Carib Scope

分类： politics

  • ‘Belize Prides Us as Cacao Capital, But Wants to Reduce Us to 5 Acres’

    ‘Belize Prides Us as Cacao Capital, But Wants to Reduce Us to 5 Acres’

    On July 31, 2026, a sharp contradiction has emerged between the Belizean government’s branding of southern Toledo District as the nation’s cacao and chocolate capital, and a proposed land policy that indigenous Maya leaders argue would undermine the very farms driving that booming industry. The conflict came to a head following a Thursday hearing at the Caribbean Court of Justice, where the court is considering longstanding disputes over Maya customary land rights.

    Cristina Coc, spokesperson for the Maya Leaders Alliance, broke down the group’s objections in remarks after the closed-door hearing, calling out the government’s contradictory policy priorities. Under the current proposed framework for formalizing Maya customary land tenure, the government would automatically recognize legal ownership of only up to five acres of land per individual community member.

    This arbitrary cap ignores the reality of how Maya communities have used and stewarded their ancestral lands for generations, Coc argues. Many indigenous cacao farmers in Toledo hold plots far larger than the five-acre limit, meaning those expanded operations would be left without formal legal protection under the government’s plan. That lack of security leaves farms vulnerable to encroachment, seizure, or development that could wipe out the cacao production the government celebrates in its national tourism and agricultural marketing.

    “On one hand, the government touts Toledo as Belize’s chocolate capital to draw visitors and investment, but on the other, their five-acre cap leaves our core production lands unprotected,” Coc said. She questioned the practicality of the arbitrary limit, noting that the five-acre restriction would make it impossible for Maya communities to continue their traditional interwoven practices of fishing, hunting, and large-scale agricultural production that have sustained them for centuries.

    The Alliance argues that any approach to recognizing customary land rights that relies on a fixed per-person acreage formula is fundamentally flawed, as it fails to account for traditional collective land use patterns that have been passed down through indigenous generations. Beyond policy disagreement, Coc accused the government of negotiating in bad faith, pointing to the indigenous community’s longstanding contributions to Belize’s national development as tax-paying, active citizens who have a legal and moral claim to their ancestral lands.

    The outcome of the Caribbean Court of Justice case, and the final shape of Belize’s customary land tenure legislation, will have far-reaching impacts not only for indigenous land rights but for the future of Belize’s fast-growing cacao and specialty chocolate industry, which has become a key economic driver for the southern part of the country.

  • MLA Says Government Is “Imagining” What Maya Customary Tenure Should Be

    MLA Says Government Is “Imagining” What Maya Customary Tenure Should Be

    In a landmark development for Indigenous land rights in Belize, the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) has opted not to step into the ongoing dispute over Maya customary land tenure, declining a request to clarify a key provision of a 2015 landmark consent order that granted formal recognition to Maya land rights. The decision has reignited tensions between the Maya Leaders Alliance and the Belizean government, with Indigenous leaders accusing state officials of basing their entire land policy on invented assumptions rather than centuries of established, intergenerational Maya land use practice.

    Speaking immediately after the CCJ released its ruling on Thursday, Cristina Coc, spokesperson for the Maya Leaders Alliance, framed the court’s inaction as a strategic pause rather than a rejection of the Maya community’s claims. She noted that the tribunal has indicated it will only intervene if the Belizean government ultimately passes legislation that conflicts with the 2015 consent order and earlier lower court rulings affirming Maya land rights.

    At the core of the dispute is not a question of whether Maya customary land tenure exists – a fact already affirmed by multiple court rulings – but how the state should formally recognize and protect this long-standing Indigenous right. Coc sharply criticized the government’s position, articulated by Senior Counsel Edmund Andrew Marshalleck during court proceedings, for being rooted in what she calls a state-imagined vision of what Maya land tenure should look like, rather than the reality of how Maya communities have managed and used their lands for generations.

    Coc particularly pushed back against the government’s proposal to cap Maya land allocations at five acres per person, a framework tied directly to current community population sizes. She argued that this arbitrary cap reflects the disconnect between urban policymakers’ assumptions and the actual land needs of Maya communities, whose traditional practices – including fishing, hunting, foraging and rotational agriculture – require far larger expanses of land than the five-acre per-person limit would allow.

    “Maya people don’t imagine our land use,” Coc emphasized. “We are actively using our lands today, we have maintained our traditional practices on these territories for centuries. Those practices are not contained within the arbitrary five-acre boundary the government has drawn from behind a desk.” The CCJ’s decision leaves the ball firmly in the government’s court to draft formal land tenure legislation, with the Maya community poised to return to the court if the final law fails to align with their existing customary rights.

  • Pierre: ‘If they get me vex, I will call an election sooner than later’

    Pierre: ‘If they get me vex, I will call an election sooner than later’

    On the fifth anniversary of the Saint Lucia Labour Party’s (SLP) 2021 electoral victory, Prime Minister Philip J. Pierre launched a sharp counterattack against the opposition United Workers Party (UWP) during a televised celebratory public meeting Thursday night, issuing a clear warning that he would not hesitate to call an early general election if opposition pressure continues to escalate.

    The event, which brought together thousands of SLP supporters to mark five years since the party reclaimed power, opened with Pierre extending gratitude to backers for what he described as “protecting our victory” in the 2021 poll. But the prime minister quickly shifted focus to growing tensions with the UWP, which has waged a consistent campaign of criticism against his administration since the most recent general election on December 1, 2025. That vote delivered a landslide win for the SLP, which secured 13 of the 17 available parliamentary seats, leaving the UWP with just a single holding.

    Since taking office for the current term, the UWP has raised public alarms over a series of policy and governance issues, including soaring domestic cost of living, rising violent crime rates, perceived mismanagement of public finances, and underperformance of several key Cabinet ministers. The opposition has also formally demanded the removal of multiple sitting ministers from Pierre’s cabinet, creating a sustained standoff between the two major political parties.

    Pierre struck back hard at those criticisms during Thursday’s rally, accusing the UWP of actively undermining national stability and engaging in underhanded tactics to cripple his administration. He claimed the opposition has reached out directly to foreign diplomatic agencies, international financial institutions, and global grant-making bodies to discredit the SLP government, in a move he said is designed to “destroy this country.”

    The prime minister argued that the opposition’s persistent aggression stems from the fact that they still hold one parliamentary seat, emboldening their efforts to disrupt governance. He issued a stark ultimatum: if the UWP continues its attacks and pushes him too far, he will trigger an early election far ahead of schedule, and he pledged that the outcome would leave the UWP completely shut out of parliament.

    “If they get me vex and I decide I don’t want any opposition, I will call an election sooner than later,” Pierre told the cheering crowd, repeating the warning later in his address to emphasize his resolve: “Let me say for the last time, if they get me vex I will call an election sooner than later, and there will be nobody in Parliament.”

    In a rare moment of candor, Pierre acknowledged that his current administration has navigated significant headwinds, with a range of external economic and political pressures putting strain on the small island nation. Even so, he urged SLP supporters to maintain party unity, continue defending the administration’s electoral mandate, and remain committed to keeping the UWP out of power for good. “I never want you to get into a situation where these guys ever rule Saint Lucia again,” he added.

  • Immigration authorities have deported more than 226,000 this year

    Immigration authorities have deported more than 226,000 this year

    SANTO DOMINGO – In a landmark field gathering convened Wednesday by the country’s Migration Policy Observatory (OPM), top Dominican migration officials delivered a stark update on what is being called the nation’s most severe migration crisis since gaining independence. The briefing, led by Director General of Migration Vice Admiral Luis Rafael Lee Ballester (ARD), detailed sweeping enforcement actions against irregular migration and the dismantling of cross-border human smuggling rings tied to Haiti’s ongoing security collapse.

    According to Lee Ballester, Dominican authorities have already deported more than 226,500 foreigners residing in the country without valid migration status. When speaking to the OPM delegation, the migration chief framed the current crisis as an unprecedented challenge, noting that growing gang control across neighboring Haiti has driven massive population displacement and spurred a surge in irregular border crossings. The crisis began intensifying in 2018, he explained, saw a brief period of stabilization, then erupted sharply after the 2021 assassination of Haitian President Jovenel Moïse. Over the past five years, expanding gang rule in Haiti has pushed hundreds of thousands of Haitians to flee their homes, with large numbers attempting to cross into Dominican territory illegally.

    To counter the ongoing flow, Dominican migration authorities have ramped up operational presence across the country. Permanent enforcement offices have been established in all five border provinces, with trained agents deployed across all 32 of the nation’s provinces. Key hotspots for interdiction work include the border towns of Dajabón, Elías Piña, Monte Cristi, Jimaní, and Pedernales, as well as major population centers in the eastern region, Greater Santo Domingo, and the Cibao valley. “We are active throughout the entire national territory,” Lee Ballester emphasized. Apprehended irregular migrants are transferred to dedicated processing centers currently operating in Higuey, Haina, Santiago, and Elías Piña. The director confirmed that a new processing facility in Jimaní is nearing completion, while planning and funding are already in motion for a fifth center in Pedernales.

    A core focus of the agency’s recent work has been targeting transnational criminal networks that profit from human trafficking. Through coordinated migration intelligence and counterintelligence operations, officials have uncovered binational smuggling rings with coordinated branches in both Haiti and the Dominican Republic, which operate well-established routes for moving irregular migrants on foot and by vehicle into Dominican territory. Smugglers have mapped routes that lead from the border inland to major cities like Santiago, Lee Ballester revealed. To date, authorities have identified the full structure, trafficking patterns, and origin points of these networks, arresting around 15 suspected ringleaders and guides who are now active in criminal investigations.

    The meeting marked OPM’s first official on-site gathering with migration authorities, and was chaired by OPM president and Listín Diario director Miguel Franjul. Attendees included full representation from OPM’s Executive Commission and Technical Committee, alongside Lee Ballester’s senior leadership team, which comprises Brigadier General Pilot Juan Carlos Vicente Pérez, head of Migration Intelligence; Colonel Jael Rodríguez Rojas, Administrative and Financial Director; Laura Maríñez Espinal, Director of Immigration; and Colonel Manuel Carrasco, Director of Migration Control. During the gathering, Vicente Pérez demonstrated the new technological tools the agency has adopted for enforcement work, with observers noting a push to modernize operational capacity.

    Lee Ballester added that beyond interdiction and deportation, the agency has implemented sweeping reforms to root out misconduct among immigration personnel. It has strengthened the legal framework for addressing bad practices by agents, establishing a collaborative partnership with the Public Prosecutor’s Office to investigate violations of the agency’s code of ethics and national migration law. Working alongside Attorney General Yeni Berenice Reynoso and Director of Prosecution Wilson Camacho, the agency has already secured coercive legal measures against offending agents, with disciplinary action taken immediately whenever rule violations are confirmed.

    The agency is also rapidly expanding its trained workforce to keep up with the crisis. Currently, 164 new migration interdiction agents are completing training in the northern region, with their graduation scheduled for the coming Sunday. Recruitment is underway for an additional 300 new agents in Santo Domingo, who will join the 1,195 trained agents already deployed across the country. The government has backed this expansion with a 2 billion peso budget increase, bringing the Directorate of Migration’s total annual budget to 5 billion pesos – 58% of which is allocated to migration control operations, including border interdiction and screenings at airports and seaports.

    New funding is also supporting major upgrades to equipment and infrastructure. The agency is currently in the bidding process to acquire 60 new trucks and 60 new vans, which will include built-in restroom facilities to improve the dignity of the deportation process. Agents have also been equipped with electric guns to strengthen use-of-force protocols, while technology modernization is well underway: facial recognition systems for identity verification are in the final testing phase, and the agency is already leveraging an artificial intelligence platform provided by Google to streamline operations.

    In additional data shared at the meeting, Lee Ballester noted that 2025 alone saw 380,000 deportations of irregular migrants, alongside a significant number of voluntary returns, where Haitian migrants collected their belongings and returned to their home country without forced deportation. While full cost-per-deportation data is still being compiled, the director confirmed the agency’s continued commitment to balancing enforcement with accountability, noting that the work of migration management extends far beyond deportations alone.

  • Poll Finds Most Antiguans Oppose Government’s Pro-Whaling Position

    Poll Finds Most Antiguans Oppose Government’s Pro-Whaling Position

    A recent public opinion poll has delivered a clear rebuke to the Antiguan government’s formal pro-whaling policy, showing that a majority of the country’s residents disagree with the administration’s position on the controversial international issue.

    The polling data, collected from a demographically representative sample of Antiguan voters across urban and rural regions of the island nation, indicates that more than half of respondents oppose the government’s vocal support for relaxed international whaling regulations. This public divergence from official policy comes amid ongoing debates within international regulatory bodies over whaling quotas, conservation efforts, and the balance between commercial interests and marine ecosystem protection.

    Antigua and Barbuda has long been among a small group of Caribbean nations that back limited commercial whaling, arguing that the practice supports small-scale local fishing economies and cultural traditions. But the new poll suggests that this longstanding government position does not align with the views of most of the Antiguan public. Conservation advocates have pointed to the poll results as evidence that public opinion on the island is shifting toward greater support for protecting endangered whale populations, amid growing global awareness of the threats marine mammals face from overharvesting, ship strikes, and climate change.

    Political analysts note that the public opposition could put pressure on government leaders to reconsider their stance ahead of upcoming meetings of the International Whaling Commission (IWC), the global body that sets rules for whaling worldwide. The survey’s findings also highlight a growing disconnect between political leadership and public sentiment on environmental and natural resource policy in the small island nation, as voters increasingly prioritize marine conservation alongside economic development.

  • Roseau North hopefuls outline competing visions at Dominica Business Forum

    Roseau North hopefuls outline competing visions at Dominica Business Forum

    As the closely watched Roseau North by-election draws near, the two major party candidates have unveiled starkly different policy agendas, each highlighting what they frame as the most pressing unmet needs for constituents in the constituency. The policy pledges were formally presented this week at a public forum hosted by the Dominica Business Forum, held at the Dominica-China Friendship Hospital.

    Daniel Lugay, the United Workers Party (UWP) nominee, opened his remarks by flagging two urgent public health crises that he says have plagued the constituency for far too long. At the top of his list is the relocation of the Fond Cole Landfill, locally known as “Labass,” a facility he argues has long passed its functional lifespan and now poses severe risks to nearby residents. “This will be relocated out of the constituency to a more suitable location,” Lugay confirmed. “The Labass has now become a major health hazard, with frequent uncontrolled fires that release cancer-causing smoke and toxic fumes that impact surrounding communities.” He added that inconsistent municipal waste collection is a second persistent public hazard, noting that uncollected garbage often sits piled for weeks, creating breeding grounds for disease-carrying flies, mosquitoes and rodent infestations.

    Beyond environmental and public health priorities, Lugay outlined the UWP’s core national commitment: expanding universal healthcare coverage for all Dominican citizens, a promise he says comes directly from UWP Leader Dr. Thomson Fontaine and the party’s Team Dominica platform. Lugay also called out the incumbent Dominica Labour Party (DLP) administration for failing to deliver on a decades-old promise of a dedicated vendors’ arcade, and put forward a plan for a new commercial hub and mall that would generate targeted employment opportunities for a wide range of local workers and small business owners. The proposed development would serve hair-braiders, nail technicians, massage therapists, artisans, visual artists, independent pharmacists, food service operators, musicians and other small entrepreneurs, according to Lugay. The planned commercial zone would stretch from the existing Public Works Corporation property all the way to the Dominica Banana Marketing Corporation building, encompassing the DEXIA warehouse and the former Home Industries site.

    In her own remarks at the forum, DLP candidate Ashma McDougall laid out a competing set of priorities, centered first on expanding access to affordable, safe housing for Roseau North residents. “A home is not just concrete and steel,” McDougall explained. “A home provides security, dignity, and it is a transferable asset across a family.” She argued that any new housing development must include complementary infrastructure investments such as improved drainage systems, paved roads, and public street lighting to ensure livable communities for new homeowners. McDougall noted that while the existing $1 per square foot land legislation has already opened up new pathways to land ownership for many Dominicans, the administration is preparing additional policy measures to make home ownership more accessible and affordable for working families.

    McDougall’s second key priority is revitalizing the small business ecosystem that forms the economic backbone of Roseau North. Two weeks prior to the forum, McDougall said her campaign team conducted on-the-ground outreach to small business owners across the constituency, mapping more than 250 small operations across 20 distinct sectors. “That is not a shortage of ambition,” she emphasized. “It is an economic base waiting to be energised and to be strengthened.” McDougall noted that too many promising local small businesses remain stuck at the survival level, with limited access to capital cited as one of the most persistent barriers to growth. But she added that improved financing alone is not enough to unlock that potential. Instead, she pledged to champion a comprehensive support pathway that guides entrepreneurs from early-stage startup through to market readiness, and where viable, helps them access international export opportunities.

    On the issue of employment, McDougall argued that temporary income relief is only a short-term solution, and sustainable, well-paying work is the only path to long-term economic independence for residents. She outlined a two-pronged approach to expanding employment: first, building out training programs and pathways into the growing digital economy, and second, aligning workforce development with the DLP’s ongoing large-scale infrastructure investment plan, connecting job seekers to open roles in construction, hospitality, and other growing service sectors. She highlighted the already proven success of the government’s Work Online Dominica initiative, which she said has opened up new remote work opportunities that let residents earn competitive incomes without relocating or leaving their home communities. The program already connects single mothers in Stockfarm, Yampiece, and Tarish Pit, and young people in Fond Cole hamlets to legitimate remote work, she noted.

  • Sherman Boston: ‘What we need is unity’

    Sherman Boston: ‘What we need is unity’

    As the Roseau North by-election approaches, independent contender Sherman Boston is calling for an end to partisan political division, arguing that cross-community unity is the only way to resolve the years-long unaddressed challenges that have plagued the Dominican constituency.

    Boston laid out his platform during a public forum hosted by the Dominica Business Forum on Wednesday evening, held in the auditorium of the Dominica-China Friendship Hospital. The candidate, who has decades of experience working on local infrastructure projects, pulled from his own firsthand knowledge to detail the gaps in development that have left Roseau North residents underserved.

    Among the examples he cited was the unfinished Netball Stadium, a project he helped conceptualize in the early 2000s that has yet to be completed. He also pointed to major highway infrastructure he worked on near Stock Farm and the local college, noting the critical safety gap created by the absence of sidewalks along the high-traffic route. For more than a year, Boston has been a vocal advocate for resolving longstanding problems with the constituency’s landfill, a issue that continues to impact surrounding communities.

    These infrastructure shortcomings are not isolated, Boston explained, cutting across multiple neighborhoods spanning Stock Farm, Yampiece, Gutter, Tarish Pit, and Fond Cole. One of the most pressing issues he highlighted is the lack of vehicle access for hundreds of residents who hold legal land titles to their properties. Even after the government sold them the land and issued official documentation, many homeowners are still forced to walk long distances to reach their homes, carrying their belongings on foot because no access roads have been constructed.

    Vulnerable populations bear the brunt of this neglect, Boston emphasized, adding that elderly residents in Yampiece, Gutter, and Fond Cole face disproportionate hardship due to the lack of safe, reliable access to their communities.

    While Boston outlined a lengthy roster of unmet needs across the constituency, he made clear that his core campaign message is not just a list of grievances — it is a call for systemic change to the partisan tribalism that has stalled progress for years. “I could stand here all night listing every problem that needs fixing in Roseau North,” he told attendees. “But my priority tonight is to tell you that what we need first is unity.”

    He argued that ongoing political factionalism has prevented meaningful progress on even the most basic community needs, and it is long past time for these divisions to end. Facing the complex current and future challenges that Dominica as a whole must confront, Boston said every citizen has a role to play in moving the country forward. “We need all hands on deck,” he stated.

    Closing his remarks at the forum, Boston urged all Dominican people to set aside partisan divides and come together to build a nation that all residents can be proud of.

  • COMMENTARY: Nicaragua’s Abandoned Ballot: What the OAS Can and Cannot Do

    COMMENTARY: Nicaragua’s Abandoned Ballot: What the OAS Can and Cannot Do

    On the 47th anniversary of the Sandinista Revolution that once toppled a decades-long dynastic dictatorship, Nicaraguan President Daniel Ortega delivered a bombshell announcement that stripped away the last veneer of democratic legitimacy from his regime: there will be no future elections that allow opposition parties to contest for national power. Accompanying this declaration, Ortega pledged to enact new legislative barriers targeting individuals his administration labels as coup plotters and traitors to the state.

    This moment stands as a bitter irony for Nicaraguan history. The popular uprising that ended the Somoza family’s authoritarian rule has itself given way to a new dynastic administration, led by Ortega and his wife Rosario Murillo, who serves as co-president alongside him.

    As Antigua and Barbuda’s Ambassador to the United States and the Organization of American States (OAS), and Dean of the OAS Corps of Ambassadors, I immediately issued a public condemnation of Ortega’s announcement on X. My statement was clear: this move is a deliberate assault on core democratic principles and fundamental human rights, and all governments committed to democratic governance must reject this unacceptable power grab. The Nicaraguan people have already endured far too many years of repression under this regime.

    While Ortega’s announcement marks a dramatic shift in official rhetoric, it changes little about the on-the-ground reality of Nicaraguan politics. For years, elections have been nothing more than a hollow gimmick, maintaining the visual of popular choice without any of its substance. Ahead of the 2021 general election, all major opposition parties were banned from participating, dozens of prospective presidential candidates were arrested, independent media outlets were shuttered, and civil society organizations were either forced to shut down or drive into exile. Ortega’s latest statement simply removes the last remaining pretense of competitive electoral democracy.

    In the weeks following the announcement, several individual OAS member states have publicly condemned Ortega’s edict. OAS Secretary General Albert Ramdin correctly framed the elimination of competitive elections as a direct denial of the Nicaraguan people’s sovereign right to select their own government. However, neither the Secretary General nor individual member states can speak for the organization as a whole. While the OAS General Assembly adopted a declaration addressing the steady deterioration of democracy and human rights in Nicaragua just one month before Ortega’s announcement, the organization has yet to issue an official collective response to the latest attack on democratic governance.

    To address this institutional silence, delegations from Canada and Chile began drafting a collective statement for OAS member states, and I contributed language to the text that firmly condemns Ortega’s actions and calls for the restoration of genuine multi-party electoral competition in Nicaragua. As of this writing, the draft statement has not yet been taken up for consideration by the OAS Permanent Council, and the United States has separately proposed its own resolution on the issue that also awaits deliberation.

    The core point of contention now before the OAS is how to legally and politically characterize Ortega’s actions. There is no question that Nicaragua currently faces a deep crisis of representative democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. The Ortega-Murillo administration’s systematic revocation of basic civil and political rights has deepened widespread instability and fear across the country, pushing thousands of Nicaraguans to flee repression via irregular migration routes and creating new humanitarian pressures for neighboring receiving states.

    But this internal human rights crisis does not automatically equate to a threat to hemispheric peace and security. Nicaraguans fleeing political persecution are victims of repression, not security threats to the countries that grant them refuge. This distinction is not merely semantic; it carries critical legal weight for the OAS and its member states.

    In November 2023, Nicaragua formally withdrew its membership from the OAS, a process that took effect when I was serving as President of the OAS Permanent Council. At that time, the organization made clear that Nicaragua’s withdrawal does not absolve the regime of its binding international human rights obligations, including those enshrined in the American Convention on Human Rights. Nicaragua chose to leave the OAS after a majority of member states pushed back against its ongoing democratic and rule of law violations, at a time when suspension under the OAS Charter and Inter-American Democratic Charter remained a possible outcome. Crucially, suspension provisions only apply to current member states, so that mechanism is no longer available to the organization.

    This legal reality does not mean the OAS is required to remain silent or inactive in the face of Ortega’s crackdown. It simply means the organization must draw a clear line between political and human rights actions that fall within its existing competence, and coercive measures that would require a legal basis the OAS does not possess.

    Within the inter-American system, binding collective sanctions can only be pursued, if at all, by member states of the Inter-American Treaty of Reciprocal Assistance (commonly known as the Rio Treaty). This separate procedure is only open to parties to the treaty, and requires a formal, evidence-based determination that the peace of the Americas is actively endangered. Not all OAS member states are parties to the Rio Treaty, and Nicaragua is no longer an OAS member in any case. More importantly, while Ortega’s oppression of the Nicaraguan people is morally reprehensible, it does not constitute an armed attack against another state, nor does it meet the legal threshold for a threat to hemispheric peace and security. International law cannot be stretched to fit a desired political outcome just because we find Ortega’s conduct offensive. Overextending legal frameworks to punish objectionable conduct would only weaken the rules-based international order that democracy advocates seek to uphold.

    Even without coercive sanctions, there are many meaningful, legally grounded actions the OAS can and should take to address the crisis. The Permanent Council has the authority to adopt a clear resolution condemning the elimination of meaningful electoral competition, and rejecting the arbitrary exclusion of opposition candidates and civil society groups solely for their peaceful opposition to the Ortega-Murillo regime. It can demand the immediate release of all political prisoners, the restoration of full civil and political rights for all Nicaraguans, and the reopening of civic space for independent media and civil society organizations.

    The OAS can also keep Nicaragua under active and sustained consideration in line with the June 2024 General Assembly declaration, receive regular monitoring updates from the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, and support the Commission’s ongoing monitoring work, public hearings, and precautionary measures for at-risk Nicaraguans. The organization can formally call on Nicaragua to comply with rulings and provisional measures issued by the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. The Secretary General can offer his good offices to facilitate dialogue, even if the Ortega regime refuses to engage. Individual OAS member states can also provide support to exiled Nicaraguan civil society groups, cooperate with United Nations human rights mechanisms to preserve evidence of abuses, and extend protection to Nicaraguans forced to flee their country.

    Individual governments retain the right to implement their own lawful diplomatic measures in response to the crisis, but these actions should be clearly acknowledged as national policy choices, not misrepresented as collective OAS action unless formally authorized by the organization’s competent governing bodies.

    The message from the inter-American community to Ortega and Murillo must be clear and unmistakeable: Nicaragua’s withdrawal from the OAS does not place their regime beyond international scrutiny or accountability. The OAS must maintain constant vigilance over the situation, document ongoing human rights abuses through its existing human rights institutions, keep the crisis under active consideration by its political organs, and insist that all those responsible for violations are held accountable under applicable international law.

    Ortega abandoned free and fair elections because he fears the verdict of the Nicaraguan people. The inter-American community must not normalize his authoritarian conduct, nor allow the crisis to disappear from hemispheric attention. The OAS response must be united, persistent, and unambiguous – while remaining firmly rooted in international law and the rules-based order.

  • PVC-vrouwen veroordelen uitspraken Van Samson: Leiderschap kent geen geslacht

    PVC-vrouwen veroordelen uitspraken Van Samson: Leiderschap kent geen geslacht

    PARAMARIBO, Suriname – July 31 – The women’s wing of the Progressive Communication Party (Partij van Communicatie, PVC) has issued a strong statement condemning recent controversial comments made by Cedric van Samson, a sitting member of the National Assembly from the ruling VHP party. Van Samson’s remarks, which implied that women are inherently less suited to hold Suriname’s highest political office, have triggered sharp pushback from gender equality advocates and political groups across the country.

    As a political organization rooted in the core values of gender equity, mutual respect, and inclusive political representation, the PVC’s women’s caucus made clear that it rejects all forms of gender-based stereotyping and discrimination in unmistakeable terms. The group emphasized that political leadership should never be evaluated based on a candidate’s gender, but rather on their policy vision, personal integrity, professional expertise, and genuine commitment to serving the Surinamese public.

    The statement highlighted that the PVC has long made a deliberate, principle-driven choice to reserve prominent positions for women on its electoral candidate lists. This decision, the group noted, stems from a deep-held conviction that women make an irreplaceable contribution to national development in Suriname. Their unique perspectives, expert knowledge, and leadership capabilities deserve full recognition, public trust, and widespread respect across all sectors of society.

    Going further, the PVC’s women’s wing issued a call to action for all political parties, elected representatives, and public officials across Suriname to conduct national and local political and social debate with a greater sense of responsibility. Words carry tangible social weight, the group argued: comments from sitting political leaders play a major role in shaping societal norms, and they must never be used to discourage or exclude women who aspire to take on senior governing responsibilities.

    Reaffirming their long-term commitment, the PVC women’s caucus pledged to continue working toward building a more inclusive Surinamese society where every woman has equal access to opportunities to develop her talents, hold leadership positions, and make a full, meaningful contribution to the country’s future. The statement closed with a clear core message: leadership has no gender. It is defined by character, competence, integrity, and dedication to serving the public good.

  • PM, Bramble confident as petitions trial hits halfway mark

    PM, Bramble confident as petitions trial hits halfway mark

    As a high-stakes election eligibility trial centered on dual citizenship reached its halfway milestone in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines on Thursday, Prime Minister Godwin Friday and his legal team have struck a confident, unyielding tone in defending their position.

    The case, being heard at the Kingstown High Court before retired appellate justice and acting High Court Judge Gerthel Thom, was brought by opposition Unity Labour Party (ULP) members Carlos Williams and Luke Browne. The petitioners argue that Friday and Foreign Affairs Minister Dwight Fitzgerald Bramble are ineligible to hold their elected seats from the November 2025 general election, due to the pair holding both Vincentian and Canadian citizenship. The challenge comes after Williams and Browne lost their respective races in Northern Grenadines and East Kingstown in the November 27 poll, where Friday’s New Democratic Party secured a landslide 14-1 victory, ending 25 years of ULP rule.

    Speaking to reporters after three consecutive days of witness testimony, Friday framed the proceedings as far more than a personal legal battle: he called it a critical test of both his administration’s democratic mandate and the independence of the tiny Caribbean nation’s institutions. “I am extremely upbeat about our position — our legal team has performed exceptionally well,” Friday stated. “There are actors seeking to overturn the mandate the people of this country gave me, and I will do everything in my power to protect that outcome. That is why I have been present in court every single day, and I will remain here until the court issues its ruling.”

    Lead counsel for the respondents Anand Ramlogan, a former Attorney General of Trinidad and Tobago, confirmed the trial has reached its halfway point, with the petitioners having concluded all evidence testimony. Ramlogan shared that he completed cross-examination of all the petitioners’ witnesses, including Sarah McKinnis, a Canadian immigration law expert who testified virtually, and said several key revelations emerged during the intense questioning that the defense will highlight to the court. The defense will present its case when proceedings resume in the first week of September, with formal legal submissions scheduled for November. “We remain extremely confident in our position, and we trust the presiding judge will deliver a ruling aligned with law and the best interests of the public,” Ramlogan added.

    Friday, who has attended every session of the trial so far, emphasized that his consistent presence is a core part of his duty to uphold the will of voters. “As prime minister, I would rather be focused on governing than sitting in a courtroom for three days of testimony, but I am here because the people placed me in this role, and I respect their mandate,” he explained. “The entire country has accepted the election result, but a small number of opponents simply cannot accept defeat, so they have turned to the courts to undermine the outcome. We will not back down from protecting and defending the mandate the people gave us.”

    He added that he would not make token, occasional appearances at the trial, saying, “I will be here for every single minute of every day. I am here to represent the people of this country, and I will remain until this matter is vindicated.” Ramlogan also pointed out that the challenge comes surprisingly late, noting that Friday has served in Parliament for 25 years — making the sudden post-election objection to his eligibility “curious”.

    At its core, the case turns on a long-debated question: does Saint Vincent and the Grenadines’ constitution bar dual citizens from serving in Parliament or holding senior public office? Friday argued that the law is already explicit, pointing to Section 25 of the national constitution as clear support for his position. Ramlogan, who has handled similar dual citizenship disputes across the Commonwealth Caribbean, noted that the ruling will have implications far beyond Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. “Many Caribbean island nations have larger diaspora populations living abroad than they have residents at home,” he explained. “These citizens often gain valuable international experience, advanced education and specialized expertise that they can bring back to drive national progress. Cutting off this talent pool by barring dual citizens from public office is a self-inflicted wound that holds back development.” He added that the time has come to reevaluate outdated restrictions, saying “There is no reason a loyal dual citizen who chooses to live and serve their home country should be barred from public office solely because of their second nationality.”

    For their part, the petitioners framed the challenge as a legitimate effort to clarify constitutional ambiguity that serves a broader public good. “We are simply exercising our constitutional right to challenge the validity of this election, and we trust the legal process will run its course,” said petitioner Luke Browne, a ULP candidate and attorney. He added that the high-profile proceedings have already provided a valuable educational opportunity for local law students and young attorneys, who are able to observe seasoned senior counsel from across the region argue the case. Fellow petitioner Carlos Williams echoed that framing, saying “Constitutional integrity is a national priority. Where there is ambiguity in the law, it is necessary to bring the matter to court to get a clear ruling — that is exactly what we are doing here.” The petitioners are represented by Senior Counsel Stuart Young, a former Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago.

    Bramble, the respondent and MP for East Kingstown, acknowledged the petitioners’ legal right to bring the challenge but criticized their judgment in doing so. “It is striking that after 25 years of Prime Minister Friday serving in Parliament, this objection only surfaces now after he won the general election,” Bramble said. “That demonstrates very poor judgment in how they have chosen to exercise this right. For my part, I will continue focusing on serving my constituents in East Kingstown, as I was elected to do, until the people of this constituency decide they no longer want me in office — nothing and no one else will change that.”

    Throughout the proceedings, both sides have emphasized their respect for the court’s authority, even as they maintain conflicting positions on the case’s merits. Ramlogan noted that beyond legal arguments, widespread public support for Friday is on clear display outside the courthouse every day. “The law is the law, but no ruling can take away the deep public affection and support the prime minister has earned from the people of this country,” he said.