, and had previously taken action to notify users under 14 that their accounts would be suspended for violating the platform’s age policies. “We are evaluating the state’s complaint and are prepared to defend our strong record on minor safety,” the spokesperson added.

    The Florida lawsuit is far from an isolated action: TikTok already faces coordinated legal challenges from more than 25 other U.S. state attorneys general, who argue the platform’s algorithm is intentionally designed to foster addiction among young users, and has contributed to the growing youth mental health crisis across the country.

    This latest case adds to a rapidly growing wave of legal pressure on large social media corporations across the United States, as state regulators move to enforce stricter child safety safeguards and force platforms to prove that protecting young users is prioritized above unbridled user growth and profit margins.

  • COMMENTARY: Democracy beyond antagonism and pernicious polarization – Rethinking political engagement in Dominica

    COMMENTARY: Democracy beyond antagonism and pernicious polarization – Rethinking political engagement in Dominica

    Recent back-to-back public meetings between senior leaders of the ruling Dominica Labour Party (DLP) and two long-time prominent figures from the main opposition United Workers Party (UWP) have sent shockwaves through Dominica’s political landscape. For many rank-and-file UWP supporters, the interaction has sparked anger, confusion, and a widespread sense of betrayal, with opposition-aligned media avoiding clear discussion of the encounters and grassroots activists expressing deep distress. Even among non-UWP supporters, the cross-partisan engagement has been met with quiet curiosity. Across the political spectrum, a common unspoken norm holds that sitting government officials and opposition representatives should avoid any substantive cooperation or public interaction, particularly between the DLP and UWP.

    What makes this norm particularly striking, however, is its inherent contradiction: many of the same voices that decry collaboration between incumbents and opposition figures simultaneously demand unity among all anti-government groups to unseat the ruling party. For these critics, cooperation is only legitimate when it targets the sitting government’s political standing and authority. This double standard is not just inconsistent — it is dangerous, anti-democratic, and fundamentally counterproductive to Dominica’s national development.

    This toxic worldview frames political disagreement as an eternal, zero-sum conflict that takes priority over the collective national good. Rooted in elite self-interest rather than public service, it treats political opponents as inherent enemies rather than competing actors with a shared stake in national progress. When any engagement across party lines is labeled betrayal, the nation deliberately locks out valuable perspectives, expertise, and human capital that could advance shared development goals, leaving critical potential resources untapped.

    This flawed logic stands in direct contradiction to the core purpose of democratic governance. Democracy was never designed to institutionalize permanent hostility; instead, it exists to manage political disagreement peacefully while enabling collective action for the common good. Leading contemporary research on political polarization confirms that an “us versus them” ideological framework systematically erodes democratic institutions. As political scientists Jennifer McCoy, Tahmina Rahman, and Murat Somer detail in their work on global democratic crisis, severe polarization reshapes ordinary political differences into conflicting, hostile identities, turning political competitors into existential enemies. In this poisoned environment, compromise becomes betrayal, open dialogue becomes a sign of weakness, and effective governance becomes nearly impossible. The end result, all too often, is democratic erosion, institutional gridlock, and plummeting public trust in government.

    These risks are exponentially higher for small island developing states like Dominica. Unlike large nations with large populations, deeply rooted democratic institutions, and vast domestic resource bases, small developing economies depend entirely on social cohesion, political stability, and efficient governance to thrive. Every skilled, capable citizen represents a critical national asset, regardless of their partisan affiliation. When political conflict is weaponized and prolonged, the nation voluntarily sidelines a portion of its most valuable human capital. Competence is replaced by political loyalty as a qualification for leadership, and collaborative opportunities are sacrificed on the altar of partisan rivalry.

    The Caribbean region is littered with cautionary examples of how extreme political antagonism derails long-term development. Across multiple Caribbean territories, election cycles are defined by hyper-partisan mobilization that leaves societies deeply divided years after votes are counted. Sitting governments drain massive political capital deflecting opposition attacks, while opposition parties devote nearly all their resources to undermining incumbents rather than contributing constructive solutions to national challenges. In this environment, sound public policy becomes the first casualty of political warfare. Long-term development plans are routinely scrapped when new parties take power, and infrastructure and social projects are evaluated based on which party proposed them, not on their inherent public value.

    Jamaica’s experience with extreme political tribalism in the 1970s and 1980s offers a particularly clear warning. Political competition grew so intense that entire communities were branded by their party allegiance, fueling deep social fragmentation and endemic political violence. The development costs were severe: pervasive political instability drove away foreign investment and eroded public confidence in state institutions. While Jamaica has since made major progress reducing political violence and strengthening democratic norms, its history stands as a stark reminder of how much damage entrenched political conflict can inflict on a society.

    Similarly, Guyana’s decades-long political crises illustrate how the toxic combination of ethnic and partisan polarization cripples governance and delays development for generations. When political competition is framed as a zero-sum battle for survival rather than a debate over competing policy ideas, public distrust deepens and national consensus becomes nearly impossible to achieve. Partisan political calculations consistently take priority over pressing national development needs.

    Scholarly research aligns with these on-the-ground Caribbean experiences: the most dangerous form of political conflict is not disagreement itself, but what researchers term “pernicious polarization” — a condition where society splits into mutually hostile camps that prioritize partisan victory over democratic norms, and increasingly distrust anyone outside their own group. In this context, opportunistic political leaders mobilize supporters through fear, resentment, and deliberate demonization of opponents. Over time, democratic institutions weaken as citizens come to value partisan success more than they value the foundational rules of democracy.

    This threat should command the attention of every Dominican. If every single interaction between members of opposing parties is labeled a betrayal, democracy itself is drained of its purpose. Healthy democratic systems need political competition to function, but they also depend on targeted cooperation to deliver progress. Some of the world’s most successful democracies have prospered precisely because political actors accept that while they may disagree on policy and approach, they share a common responsibility to advance the nation’s future.

    Across the globe, ruling governments and opposition parties routinely collaborate on core national priorities: national security, economic growth, disaster response, education reform, and constitutional updates, to name a few. This kind of cross-partisan cooperation does not eliminate political competition. Instead, it ensures that competition serves national development rather than undermining it.

    The damage of permanent political conflict extends far beyond institutional gridlock. Polarization also opens the door for anti-democratic actors to manipulate public anger and fear. When ordinary citizens come to see political opponents as existential enemies rather than fellow citizens, they are far more likely to support undemocratic actions targeting those rivals. Multiple studies confirm that highly polarized societies face a much higher risk of democratic backsliding, because leaders can justify attacks on independent institutions, restrictions on dissent, and erosion of democratic norms by framing opponents as a threat to national survival.

    For small developing states like Dominica, this risk is especially acute. Political instability deters foreign investment, weakens public confidence in institutions, and distracts leaders from addressing urgent national challenges: economic diversification, climate change adaptation, youth unemployment, education reform, healthcare expansion, and technological innovation. Like other Caribbean nations, Dominica faces steep development hurdles that demand national unity and collective effort. The climate crisis alone requires unprecedented cooperation between political parties, the private sector, civil society, and ordinary citizens. No single political party holds all the ideas, expertise, or resources needed to secure a prosperous future for the Dominican people.

    That is why a fundamental rethinking of how political engagement works in Dominica is long overdue. Dominicans must reject the harmful myth that permanent conflict is a sign of a healthy democracy. Democracy is at its strongest when disagreement coexists with mutual respect, trust in democratic institutions, and a shared commitment to national progress. Political leaders who reach across partisan lines to engage constructively should be celebrated, not condemned. Citizens should judge leaders not by how fiercely they attack their opponents, but by their ability to solve problems, build consensus, and deliver for the public good.

    Ultimately, ordinary Dominicans never benefit from permanent political conflict. The main winners are political elites and opportunists who profit from division, fear, and distrust. The rest of society pays the price: missed economic opportunities, weakened institutions, delayed development, and a weaker, less representative democracy. Dominica’s future prosperity does not depend on one political camp permanently defeating another. It depends on all citizens recognizing that national development is a shared project that requires buy-in from every part of society.

    The defining political question for Dominica today is not how to intensify and weaponize political differences, but how to turn political competition into a productive force that drives national progress. By rejecting the weaponization of political disagreement, encouraging open dialogue across partisan lines, and prioritizing national development over narrow partisan interests, Dominica can strengthen its democracy and boost its prospects for shared prosperity. The nation faces a clear choice: a politics of permanent antagonism, or a politics of constructive engagement. Regional history, peer-reviewed scholarship, and decades of Caribbean experience all confirm that only the second path can deliver sustainable development and full democratic maturity for the Dominican people.

  • Iran verdeeld over akkoord met de VS: hardliners versus gematigden

    Iran verdeeld over akkoord met de VS: hardliners versus gematigden

    After months of grueling, high-stakes negotiations, the United States and Iran have finalized a memorandum of understanding set to be signed this Friday in Switzerland. Yet even as the diplomatic milestone approaches, deep unresolved differences and fierce internal rifts within Iran’s political establishment leave the future of the deal far from certain, with experts warning frictions will almost certainly emerge during implementation in the coming months.

    At the center of the uncertainty is Iran’s new Supreme Leader, who succeeded his father, the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, after Khamenei was assassinated in a February airstrike that also left the new leader wounded. Since taking office, the new Supreme Leader has made almost no public appearances, releasing only rare written statements, and has yet to take an explicit public stance on the agreement with the US. His public comments have so far focused exclusively on two non-negotiable priorities: maintaining Iranian control over the strategic Strait of Hormuz, and protecting the country’s nuclear and missile programs as inalienable national assets.

    This silence has sparked widespread speculation and competing interpretations across Iran’s political landscape. Keyhan, the ultraconservative newspaper whose editor-in-chief was originally appointed by the late Khamenei, argues the new leader’s deliberate refusal to address the nuclear file is a signal that Iran considers the dossier closed, and sees no need for further negotiation — even as the US and Israel launched their recent military campaign explicitly aimed at curbing Iran’s nuclear ambitions. The publication has issued a stark warning, noting “We stand at a critical juncture in West Asian history; there is no room for weakness or error, and no one must cross the Supreme Leader’s red lines.”

    Remaining senior leaders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), which lost dozens of top officers in the recent conflict, have emerged as key power brokers shaping the negotiations with Washington. IRGC chief General Ahmad Vahidi and other senior commanders have repeatedly stated they are prepared to resume military operations if necessary, but have declined to comment on the fine print of the draft agreement. Having invested decades and billions of dollars building Iran’s regional “axis of resistance” network of allied militias, IRGC leaders insist Tehran will never abandon its allies, most notably Lebanon’s Hezbollah, and that any final agreement must protect these groups from Israeli aggression.

    Esmail Qaani, commander of the IRGC Quds Force which oversees the axis of resistance, made his first public appearance in months Monday evening to address the agreement. Qaani claimed the Bab al-Mandeb Strait is fully controlled by Hezbollah, Yemen’s Houthi movement and other resistance groups, and reaffirmed Iran’s threat to close the critical waterway if hostilities resume. He also explicitly offered public support to Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and other members of Iran’s negotiating team, who have faced fierce backlash from hardline factions for striking a deal with the US.

    Ghalibaf, currently Iran’s parliamentary speaker and a former senior IRGC commander, is widely viewed as a pragmatic conservative who backs the agreement. In a rare address on state television following April’s ceasefire, Ghalibaf acknowledged that the US and Israel hold overwhelming military superiority over Iran, meaning they cannot be defeated through open conflict, but argued that a favorable agreement is achievable if Iran can secure gains on the battlefield. Even IRGC General Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, secretary of Iran’s Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), who previously insisted Tehran would not make concessions, ultimately oversaw the SNSC’s public ratification of the draft deal with Washington.

    Hardline factions within Iran’s establishment remain fiercely opposed to the agreement, which they dismiss as a capitulation to US President Donald Trump, whom they hold directly responsible for the assassination of former Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and Quds Force commander Qassem Soleimani in 2020. Hardliners demand Tehran refuse to make any major concessions on its nuclear program, maintain full control of the Strait of Hormuz, impose shipping tolls on foreign vessels passing through the waterway, and force all US troops out of the Middle East.

    The faction includes dozens of hardline parliamentarians and members of the Paydari Front, led by Saeed Jalili, Khamenei’s personal representative to the SNSC and a veteran negotiator who has overseen multiple failed rounds of talks with the West. Jalili is one of the most prominent opponents of the current deal, and unconfirmed rumors have circulated that he was removed from his post shortly before the agreement was announced. Alongside Keyhan, IRGC-aligned media outlets including Tasnim News Agency, Fars News and Mehr News have all pushed a hardline anti-US narrative and criticized the draft deal.

    By contrast, Iran’s civilian government led by moderate President Masoud Pezeshkian, who supports the agreement, has seen its political power erode significantly in recent years as hardliners outside the government have consolidated control. Pezeshkian, who still serves as chairman of the SNSC, argued last week in Tehran that Iran must end the damaging status quo of “no war, no peace” with the United States. He has appointed several key ministers who back a negotiated solution that protects Iranian interests, most notably through the full lifting of crippling Western sanctions.

    Reformists and moderate figures, including former presidents Hassan Rouhani and Mohammad Khatami and former foreign minister Javad Zarif, have been largely sidelined from power in recent years, but they remain vocal supporters of the negotiating process. They back a deal to end hostilities and open up Iran’s struggling economy to prevent a total economic collapse. Following the announcement of the draft memorandum, Khatami called for national unity, saying “Now is the time for unity among all Iranians — both supporters and opponents of the system — to support the negotiations and negotiators, and work toward an agreement that brings lasting peace and a life free from fear and war.”

    Even as preparations for Friday’s signing move forward in Switzerland, the competing visions and deep divisions within Iran’s political elite mean the path ahead for the agreement remains rocky, with multiple potential roadblocks that could derail implementation long after the ceremonial signing.