A controversial AI-generated image that depicted former U.S. President Donald Trump in a Jesus-like healing pose has been pulled from his Truth Social platform, after fierce pushback from prominent conservative Christian leaders — some of the politician’s most loyal core supporters. The digital artwork, which was uploaded to the platform late Sunday, showed Trump draped in flowing red and white robes, placing his hand on the forehead of a figure presented as unwell. Glowing light radiated from both Trump’s hand and head in the image, with an American flag displayed in the background and a crowd of onlookers staring up at him with expressions of reverence. The image quickly sparked widespread outrage across religious and political circles, prompting the former president to take it down on Monday. When questioned by reporters about the inflammatory post, Trump pushed back against claims he intended to frame himself as Jesus Christ. “I did post it, and I thought it was me as a doctor and had to do Red Cross,” he told reporters. “It’s supposed to be me as a doctor, making people better. And I do make people better. I make people a lot better.” Despite the former president’s explanation, the post drew sharp condemnation from high-profile conservative Christian commentators. Megan Basham, a widely recognized conservative journalist and political commentator, publicly denounced the image in a post on X, calling it “outrageous blasphemy.” “I don’t know if the president thought he was being funny or if he is under the influence of some substance or what possible explanation he could have for this OUTRAGEOUS blasphemy,” Basham wrote. “He needs to take this down immediately and ask for forgiveness from the American people and then from God.” This incident is far from an isolated case: Trump has a well-documented history of leaning into religious imagery to frame his political persona, particularly ahead of the 2024 presidential election. During his 2023 New York civil bank fraud trial, the former president shared a supporter-drawn sketch that depicted him sitting alongside Jesus inside the courtroom. Beyond shared imagery, Trump’s closest political and spiritual advisors have repeatedly drawn deliberate comparisons between Trump and Jesus to frame his political struggles as a kind of divine mission. Earlier this April, during an Easter lunch held at the White House during his first term, prominent televangelist and long-time Trump spiritual advisor Paula White-Cain directly compared the former president to Jesus Christ, framing his legal challenges as a modern-day parallel to Jesus’ own betrayal and false accusation. “You were betrayed and arrested and falsely accused. It’s a familiar pattern that our Lord and Saviour showed us,” White-Cain stated at the event.
分类: politics
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After unsuccessful US-Iran talks, what next for Trump?
After days of high-stakes closed-door negotiations in Islamabad, hopes for a breakthrough deal to de-escalate months of escalating conflict between the United States and Iran have completely collapsed, leaving U.S. President Donald Trump trapped between a set of unappealing policy choices that carry major domestic and international risks ahead of upcoming midterm elections. U.S. Vice President JD Vance, who led the American negotiating team in marathon talks with senior Iranian officials, left Pakistan without any framework for an agreement, shattering earlier expectations that a deal could ease the tensions that have rippled across the entire Middle East since conflict erupted in late February.
The core challenge now centers on Trump’s earlier order to implement a full naval blockade of the Strait of Hormuz, the strategic chokepoint that carries roughly one-fifth of the world’s daily oil shipments, set to take effect this Monday. Independent regional and security analysts across the globe have warned that moving forward with the blockade would only complicate an already intractable crisis, while walking back the threat would undermine the Trump administration’s repeated public claims that Iran had been cornered and had “no cards” left to play.
Domestically, ramping up military action carries significant political risk for Trump’s party ahead of the midterms. American voters are already grappling with surging gasoline prices driven by market uncertainty over Middle Eastern oil supplies, and a new round of escalation could further alienate an already skeptical electorate. The broader global economic impact also looms large: the proposed blockade would do little to ease the market volatility that has pushed energy prices higher in recent months, deepening the economic jitters already facing major economies worldwide.
Many foreign policy experts have criticized the Trump administration’s approach to the crisis as unplanned and reactive. Brian Katulis, a senior fellow at the Washington-based Middle East Institute, argued that Trump’s off-the-cuff rhetorical style and frequent aggressive threats—what he describes as the president’s “carnival barker” approach—have left senior White House and Pentagon officials constantly scrambling to adjust policy with no clear long-term strategy. “He may be simply buying more time to move in more military assets or because he doesn’t know what else to do. I wouldn’t call it a strategy; it is a military-centric approach without strategy,” Katulis told AFP in an interview.
Shibley Telhami, a leading scholar of Middle Eastern affairs at the University of Maryland and a nonresident fellow at the Brookings Institution, called the threat of a Hormuz blockade “bewildering and seems self-defeating.” He noted that Iran already has deep-seated distrust of Trump, and the unilateral threat has done lasting damage to America’s global diplomatic credibility. “Hard to understate what this makes of what’s left of America’s global credibility,” Telhami said.
Tehran has already issued a sharp warning in response to the blockade threat. Iran’s powerful Revolutionary Guards, the country’s elite military force, pledged over the weekend that any hostile move against the strait would trap Tehran’s enemies in a “deadly vortex” of prolonged conflict.
Israeli security analyst Danny Citrinowicz, a fellow at the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv, echoed the widespread skepticism that a blockade would force Iran to back down. “There is little reason to believe that a blockade would force Iranian capitulation. If anything, Iran’s demonstrated resilience thus far suggests the opposite,” Citrinowicz posted on the social platform X. He added that Iran’s size and mature military capabilities mean any sustained blockade would require massive, long-term commitments of American military and financial resources, a burden that the U.S. is poorly positioned to take on at this moment.
Public opinion polling suggests that a prolonged military engagement would face significant pushback from the American public. A CBS News poll released Sunday found that negative emotions—worry, stress, and anger—far outweigh feelings of safety and confidence among U.S. adults when asked about the ongoing conflict. More than 80 percent of respondents said the U.S. should prioritize reopening the Strait of Hormuz to improve global oil access, lower domestic gas prices, and support greater freedom for the Iranian people, but fewer than 10 percent believe the Trump administration has made progress on any of those goals.
“ I don’t see how, 40 plus days into this war, that we are safer, that our allies are safer. I’m not even sure Israel is safer,” Democratic Senator Mark Warner said Sunday on CNN’s *State of the Union*. “I don’t understand how blockading the strait is going to somehow push the Iranians into opening it. I don’t get the connection there.”
Returning to sustained, meaningful negotiations also faces major hurdles, after Trump pulled the U.S. out of the 2015 multinational nuclear accord with Iran, which had restricted Tehran’s nuclear program in exchange for relief from crippling international sanctions. Democratic Senator Tim Kaine noted that the U.S. withdrawal from that previous agreement destroyed any remaining trust Iranian leaders might have had in Washington’s commitments. “This is not going to be an easy negotiation because the last negotiation that led to a control of Iran’s nuclear programme, the US made the decision to tear it up and walk away from the deal,” Kaine told CNN.
Katulis echoed that assessment, arguing that mutual distrust runs deep on both sides. “Iranian officials are also untrustworthy and duplicitous, but the Trump Administration is providing the mirror image of that,” he said. “If I were an Iranian official leaving Islamabad, I would wonder if I am back on the Israeli kill list.”
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FNM: We work for you, not the few
As The Bahamas prepares for its general election on May 12, the main opposition Free National Movement (FNM) has formally launched its ambitious policy platform, a 54-page manifesto titled *We Work For You*, aimed at reversing the party’s 2021 electoral defeat and preventing the incumbent Progressive Liberal Party (PLP) from claiming a historic consecutive term in office.
The release of the FNM’s agenda comes just days after the ruling PLP debuted its own election platform, the “Blueprint for Progress”, at the University of The Bahamas, setting the stage for a clear policy-driven contest between the two major parties ahead of polling day.
At the forefront of the FNM’s cost-of-living relief proposals is a plan to eliminate value-added tax (VAT) entirely on all everyday consumer essentials, medical expenses, and educational supplies. The party also targets housing accessibility, promising to lower down-payment requirements for first-time homebuyers and deliver at least 5,000 new housing units via public-private partnership projects. For family support, the manifesto pledges a $200 monthly child allowance for children in their first two years of life, alongside a guaranteed minimum $100 weekly stipend for young people enrolled in accredited job training programs.
A core distinguishing feature of the FNM platform is its sharpened focus on government transparency and anti-corruption reform, an area the party frames as underdelivered by the current PLP administration. The centerpiece of this agenda is a binding timeline to fully implement the long-stalled 2017 Freedom of Information Act (FOIA): the party commits to beginning the rollout within its first 90 days in office, with full completion scheduled within the first year of a FNM government. FOIA has remained partially implemented for years after its passage; the current PLP administration stated in 2022 that pilot training had begun for staff at 10 government agencies, but offered no firm full rollout date, and Prime Minister Davis confirmed in 2025 that full FOIA implementation was not an administrative priority, with the government focusing instead on cost-of-living and public safety concerns.
The FOIA pledge is part of a broader suite of accountability measures put forward by the FNM, including a new Public Anti-Corruption Bill, a binding Public Officials’ Code of Conduct Bill, enhanced legal protections for whistleblowers, a more empowered Public Accounts Committee, a shift of the Auditor General’s Office from executive oversight to parliamentary supervision, independent board appointments for state-owned enterprises, and full implementation of the long-delayed Ombudsman Act.
On healthcare, the FNM expands on its already publicized commitments to redevelop Nassau’s Princess Margaret Hospital and upgrade Grand Bahama’s Rand Memorial Hospital. The manifesto adds pledges to hire 100 new doctors and 200 new nurses to address staffing gaps, expand the national health insurance (NHI) scheme, confront the growing national mental health crisis, improve urgent and emergency care access, and strengthen dental care services across the country. The document also promises targeted action to resolve widespread drug and supply shortages across the public health system and speed up ongoing infrastructure upgrade projects.
On immigration, the party has announced Operation SHIELD, a strict enforcement initiative centered on a “zero tolerance” policy toward illegal immigration. The manifesto explicitly rules out citizenship for any person who entered The Bahamas illegally, and breaks Operation SHIELD’s core priorities down to: Secure land borders, Heighten surveillance, Investigate systemic abuse, End unfair processing, Limit irregular approvals, and Disclose regular public data on immigration activity.
To address public concern over crime, the FNM pledges to rebuild public trust in the Royal Bahamas Police Force through the introduction of independent external oversight, recruit hundreds of additional frontline police officers, invest in programs to address the root social causes of crime, and implement a comprehensive ten-point anti-crime strategy. The party also proposes a broad overhaul of the justice system to reduce delays, including clearing long-standing court backlogs, expanding virtual court hearings, digitizing case management systems, constructing a modern national forensic laboratory, strengthening specialized court divisions, updating outdated firearms legislation, and adopting stricter bail eligibility rules for violent offenders.
On economic and fiscal policy, the FNM proposes enshrining the National Development Plan in national law, replacing the existing National Investment Fund Act with a new sovereign wealth fund, setting binding annual national economic growth targets, adopting a statutory fiscal rule that requires balanced budgets during normal economic conditions, and publishing a formal plan to reduce national debt to 50 percent of gross domestic product (GDP) over the medium to long term.
The party’s tax reform agenda includes replacing the current business licence tax levied on gross turnover with a system based on net business earnings, creating industry-specific free trade zones, simplifying VAT and business licence compliance processes, modernizing tax payment timelines, introducing a formal Taxpayer Charter to protect resident and business taxpayers, allocating a minimum of $10 million annually in grant funding for small and micro-enterprises, and establishing a dedicated standalone Commercial Court to speed up business dispute resolution.
Additional economic proposals include the introduction of a national lottery to generate new public revenue, the creation of two new government departments focused on innovation and research and development, and a policy push to expand domestic Bahamian ownership across key national economic sectors. This includes increasing local equity participation in large foreign-backed tourism developments, expanding Bahamian ownership stakes in cruise destinations and private island developments, and opening up greater access for Bahamian entrepreneurs in the banking and financial services sector.
Tourism and urban redevelopment feature prominently in the platform. The FNM proposes a ten-year tourism diversification strategy targeting a 35 percent increase in stopover visitor arrivals, pursuing UNESCO World Heritage designation for historic Bahamian communities, creating a dedicated Downtown Authority to coordinate revitalization efforts, transforming Nassau’s Bay Street into a pedestrian-friendly promenade, launching designated “Orange Districts” to support the creative economy, and implementing a 24/7 Nightlife Project to boost after-hours activity in downtown Nassau. For Grand Bahama, the party plans a targeted economic and tourism revitalization through the BOOM Initiative.
The manifesto also includes a section dedicated to banking reform, with promises to introduce new consumer protection legislation, mandate greater public scrutiny of excessive bank fees, require banks to offer low- and no-fee basic accounts for lower-income customers, mandate that banks process personal account openings within one business day, and speed up access to modern app-based digital payment systems for Bahamian small business owners. On energy policy, the FNM commits to targeted electricity discounts for senior citizens, implement national fuel hedging programs to stabilize consumer energy costs, expand residential and commercial solar adoption, set a target of generating 30 percent of the country’s electricity from renewable energy sources by 2030, and expand access to pre-paid electricity meters for consumers who prefer the flexible payment model.
In education, the FNM reaffirms its previously announced pledge to deliver universal free pre-primary education, while adding new targeted financial support and broader structural reforms. The policy ties the $200 monthly early childhood benefit to the goal of strengthening educational outcomes from the earliest years, and also includes new commitments to increase support for working teachers and expand stipends for trainee educators entering the workforce.
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Historic Taiwan Navy visit further strengthens the enduring friendship with Saint Kitts and Nevis
BASSETERRE, Saint Kitts – On April 10, 2026, the Federation of Saint Kitts and Nevis opened its ports to a landmark goodwill visit from a Taiwanese naval squadron, marking the first time a Taiwanese naval contingent has arrived in the Caribbean nation in 23 years, and reaffirming the deep, decades-long diplomatic bonds between the two sides.
This mission, which brings more than 700 personnel including senior officers, crew members, and graduating midshipmen, is a core element of Taiwan’s overseas pre-commissioning training program for naval cadets ahead of their formal graduation and entry into service. This visit marks only the third time a Taiwanese naval squadron has called at Saint Kitts and Nevis, following prior stops in 2002 and 2003.
A formal welcoming ceremony was hosted at Port Zante, drawing top-tier government officials from Saint Kitts and Nevis. Attendees included Governor-General Dame Marcella Liburd, Deputy Governor-General for Nevis Hyleeta Liburd, Prime Minister Dr. Terrance Drew, Nevis Premier Mark Brantley, and Taiwan’s resident Ambassador Edward Ling-Wen Tao.
In his address during the ceremony, Ambassador Tao underscored the profound diplomatic importance of the voyage, noting that the visit underscores the robust, mutually valued relationship between the two island nations. “Saint Kitts and Nevis stands as one of Taiwan’s most cherished diplomatic allies,” Tao stated. “Our friendship is founded on shared principles of mutual respect, reciprocal trust, and a collective dedication to advancing inclusive national development. The presence of this squadron here today speaks to the depth of our ongoing engagement.”
The ambassador added that the squadron’s 9,000-plus nautical mile journey to the Caribbean is tangible proof of Taiwan’s unwavering commitment to deepening ties with Saint Kitts and Nevis. “We want the people of Saint Kitts and Nevis to know that even though our two nations are separated by thousands of miles, you hold a permanent place in our priorities,” he said. “It is my sincere hope that this goodwill mission will pave the way for new cooperative frameworks in national security and maritime safety, delivering shared benefits for both Taiwan and the esteemed Federation.”
Prime Minister Drew framed the visit as a historic, milestone moment for Saint Kitts and Nevis, emphasizing that it serves as a powerful symbol of the enduring friendship and long-standing shared commitment to development that unites the two countries. “This first arrival of a Taiwan Navy contingent to our shores in 23 years is an event of genuine significance—historic in every sense of the word,” Drew noted. “It speaks to the unbroken strength of the bond between our nations, and stands as a testament to the close connection we continue to nurture, even across vast geographic distances.”
Drew recalled that Taiwan has been a reliable, steadfast development partner for Saint Kitts and Nevis for more than 40 years, with collaborative projects spanning critical sectors including public health, agricultural development, education, climate change resilience, and digital technology. “But beyond infrastructure projects and formal development programs, what makes this relationship truly special is its human core,” the prime minister explained. “This is a friendship between peoples, rooted in shared values of human dignity, expanded opportunity, shared prosperity, and democratic governance. That is why this visit carries such deep meaning for us.”
Beyond official diplomatic engagements, the visit included extensive public outreach activities. Local citizens and residents were invited to board the naval vessel for public tours, where they could explore on-board facilities, interact directly with Taiwanese midshipmen, and learn more about Taiwan’s naval training and maritime development programs. The public also enjoyed a joint military and cultural showcase in downtown Basseterre, featuring performances from the St. Kitts-Nevis Defence Force Band, a traditional drum display by Taiwan Navy personnel, a formal honour guard procession, and a martial arts demonstration.
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De politieke barometer, oftewel de kunst van het regeren!
Published: 12 April, 12:46
Following the passing of former Suriname President Chandrikapersad Santokhi, I have been reflecting on his legacy ahead of his state funeral, where I contributed personally to the proceedings. Looking through the commemorative book released in his honor, the first and final images in Santokhi’s photo collage strike me as deeply curious, yet perfectly fitting for the man known to many as Chan.
Even the foreword of the memorial book was crafted in a manner that feels distinctly aligned with who he was. It reads: “He served his country guided by a philosophical conviction that nature unites three worlds in harmony: the world of physical embodiment, the world of the thinking mind, and the world of the heart and intellect.” It is a tragedy that nature did not grant him the time to fully reach his potential across all three of these realms, but even so, we cannot deny the contributions he made to Suriname during his lifetime.
It is true that throughout his final term in office, I often spoke out critically against his self-centered policy and personal decisions – criticism that was never unfounded. Despite this political friction, Santokhi and I maintained a cordial working relationship during his lifetime, a dynamic I believe was rooted in pragmatic political calculation on his end, a fact that those close to him can confirm.
As fellow politician Gajadien once noted of Santokhi: he never arrived unprepared. I can personally attest to this observation. In 2019, I joined Santokhi for a meeting with then-incumbent President Dési Bouterse to discuss a potential pre-election alliance between Santokhi’s Progressive People’s Party (VHP) and Bouterse’s National Democratic Party (NDP). That encounter gave me the opportunity to see first-hand that Santokhi was a politician of both great courage and deep policy knowledge.
Even amid widespread controversy over Bouterse’s political standing, Santokhi chose to move forward with talks about a potential partnership – a decision I witnessed directly, along with the President of the Suriname Court of Justice. This move must be recognized as a demonstration of remarkable political strength.
So what drove this decision? Looking back at pre-election polling ahead of the May 2020 general election, projections put the NDP on track to win 18 parliamentary seats, with the VHP projected to take a maximum of 17. Even with those predictions stacked against his party, Santokhi took the initiative to open negotiations. What is more, despite having no way of knowing the final result, he remained fully convinced the VHP would outperform polls and win more than 17 seats.
Santokhi pushed for a written agreement to formalize the pre-election collaboration. Unfortunately, politics and opportunism have always walked hand in hand. Throughout the talks, I repeatedly warned him that if the VHP ended up winning more seats than the NDP, the agreement would never move forward. Now, in 2026, Santokhi’s passing has brought the work he started to an unexpected close. It is through this lens that I read the caption accompanying his memorial photo collage.
Today, many critics argue that Santokhi left many Suriname’s initiatives broken and uncompleted. That may hold some truth. But it is also undeniable that he personally pushed forward a great number of key projects that have benefited the nation. Those who can see beyond the political blackmail tactics employed by some current actors in Suriname’s political landscape recognize that the country is positioned for a strong future – a future Santokhi already saw on the horizon.
Santokhi understood well that politics is no child’s game. He often noted that with 34 members of parliament holding seats in a governing coalition, it should be unthinkable to fail to reach a quorum to conduct legislative business. On the topic of judicial reform legislation more broadly, Santokhi frequently argued that the failure to reach a orderly, functional solution to the branch’s structural challenges is nothing short of scandalous.
In particular, the current Law on the Legal Position of the Judiciary is unworkable. It is a complete failure of governance; even for legislators acting in good faith, closer examination makes clear why the legislation cannot function as written. This is just one more example of elected assembly members wasting public tax dollars, a travesty for the Surinamese people.
As it stands today, 21 sitting assembly members are present for regular votes, enough to form a new functional coalition led by the VHP. This is the kind of decisive action politics demands. It is long past time to revise the current ineffective, gridlocked coalition. These observations have been brought into sharp relief by the petulant, uncooperative behavior of supposed adult political leaders in recent months.
Every elected official claims to possess reason and good judgment. That is without question. So why do they so often refuse to use it? What more can we ask for than to let reason guide the work of governing? By settling for mediocre, unprincipled politics, we remain stuck in stagnation, unable to move forward as a nation.
By Eugène van der San
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PM Kamla Persad-Bissessar Vs CARICOM
A public dispute has emerged between Trinidad and Tobago Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar and the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) over the recent reappointment of the bloc’s top administrative leader, throwing into question regional governance procedures and transparency amid a high-stakes diplomatic standoff.
The conflict follows the Twenty-Fifth Special Emergency Meeting of CARICOM Heads of Government, held Friday to address governance concerns raised by Trinidad and Tobago — a meeting that neither Persad-Bissessar nor any of her government representatives attended. In an official statement released after the session, CARICOM Chairman Dr. Terrance Drew, who also serves as Prime Minister of St. Kitts and Nevis, laid out the regional bloc’s account of the events that led to Secretary-General Dr. Carla Barnett’s reappointment at the 50th Regular Meeting of the CARICOM Conference of Heads of Government, hosted in St. Kitts and Nevis between February 24 and 27, 2026.
According to Drew’s statement, all CARICOM member states received formal advance notification of the February meeting’s official schedule, draft agenda, and working breakdown, including clear details of which topics would be discussed in plenary sessions, caucus meetings, and the closed Heads-only retreat. All heads of government offices received official correspondence confirming the retreat’s date and island venue, and every member state acknowledged receipt of the materials, CARICOM claims.
The narrative continues that Persad-Bissessar departed St. Kitts on the evening of February 25, one day before the scheduled Heads-only retreat on February 26. That same night, Trinidad and Tobago’s Foreign Minister Sean Sobers contacted Secretary-General Barnett via WhatsApp to ask whether he could attend the retreat in the prime minister’s absence. He was reportedly told that foreign ministers could stand in for heads of government if needed, but Sobers replied that he suffered from seasickness and would likely be unable to complete the boat ride required to reach the remote retreat venue.
In response, Barnett informed Sobers that the Chairman would excuse his absence if the trip posed significant discomfort. Sobers never followed up to confirm his attendance, per CARICOM’s account. When heads of government gathered for the closed retreat to discuss community financing and governance, members approved Barnett’s reappointment in line with Article 24 of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas, with Barnett recusing herself from the discussion.
As a courtesy to absent leadership, heads agreed to delay the public announcement of the reappointment to allow time to notify Persad-Bissessar. CARICOM says multiple attempts were made to contact the prime minister via phone and email, but none were successful, and the Chairman ultimately reached out directly to Sobers to share the outcome. Alongside the reappointment, CARICOM leaders agreed to form a subcommittee with representatives from Barbados, Dominica, Guyana, and Jamaica to conduct a full review of the bloc’s institutional governance and financing frameworks. Leaders also approved a formal statement on their recent meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio focused on evolving global geopolitical developments.
In his closing remarks, Drew emphasized that CARICOM has long relied on its internal diplomatic mechanisms to resolve internal challenges, warning that “unfortunate and erroneous statements” from member states risk eroding years of progress toward deeper regional integration.
But Persad-Bissessar has pushed back aggressively against CARICOM’s account, releasing a counter-statement on her official Facebook page that disputes key details and calls into question the entire reappointment process’s transparency.
The Trinidad and Tobago prime minister claims that while her government received multiple communications about ceremonial meeting details — including required attire for official events — no notification was ever sent indicating that Barnett’s reappointment would be on the retreat’s agenda. She further alleges that a WhatsApp message sent from the Chairman’s office on the morning of February 26 explicitly stated the retreat would remain strictly limited to sitting heads of government, directly contradicting CARICOM’s claim that Sobers was welcome to attend in her place. That message, Persad-Bissessar says, instructed foreign ministers to remain at the separate Community Council meeting instead of attending the retreat.
Persad-Bissessar is also demanding access to key internal documents that have not been made public, including the official minutes of the closed retreat, a formal performance appraisal of Barnett’s first term as Secretary-General, and full records from Barnett’s original 2021 appointment to the post. She has labeled the entire process fundamentally lacking in transparency, and has called on the CARICOM Secretariat to fulfill a formal request for documentation submitted in an April 9 letter from Foreign Minister Sobers.
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STATEMENT BY THE CHAIR OF CARICOMHonourable Dr. Terrance Drew, Prime Minister of St. Kitts and Nevis Twenty-fifth Special Emergency Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government of CARICOM
On April 10, 2026, the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) convened its 25th Special Emergency Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government to address long-simmering governance disputes first raised by Trinidad and Tobago, centered on the controversial reappointment of the bloc’s Secretary-General. In a notable snub, neither the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago nor any official representative from the nation participated in the emergency gathering. The statement released following the meeting was issued by CARICOM Chair Dr. Terrance Drew, who also serves as Prime Minister of St. Kitts and Nevis, and publicly dated April 11, 2026.
The official statement clarifies the sequence of events that sparked the current rift, dating back to CARICOM’s 50th Regular Conference of Heads of Government, hosted by St. Kitts and Nevis between February 24 and 27, 2026. According to the official documentation attached to the statement, all member states received full, timely advance notification of the conference’s official schedule, draft agenda, and detailed work program, which clearly outlined which topics would be addressed in open plenary sessions, closed caucuses, and the restricted Heads-only retreat. All member states, including Trinidad and Tobago, formally acknowledged receipt of every official communication related to the 50th Regular Conference, the document confirms.
Tensions emerged on the first day of the conference, when Trinidad and Tobago’s Prime Minister departed St. Kitts and Nevis on the evening of February 25, a full day ahead of the scheduled February 26 closed retreat. That same night, at 10:33 PM, Trinidad and Tobago’s Foreign Minister Sean Sobers contacted the Secretary-General via WhatsApp to ask whether he could attend the retreat in his Prime Minister’s absence. The Secretary-General confirmed that, consistent with past practice, a foreign minister could stand in for an absent head of government. However, Sobers immediately raised a concern: he experiences severe seasickness, and the retreat venue required a boat ride, leaving him uncertain he could attend.
A copy of the official WhatsApp correspondence included in the attached documentation captures the subsequent exchange. At 10:55 PM the same night, the Secretary-General updated Chair Drew on the interaction, writing: “Chairman. TT Foreign Minister Sobers called me to ask if he should come to retreat in the absence of his PM. I indicated that other Heads who have left may be represented by their FMs. He also indicated he gets seasick, so he’s not looking forward to the boat ride. So we may not have TT represented tomorrow.” Shortly after midnight, at 12:37 AM on February 26, the Secretary-General followed up directly with Minister Sobers, writing: “Minister, if the boat trip will cause nausea am sure the Chairman would understand if you chose not to come tomorrow.” After that message, Sobers never followed up to confirm he would be able and willing to attend the retreat, leaving Trinidad and Tobago unrepresented at the closed session.
During the retreat, under the standing agenda item focused on Community financing and governance, CARICOM heads took up the matter of the Secretary-General’s reappointment. Deliberating in accordance with Article 24 of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas, the governing document of the bloc, heads agreed to approve the reappointment, with the Secretary-General recusing himself from the room during the discussion. Out of courtesy to absent member state representatives, heads agreed to delay the official public announcement of the decision until all absent heads could be personally informed. While outreach to other absent leaders was successful, repeated attempts to contact Trinidad and Tobago’s Prime Minister via both email and telephone went unanswered. Eventually, Chair Drew was requested to contact Foreign Minister Sobers directly to relay the decision.
In addition to the Secretary-General’s reappointment, CARICOM heads reached two other key decisions during the February retreat: they established a special sub-committee of heads from Barbados, Dominica, Guyana, and Jamaica to conduct a comprehensive review of CARICOM institutional governance and financing, and they authorized a public statement on the bloc’s recent meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio under the agenda item covering global geopolitical developments.
In his opening statement to the April 2026 emergency meeting, Chair Drew emphasized that all context, correspondence, and meeting materials from the 50th Regular Conference have been released publicly as attachments to the emergency meeting statement, to ensure full transparency for all member states and regional stakeholders. Drew closed the statement with a call for unity, noting that CARICOM’s core mission of deepening regional integration to improve the quality of life for all Caribbean people must remain the top priority. He expressed hope that the bloc can return to resolving internal differences through established internal mechanisms in the future, warning that unfounded public statements risk eroding years of progress toward integration. Full supporting documents, including a complete timeline of pre-conference correspondence and the official work program, are available for public download on the official CARICOM website.
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Chairman insists Trinidad wasn’t ‘uninvited’ to CARICOM retreat
BRIDGETOWN, BARBADOS – A growing public dispute over the reappointment of CARICOM’s top administrative leader has pushed internal governance tensions within the 15-nation Caribbean integration bloc into the open, with CARICOM Chairman and St. Kitts and Nevis Prime Minister Terrance Drew pushing back directly against claims from Trinidad and Tobago that it was deliberately locked out of the key decision-making meeting.
In a detailed public statement released late Saturday, Drew clarified the timeline of events surrounding Carla Barnett’s reappointment as CARICOM Secretary-General for a second five-year term, a decision reached during a leadership retreat held on February 26 alongside the bloc’s 50th Regular Conference of Heads of Government in Basseterre. To back his account, Drew also published 11 pages of official correspondence exchanged between the bloc secretariat and all member states in the lead-up to the February 24-27 summit.
Drew’s account contradicts Trinidad and Tobago Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s assertion that the country was uninvited to the retreat, where the reappointment vote took place. According to Drew, Persad-Bissessar departed the summit on the evening of February 25, a full day before the scheduled retreat. Later that night, at 10:33 p.m., Trinidad and Tobago’s Foreign and CARICOM Affairs Minister Sean Sobers contacted then-Secretary-General Barnett via WhatsApp to ask if he could attend the retreat in his prime minister’s absence. Drew confirmed Sobers was told he was welcome to attend, noting that other departing heads of government had previously been allowed to send their foreign ministers as representatives.
In response, Sobers told officials he was experiencing severe seasickness and likely could not attend the boat-based retreat. Just under two hours later, at 12:37 a.m. on February 26, Barnett replied, confirming that the CARICOM chairman would fully understand if Sobers opted not to attend due to illness. Drew emphasized that Sobers never followed up to confirm he was able and willing to participate in the retreat after that exchange.
Trinidad and Tobago’s leadership has publicly decried the reappointment process as “surreptitious and odious”, with Persad-Bissessar repeating calls for full transparency in a recent Facebook post, arguing the flawed process could have long-term negative impacts on Trinidad and Tobago’s interests. Earlier this week, Sobers announced the country would demand a full CARICOM meeting to challenge the reappointment, and even floated the possibility of holding new elections for the secretary-general post. When regional leaders held a virtual follow-up meeting on the dispute this Friday, neither Persad-Bissessar nor Sobers attended.
Sobers has stressed that Trinidad and Tobago is not seeking to leave the 51-year-old integration bloc, but has deep concerns about CARICOM’s operational inefficiency and lack of transparency. He also confirmed the country would re-evaluate its financial contribution to the grouping in light of the dispute.
Drew countered that all member states, including Trinidad and Tobago, received full official notification of all summit events, including the retreat’s date, location, and planned agenda items, well in advance of the conference. All member states formally acknowledged receipt of this correspondence, he added.
During the retreat, Drew explained, leaders took up the reappointment under the agenda item focused on CARICOM governance and financing. The decision to reappoint Barnett followed the procedures laid out in Article 24 of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas, CARICOM’s founding governing document. Barnett, who first took office as the bloc’s eighth secretary-general in August 2021 after a unanimous appointment, was not present for the discussion or vote on her reappointment, Drew noted.
Leaders agreed to delay the public announcement of the decision as a courtesy to allow absent leaders to be informed first, but multiple attempts to contact Persad-Bissessar via email and phone were unsuccessful, Drew said. After failed attempts to reach the prime minister, the chairman was only able to connect with Sobers.
In addition to the reappointment, Drew confirmed that regional leaders used the retreat to advance other key governance work: they established a new sub-committee of heads from Barbados, Dominica, Guyana, and Jamaica to conduct a full review of governance and financing for all CARICOM institutions, and agreed to issue an official statement on the bloc’s recent meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
As the dispute unfolds, two member states – Guyana and Belize – have already issued public statements confirming their support for the reappointment process. Barnett, who made history as the first woman to hold the CARICOM secretary-general post, will now serve her second five-year term in the role.
Drew closed his statement by noting that the release of internal correspondence was aligned with agreements reached during Friday’s leaders’ meeting, and expressed hope that the bloc could return to using internal dispute resolution mechanisms to address future tensions. “Lest unfortunate and erroneous statements diminish the progress towards deepening the integration process for the benefit of the people of the Region,” he added.


