分类: politics

  • Government advances fair land transition for farmers and future homeowners

    Government advances fair land transition for farmers and future homeowners

    BASSETERRE, Saint Kitts – In a deliberate push to reconcile national development goals with the protection of vulnerable livelihoods, the Government of the Federation of Saint Kitts and Nevis has launched a compassionate, fair land transition process that aims to support relocating agricultural workers while unlocking long-awaited homeownership opportunities for hundreds of waiting citizens.

    The initiative, which reallocates land zoned for residential development away from current agricultural use, has been structured from its inception around a people-centred approach, Sustainable Development Minister Joyelle Clarke outlined in a recent address to Parliament on March 31. Clarke, who also holds portfolios for Environment, Climate Action and Constituency Empowerment, stressed that the administration has rejected rushed, uncompromising relocation that would leave farmers without critical support, while still upholding the property rights of citizens who have already paid for their residential land plots.

    According to Clarke, the Ministry of Sustainable Development has proactively engaged with all farmers occupying land marked for development through standardized, transparent outreach since July 2025, working to address concerns and identify solutions collaboratively. The process is already underway across three high-priority zones: Racecourse in Newton Ground, Cabbage Tree in Cayon, and Lemon Hill in Molineaux. In each site, government teams have worked one-on-one with affected farmers to craft tailored solutions, ranging from identifying suitable replacement agricultural land to providing ongoing agricultural support that preserves income stability. In at least one confirmed case, new land has already been secured for a transitioning farmer, ensuring they can continue their work without prolonged disruption to their livelihood.

    The transition initiative also addresses a years-long backlog for aspiring homeowners across the federation. More than 400 individuals and families have already completed payments for their allocated residential land, and have been waiting to begin construction on their homes. The government’s structured transition clears the way for these families to move forward with their long-planned property investments, expanding access to housing for local citizens as part of the administration’s broader development agenda.

    Clarke emphasized that the cross-ministerial collaboration between the Ministry of Sustainable Development and the Ministry of Agriculture underlying the process underscores the government’s core commitment to inclusive growth. “We are engaging the farmers to ensure we are not disrupting their livelihoods, but we are also allowing the almost 400 plus persons who have paid for their land… to move on to be homeowners,” Clarke explained, noting that the federation’s development progress will not leave any community behind.

    This press release was originally issued by the St. Kitts and Nevis Information Service (SKNIS) and distributed Tuesday, April 7, 2026.

  • Jomo explains why gov’t can’t ‘settle’ case against Adriana King

    Jomo explains why gov’t can’t ‘settle’ case against Adriana King

    Prominent defense attorney Jomo Thomas has recently cleared up widespread public confusion over why the newly inaugurated Godwin Friday-led New Democratic Party administration cannot unilaterally resolve the pending criminal case against well-known educator and activist Adriana King — a question that emerged after the government greenlit a civil settlement for the family of 18-year-old motorcyclist Cjea Weekes, who died in a 2022 police pursuit crash.

    Thomas, whose legal chambers have a long track record of winning high-profile suits against the previous Ralph Gonsalves administration, first announced the settlement of the Weekes case last month during his regular weekday “Plain Talk” segment on local radio station Boom FM. The agreement came just one day before the civil trial was set to begin, a move the lawyer praised for sparing the teen’s family additional emotional strain from a public court proceeding. He also highlighted that the settlement, authorized by Attorney General Louise Mitchell on Prime Minister Friday’s instruction, marked a break from the previous Gonsalves government’s years-long refusal to settle the suit, even noting that Weekes’ mother worked at Gonsalves’ official residence at the time of her son’s death.

    Following the public announcement, the news of the settlement, first reported by iWitness News, sparked intense debate across local social media platforms, with many listeners and readers asking why the Friday administration would not extend the same resolution to King’s case. King faces criminal charges stemming from allegations she intended to block then-Prime Minister Gonsalves from accessing Parliament on August 5, 2021.

    In his recent public address on the topic, Thomas emphasized that the core difference between the two matters lies in their legal classification: the Weekes dispute was a civil wrongful death claim against the government, while King’s case is a criminal prosecution. This legal distinction changes which government body has the authority to end the proceeding, he explained.

    To contextualize the comparison, Thomas noted that civil cases, such as the Weekes suit, center on claims for financial compensation for damages, and the sitting government, through the Attorney General, has the authority to reach a settlement to resolve the claim. Criminal cases, by contrast, are brought by the state to punish unlawful conduct, and can result in prison time, suspended sentences, or permanent criminal records for convicted defendants. Only the constitutionally independent Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) has the authority to dismiss criminal charges, Thomas explained, adding that the Prime Minister and Attorney General have no power to direct the DPP to drop a case, even if they wished to do so.

    Thomas went on to share his personal assessment of King’s case, arguing that when applying the two core tests the DPP uses to evaluate criminal charges — the sufficiency of evidence test and the public interest test — the case against King fails on both counts. “I don’t think there’s a public interest in that case, I don’t think there’s sufficient evidence to support the charge against Miss King,” he stated.

    A timeline of King’s case shows that the charges were initially dismissed in May 2024, when Magistrate John Ballah ruled that pursuing the charge amounted to an abuse of process. However, then-DPP Sejilla McDowall filed an appeal against the dismissal, and the appeal has not yet been scheduled for a hearing.

    Thomas stressed that the DPP’s office is a constitutionally independent branch of government, so Prime Minister Friday cannot legally order the DPP to abandon the appeal. While he acknowledged that a sitting prime minister or attorney general may choose to privately communicate their position on a case to the DPP, they have no authority to force a specific outcome. “I think that we have to understand these things when we are having these conversations. Otherwise, we confuse and conflate issues, and we confuse a criminal case for a civil case,” he said.

    Thomas also pushed back against public questions over why the Weekes case was settled civilly but no criminal charges were ever filed against the police officers involved in the pursuit that led to Weekes’ death. Weekes was killed in February 2022, when he crashed his motorcycle on Twenty Hill during a high-speed police chase that began in Questelles, just over a mile from the crash site. A coroner’s inquest ruled Weekes’ death a misadventure, and McDowall previously concluded there was no basis for criminal liability. Thomas confirmed that he has formally asked current acting DPP Duane Daniel to re-examine the evidence in the case to reconsider pursuing criminal charges against the involved officers, a position he has maintained despite the previous findings.

    To correct another common misconception that only the current Friday administration settles civil claims against the government, Thomas added that the previous Gonsalves administration also greenlit settlements in other high-profile police brutality cases, including the 2008 beating of 15-year-old Jemark Jackson, who was left in a coma by officers at the Kingstown Criminal Investigation Department.

  • Kamla firm on Barnett

    Kamla firm on Barnett

    A growing procedural dispute within the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) has taken center stage, as Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar of Trinidad and Tobago has doubled down on demands for full transparency surrounding the controversial reappointment of Secretary-General Dr. Carla Barnett.

    In a public statement shared to Facebook on Monday, Persad-Bissessar condemned the reappointment process as “surreptitious and odious”, and made clear her administration would not back down from challenging the outcome until the matter is addressed with full openness. While Trinidad and Tobago, CARICOM’s single largest budget contributor, remains fully committed to the regional bloc, the prime minister warned that her government would offer “no quarter” to the organization and its secretariat until procedural fairness is restored.

    Far from being an ordinary bureaucratic appointment, Persad-Bissessar emphasized the five-year term of the secretary-general carries sweeping long-term consequences for Trinidad and Tobago, touching core national priorities including economic trajectory, domestic security, regional integration efforts, and foreign policy direction. “In the interest of my citizens’ well-being, I will mercilessly, relentlessly, and if needed, ruthlessly publicly prosecute this matter until transparency is achieved,” she said.

    The row dates back to the 50th Regular Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government hosted by St. Kitts and Nevis, where Dr. Barnett’s second term, set to begin in August 2026, was approved. Per the Trinidad and Tobago government’s account, the reappointment was never added to the meeting’s official provisional agenda, never debated or voted on during the public plenary session, and was only addressed during a closed-door heads of government retreat from which Trinidad and Tobago and other member states were barred from sending their authorized representatives.

    Trinidad and Tobago argues the process directly violates Article 24 of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas, the foundational legal framework of CARICOM, which requires the full Conference of Heads of Government to formally consider and approve all secretary-general appointments. In legal terms, the government maintains the reappointment is ultra vires, or outside the legal bounds of the treaty.

    Official objections have been moving forward for months: On March 25, 2026, Foreign and CARICOM Affairs Minister Sean Sobers formally submitted Trinidad and Tobago’s objection in an official letter to CARICOM Chair Dr. Terrance Drew. Two days later, Sobers reaffirmed the position on the floor of Trinidad and Tobago’s parliament. On March 31, the government sent two additional formal requests for clarification: one addressed to Drew and Barnett, asking for full details on when the item was added to meeting materials, what communications were sent to member states, whether post-meeting notifications were issued after the joint closing communiqué, and why the matter was treated as confidential. A separate request was sent by the Foreign Ministry’s permanent secretary to the Chef-de-Cabinet of the Secretary-General’s Office, seeking all relevant documentation related to the process.

    As of Persad-Bissessar’s latest statement, no response has been received from CARICOM leadership. The prime minister noted that past reappointments, including the 2016 selection, followed long-established, inclusive procedures that incorporated input from all heads of government, and the current process falls far short of CARICOM’s own written rules of procedure. “The people of Trinidad and Tobago who finance 22% of CARICOM’s budget deserve transparency, accountability, and faithful adherence to agreed rules,” she said.

    Addressing parliament last month, Minister Sobers expanded on the government’s position, arguing that the furtive process has already caused “irreparable harm” to the regional bloc, noting that Trinidad and Tobago was completely sidelined from the decision. He commended Persad-Bissessar for openly raising concerns about institutional shortcomings during the February CARICOM heads meeting, saying he hoped other regional and global leaders would show similar courage to address procedural gaps openly.

    Sobers stressed that all CARICOM citizens are owed confidence in the institution’s governance, which can only exist if all actions align with the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas. As the bloc’s largest annual contributor, he added, Trinidad and Tobago is owed the basic respect of inclusive, rule-following process. The government has proposed placing the reappointment dispute on the official agenda for the next CARICOM Heads of Government meeting, scheduled to take place July 5-8 in St. Lucia.

    Despite the standoff, Sobers reaffirmed that Trinidad and Tobago remains committed to reforming and revitalizing CARICOM and its secretariat to ensure the institution meets the needs of the entire region. The government recognizes the critical importance of the CARICOM single market to private sector growth across the bloc, he noted, pointing out that Trinidad and Tobago is both the largest importer and largest exporter of goods within CARICOM. At its core, the dispute is a defense of national interests and institutional integrity, not a rejection of regional cooperation: “We are a country that abides by the rules of CARICOM. We conduct our business with transparency and accountability, and we expect the same for all within the community,” Sobers said. He also outlined the scale of Trinidad and Tobago’s annual contributions to core CARICOM institutions, including $35.5 million to the CARICOM Secretariat, $25 million to the CARICOM Development Fund, $1.4 million to the Caribbean Disaster Emergency Management Agency, $16.1 million to CARICOM IMPACS, $10.3 million to the Caribbean Examinations Council, $14 million to the Caribbean Public Health Agency (CARPHA), $23.3 million to the Caribbean Industrial Research Institute, and $1.3 million to the CARICOM Competition Commission.

  • Gary: ‘Begging’ won’t help

    Gary: ‘Begging’ won’t help

    A former top Trinidadian law enforcement official has pushed back against recent calls for public cooperation with police, arguing that meaningful public support can only be earned through structured institutional reform, enhanced accountability, and updated operational practices — not by simply begging citizens to step forward.

    Gary Griffith, who previously served as Commissioner of Police, made his remarks in response to recent comments from Homeland Security Minister Roger Alexander. During a recent media interview, Alexander urged members of the public to share actionable intelligence with police to help combat the country’s persistent crime challenges. In a public statement posted to his Facebook page yesterday, Griffith acknowledged that Alexander’s call for greater public collaboration is a reasonable starting point, but stressed that urging citizens to participate without addressing systemic barriers will not deliver the crime-fighting results the government is seeking.

    Griffith explained that law-abiding residents are extremely reluctant to change their long-standing patterns of behavior and share sensitive information with authorities, especially when widespread concerns about personal safety and institutional trust remain unaddressed. While he affirmed that human intelligence is the single most critical asset in effective crime fighting — with ordinary residents often holding key details that can solve or prevent serious offenses — he noted that robust protective mechanisms must be in place to allow people to come forward without fear of violent retaliation from criminal groups.

    To illustrate his point, Griffith pointed to a series of public engagement initiatives rolled out during his tenure as police commissioner that were designed to lower barriers to reporting. These included open direct communication channels between residents and senior police leadership, a dedicated police mobile app, and secure online incident reporting systems that allowed people to share information without exposing their identity or requiring an in-person visit to a local police station. He also highlighted the former Gender-Based Violence Unit, which deployed specially trained officers to take reports from survivors in their own homes, a model that directly addressed concerns about confidentiality and sensitivity and drove measurable increases in reporting rates. Griffith claimed that the rollback or elimination of these successful programs has directly contributed to a sharp drop in public engagement with law enforcement.

    Beyond accessible reporting systems, Griffith emphasized that internal accountability within the Police Service is non-negotiable for rebuilding public trust. For the public to actively cooperate, he said, residents must have full confidence that officer misconduct will be investigated and addressed promptly, and that all policing activities are carried out to professional, service-first standards. He again referenced reforms implemented during his tenure, including the rollout of body-worn cameras for patrol officers, mandatory polygraph testing for new and serving personnel, and specialized ethics and community engagement training — measures he said significantly boosted transparency and public confidence. Griffith expressed deep concern that these systems are no longer fully operational or consistently enforced under current leadership.

    Griffith also criticized current policing strategy, calling out the continued heavy reliance on roadblocks as a primary enforcement tool. He argued that this approach represents an outdated, reactive model of policing that does not align with the intelligence-led best practices used by effective law enforcement agencies across the globe. By contrast, he noted, the proactive traffic management and sustained community engagement strategies his administration implemented helped build far higher levels of public trust and voluntary cooperation.

    The former commissioner concluded that eroding public confidence does not just harm citizens — it also damages police morale, as reduced trust cuts off the flow of actionable intelligence officers need to do their jobs safely and effectively. He stressed that improving police-public relations requires deep institutional change, including policies that prioritize accountability, protect civilian informants, and embed consistent professionalism across all ranks. While Griffith said he fully supports the goal of greater public cooperation to fight crime, he made clear that this outcome can only be achieved after the government implements systemic changes that directly address the public’s core concerns and rebuild confidence in law enforcement.

  • Government Opens Doors for Engineers as Road and Infrastructure Works Expand

    Government Opens Doors for Engineers as Road and Infrastructure Works Expand

    Antigua and Barbuda’s Prime Minister Gaston Browne has announced an ambitious national initiative to deliver sweeping upgrades to the country’s aging road network, with a clear timeline of 12 to 18 months for substantial progress. Speaking during an appearance on the *Browne and Browne Show* aired on local outlet Pointe FM, the nation’s leader confirmed that the administration has already locked in more than $100 million in committed funding to advance construction and rehabilitation work across communities island-wide.

    In a departure from past contracting models, Browne confirmed that the government has made a strategic policy shift to assign major infrastructure projects directly to the country’s Public Works Department (PWD), rather than relying exclusively on external private contractors. The prime minister highlighted that this in-house approach will cut unnecessary administrative and contracting costs, delivering better overall value for public spending on the program. “They’ll be able to do it far cheaper, and I think we’ll get better value for money,” Browne told listeners during the radio interview.

    To equip PWD to take on the expanded workload, the government is implementing a series of structural upgrades to the department, including targeted recruitment of additional professional engineers and skilled construction workers. Browne added that salary adjustments are also being rolled out to make positions more competitive, enabling the department to attract higher-caliber skilled personnel to support the accelerated work schedule.

    Browne expressed strong confidence that the expanded capacity of PWD will allow the government to tackle decades-long road infrastructure challenges that have long impacted communities across the country. “We believe that well-equipped Public Works will be able to resolve the country’s infrastructure [gap] maybe within the next 12 to 18 months,” he said.

    While he acknowledged that the scope of work means it is impossible to rehabilitate every deficient road across the nation at the same time, Browne emphasized that the current pace and scale of the initiative mark a fundamental change from how road projects have been managed in the past. He noted that visible, rapid improvements are already visible across many parts of the island, and asserted that the entire program remains fully under government control. “We can’t fix all the roads at the same time… but we have it under control,” he added.

    Notably, the prime minister made clear that the road improvement program will continue moving forward regardless of the outcome of the country’s upcoming general election. He warned against any actions that could disrupt the current momentum in infrastructure development, framing the project as a national priority that should transcend electoral politics.

    In recent months, the Browne administration has steadily ramped up road construction activity, with active projects underway in multiple communities as part of a broader national push to modernize Antigua and Barbuda’s core public infrastructure.

  • UPP to launch election campaign on April 12

    UPP to launch election campaign on April 12

    A major political party has formally announced that it will officially launch its electoral campaign for the upcoming election cycle on April 12. The United People’s Party (UPP), which has spent weeks behind the scenes preparing policy documents, recruiting candidates, and organizing grassroots outreach across key constituencies, has locked in this date to mark the public start of its push for voter support.

    Political observers note that the announcement of a firm campaign launch date comes as the region enters a critical phase of electoral preparation, with other major parties also expected to unveil their official campaign timelines in the coming weeks. UPP insiders have shared that the launch event will be held at the party’s national headquarters, with additional satellite events organized in major regional hubs to allow local candidates and supporters to participate simultaneously.

    The event is expected to feature the launch of the party’s official election manifesto, which outlines its policy priorities across key voter concerns including economic growth, healthcare access, educational reform, and infrastructure development. Party leaders are also scheduled to deliver keynote addresses laying out their vision for the coming term, should the party win a majority of seats in the upcoming national election.

  • Jamaica rejects St Kitts’ claim of first legal recognition of Rastafari

    Jamaica rejects St Kitts’ claim of first legal recognition of Rastafari

    In a dispute over regional policy milestones, the Jamaican government has publicly pushed back against St Kitts and Nevis’ recent claim to be the first Caribbean country to formally enshrine legal recognition for the Rastafarian faith, asserting that Jamaica has embedded protections for the religion in its constitutional and parliamentary frameworks for more than a decade.

    The debate emerged after St Kitts and Nevis Prime Minister Dr. Terrance Drew announced his administration’s historic legislative move to grant official legal status to Rastafari earlier this month. Speaking on the floor of St Kitts and Nevis’ parliament, Drew emphasized that Rastafarianism is deeply woven into the cultural fabric of the federation, noting that most residents have personal connections to members of the Rastafarian community. “When you look around St Kitts and Nevis, everybody knows somebody who is a Rasta. My mother is a Rasta, and I can bet everybody in here almost has some family member, if not close, distant, who is Rastafarian in their family,” Drew said. He added that the new step guarantees the Rastafarian community equal access to all the rights and protections outlined in the country’s constitution, matching those afforded to followers of every other faith.

    Jamaica’s Culture Minister Olivia Grange pushed back on the “first-in-the-region” claim during an interview with *The Gleaner*, held on the sidelines of memorial events marking the 63rd anniversary of the 1963 Coral Gardens Incident – a defining historical moment marked by widespread state persecution of Rastafarians in Jamaica. Grange stressed that Jamaica has long held Rastafari as a legitimate religion under its existing legal structure.

    “Jamaica, in our Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms, we recognise all religions, and we have always identified Rastafari as a religion,” Grange stated. Enacted in 2011, Jamaica’s Charter of Fundamental Rights and Freedoms explicitly protects freedom of conscience, religion, and worship for all faiths. While the document does not name specific religions individually, Section 13(3)(b) guarantees equal legal protection to every religious tradition practiced within the country’s borders, including Rastafari, Christianity, Islam, and Judaism.

    Beyond the broad constitutional protections, Jamaica has also put in place targeted legal accommodations unique to Rastafarian practice. 2015 amendments to the country’s Dangerous Drugs Act carved out a legal exception allowing Rastafarians to use cannabis – commonly referred to as ganja – for religious and sacramental purposes, a core ritual for many followers of the faith.

    Grange also pointed to parliamentary and administrative recognition of Rastafarian institutions as further proof of the religion’s longstanding legal status in Jamaica. Multiple Rastafarian church organizations have received formal registration through private members’ parliamentary motions, she explained, while key community groups have been incorporated as official benevolent societies, granting them all the legal benefits and standing of any other registered non-profit or religious organization. A prominent example is the Rastafari Coral Gardens Benevolent Society, founded by survivors of the 1963 Coral Gardens crackdown as a hub for community organizing and advocacy. Today, the organization stands as a symbol of the Rastafarian community’s resilience in the face of historical injustice.

    Jamaica is home to all the major branches of global Rastafarianism, including the Nyabinghi Order, a tradition known for its ceremonial drumming and historic emphasis on African repatriation; the Bobo Ashanti, founded by Prince Emmanuel Charles Edwards and distinguished by its intentional communal living; the Twelve Tribes of Israel; and the Church of Haile Selassie I.

    While Grange emphasized Jamaica’s longstanding leadership in Rastafari recognition and advancing reparatory justice for the community, she welcomed the step taken by St Kitts and Nevis. “I am happy to see what St Kitts has done, … [but] Jamaica has led the way in these areas,” she said.

    The public discussion comes as Jamaica continues ongoing work to address historical injustices against the Rastafarian community, including formal apologies and restitution efforts tied to the 1963 Coral Gardens Incident, where scores of Rastafarians were detained, brutalized, and displaced in a state-led crackdown.

  • Judicial firmness against sabotage of the Cuban Energy Program

    Judicial firmness against sabotage of the Cuban Energy Program

    Against the backdrop of a steadily intensifying illegal economic, financial and energy blockade imposed by the United States, Cuba’s government and national institutions have poured unprecedented effort into expanding a national energy program designed to secure consistent electricity access for all citizens. As a fundamental public service, reliable power is enshrined as a basic right of the Cuban people, serving as a cornerstone of public well-being and a non-negotiable requirement for the continued functioning of the country’s economy amid external pressure.

    Even as the nation grapples with the crippling effects of this economic war and widespread fuel shortages, however, a troubling wave of criminal activity has emerged: unscrupulous actors have targeted critical energy infrastructure, stealing components, parts, full equipment units, fuel, dielectric oil and other materials from photovoltaic parks, solar panel arrays, power generators and other energy generation facilities. These targeted thefts do not merely disrupt local operations — they undermine the entire Cuban National Electrical System and put at risk the full government strategy crafted to soften the severe social and economic damage caused by the U.S. blockade.

    Under Cuban law, these damaging acts are explicitly classified as the crime of sabotage, as laid out in Article 125 of Law No. 151, the 2022 Cuban Penal Code. The statute outlines that any individual who destroys, alters, damages or compromises critical infrastructure including energy generation facilities, energy transmission systems and related resources — either with the explicit intent to disrupt normal operations, or with full knowledge that their actions will cause such disruption — faces a prison sentence ranging from seven to 15 years. For aggravated circumstances, the penalty increases dramatically: if the act results in serious injury or death, involves explosive, chemical or biological agents, endangers collective public safety, causes severe widespread disruption, or targets reserved strategic material reserves, sentences can range from 10 to 30 years in prison, up to life imprisonment or the death penalty.

    To formalize this legal interpretation and reinforce the severity of these crimes, the Governing Council of Cuba’s Supreme People’s Court issued Opinion No. 475 in May 2025, exercising its constitutional authority granted under Article 148 of the Cuban Constitution and Article 29 of Law No. 140 on the Administration of Justice. The opinion reaffirms that all unlawful acts targeting the country’s critical infrastructure, particularly the national electrical power system, meet the legal definition of sabotage. This classification is designed to protect the function of public assets, preserve the security and stability of Cuban state institutions, maintain domestic public order, and safeguard national priority programs such as the ongoing energy expansion initiative.

    Cuban penal code further outlines additional aggravating factors that can increase penalties for these offenses, per Article 80. These include participation in the criminal act as part of a group of three or more people, involving minors under the age of 18 in the crime, using methods that put the general public at risk, committing the theft under cover of night, acting for personal financial profit, and committing the offense while impaired by alcohol or illicit drugs if the offender intentionally impaired themselves to carry out the crime. Additionally, Article 89, Paragraph 2 of the Penal Code requires that convicted offenders must serve at least two-thirds of their total prison sentence before they become eligible for any parole consideration.

    Cuban provincial courts, which administer justice on behalf of the Cuban people in compliance with all due process guarantees enshrined in Articles 94 and 95 of the national constitution, have already moved to enforce these penalties with the full rigor the offenses demand, given the extreme harm these crimes cause to Cuban society. Data confirms that between January 2025 and the end of the first quarter of 2026, the State Security Crimes Chambers of Cuban Provincial People’s Courts imposed prison sentences of more than 10 years on 100 percent of all defendants convicted of these sabotage offenses. In addition to lengthy prison terms, convicted offenders also face additional penalties including restrictions on movement, property confiscation, travel bans, and court orders to pay full civil damages for the losses their crimes caused.

  • An exercise in listening, evaluation, and correction

    An exercise in listening, evaluation, and correction

    Cuba has officially released its updated 2026 Government Economic and Social Program, a refined policy framework shaped by months of public input from over two million citizens across the country. The new iteration introduces substantial, people-centered adjustments to five core priority areas that directly impact daily household life: macroeconomic governance, foreign revenue generation, domestic food production, the national business system, and energy sovereignty, built around a more pragmatic, integrated approach to national development.

    This 2026 version marks the latest evolution of Cuba’s ongoing economic planning process, launched to guide the country toward sustained, inclusive growth. The initiative traces its roots back to 2024, when the government first unveiled a set of economic projections designed to correct longstanding market distortions and jumpstart post-recession recovery, anchored by eight core foundational objectives. In October 2025, the framework was formalized into a full government program, expanding to 10 general objectives, 106 specific targets, 342 actionable initiatives, and 264 performance metrics. Following the nationwide public consultation period, the 2026 update further expands the framework, now containing 10 general objectives, 111 specific targets, 505 distinct actions, and 309 measurable indicators and benchmarks.

    The program’s 10 overarching general objectives lay out a comprehensive roadmap for national progress: fostering a macroeconomic environment that empowers productive activity and boosts foreign exchange earnings; expanding and diversifying the country’s international revenue streams; growing domestic production with a focused priority on food security; transforming, modernizing, and expanding the Cuban business system while strengthening the role of socialist state-owned enterprises through cross-sector integration; advancing improved strategic management for balanced territorial development; enhancing governance, defense, and national security frameworks; consolidating and expanding equitable social policies that guarantee protection for vulnerable individuals, families, households, and communities; rolling out targeted directives to prevent and reduce crime, corruption, illicit activity, and social indiscipline; accelerating recovery of the national electrical system and advancing long-term energy sovereignty; and leveraging science, innovation, natural resource stewardship, social communication, and digital transformation to drive sustainable development.

    Of these 10 core objectives, five stand out for their direct, immediate impact on the daily lives of Cuban families, and the 2026 update brings meaningful shifts to how each will be implemented. For macroeconomic policy, the program’s framing has shifted from top-down “program implementation” to “enabling favorable conditions”—a deliberate adjustment from 2025’s focus on executing a rigid central plan. The new approach recognizes that macroeconomic stability cannot be mandated by decree; it must be built through systemic, enabling conditions that reduce bureaucratic rigidity and open up more space for productive activity across state, cooperative, and private sectors, aligning trade, investment, and employment growth with real market incentives rather than centralized directives.

    On the front of external revenue, the core goal of expanding and diversifying international earnings remains unchanged, but new concrete actions have been added to reflect policy shifts rolled out in recent months. The update prioritizes eliminating longstanding barriers to exports, and scaling up support for tourism, remittance flows, and foreign direct investment. For the general public, growing external revenue is expected to expand the country’s capacity to import critical daily goods including food, fuel, raw materials, and pharmaceuticals, easing the supply constraints that currently impact household consumption.

    Domestic food production, already a top priority in the 2025 framework, retains its top status but has seen an exponential expansion in associated actionable measures. The 2026 program introduces new policies to expand usufruct land access for producers, cut input costs, enable direct contracting between producers and buyers, and eliminate unnecessary bureaucratic red tape. Most notably, the program for the first time explicitly links food production goals to cross-actor integration, allowing cooperative and small independent farmers to operate on equal footing with state-owned enterprises in the sector.

    For the national business system, the 2026 update marks a philosophical shift from framing non-state actors as “complementary” to state-owned enterprises to pursuing full, equitable productive integration. Where 2025 positioned non-state businesses as secondary contributors, the 2026 approach emphasizes horizontal collaboration, shared production chains, and equal access to critical inputs, financing, and market opportunities across all actor types. State-owned enterprises remain the core of the national business system, but the framework requires them to transform and modernize to compete and collaborate on equal terms with cooperatives, micro, small and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), and self-employed workers.

    The program’s ninth core objective, focused on energy, has also undergone a strategic reorientation: shifting from tactical recovery of the national electrical system to advancing long-term energy sovereignty. Where 2025’s approach centered on resolving immediate blackouts and supply shortages, the 2026 vision pursues a long-term goal of building national capacity to generate, distribute, and manage energy without critical dependence on foreign fossil fuel imports. This requires accelerating investment in renewable energy infrastructure, cutting reliance on imported fossil fuels, and delivering a stable, consistent electricity service for all households.

    As Cuban President and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez noted, the revised Program serves as “the compass, the roadmap, the guiding thread of all government management.” The updated framework is the product of a months-long process of public listening, expert evaluation, and iterative adjustment, with the changes to the five priority areas reflecting a clear commitment to aligning policy with real-world conditions, moving from centralized mandates to practical outcomes, and advancing from sectoral division to inclusive productive integration. For the Cuban people, who have navigated persistent daily economic challenges, the ultimate test of the program will be delivering tangible improvements to quality of life—a goal the updated framework explicitly centers through its focus on measurable execution and targeted transformation.

  • Column: Na Chan; strijd om de hamer of kracht van de partij?

    Column: Na Chan; strijd om de hamer of kracht van de partij?

    On April 7, the former president of Suriname, longtime chairman of the Vooruitstrevende Hervormingspartij (VHP) and sitting member of the National Assembly, Chan Santokhi, is cremated following his death on March 30, 2026 at the age of 67. For the VHP, one of Suriname’s most influential political parties, the day marks not only a moment of national farewell to one of its most iconic leaders, but also the official start of a new and uncertain political chapter for the organization. As politics never stops, even to mourn, the vacuum created by Santokhi’s passing has immediately shifted the party’s focus to the question of what comes next.

    Santokhi was far from an ordinary party leader. Like the legendary VHP founder Jagernath Lachmon, he led the party from his election to the chairmanship until his final day. When he first won the top VHP position in July 2011, he secured a landslide victory, leaving his challenger Bholanath Narain far behind in the vote count. Over the 15 years that followed, he grew into the undisputed public face of the VHP, and had been preparing to defend his leadership position in the party’s scheduled leadership elections next year before his unexpected death. For the time being, the party’s gavel has been temporarily passed to deputy chairman Glenn Oehlers, but the arrangement is only an interim measure. The clock is already ticking inside the VHP, and the question of permanent leadership cannot be left unanswered long after the funeral.

    The VHP’s official party structure leaves little room for off-book improvisation. The formal process requires local branch elections first, followed by a vote for the new national executive committee, a predictable, by-the-book sequence on paper. But anyone familiar with the VHP knows that beneath this orderly outward process, a fierce undercurrent of political dynamism is already shifting. To put it plainly: the contest for the vacant chairmanship began long before Santokhi’s passing. Several senior party figures had already begun preparing to challenge his incumbency ahead of next year’s scheduled vote; now that the position is open, that latent tension has erupted into an open leadership race. Political ambition, it turns out, does not get buried with a fallen leader.

    The critical question facing the VHP today is not whether a leadership contest will occur, but how that contest will unfold. Will it devolve into a factional clash that tears the historic party apart? Or will it serve as a catalyst for the VHP to reinvent itself for a new political era? The party’s history offers both a reason for hope and a clear warning. When Jagernath Lachmon died decades ago, the VHP also stood at a breaking point. But as Lachmon himself once noted, the party bent like a reed in the wind rather than snapping. It emerged from the transition with scars, but enough resilience to remain a dominant force in Surinamese politics. That exact same test now sits before the party once again.

    If the VHP can unify its fractured factions and rally around a consensus candidate that bridges internal divides, political analysts say the party could emerge stronger from this transitional period. But if personal ambition overrides collective party interests, fragmentation is a very real risk — a split that would strip the VHP of its long-held political clout. Ultimately, the future of the party does not rest solely with the senior leadership at the top: it depends on the support of the party’s grassroots base. Political parties do not survive on the charisma of individual leaders alone; they survive only if their foundational support holds when the political storm hits. And that storm is already on the horizon.

    The coming months will reveal whether the VHP can once again bend without breaking, or whether the vicious fight for the chairmanship will throw the historic party off balance. One thing, however, is already certain: Chan Santokhi’s legacy will not be defined only by what he achieved during his decades of leadership. It will be defined by what the VHP does with the foundation he left behind. Today, as Santokhi’s body is committed to flame, the coming weeks and months will prove whether his party has the strength and unity to keep Santokhi’s political project alive and thriving.