A local political figure named Michael Joseph has recently announced a bold, ambitious initiative aimed at driving comprehensive transformation across the St. John’s Rural West region. In public comments shared around the plan, Joseph emphasized his deep personal connection to the area, stating openly that he owes all of his growth and opportunities to the local community. The transformative blueprint he has laid out is framed as a reciprocal effort to lift up the district that shaped him, though full details of the plan’s specific priorities, funding mechanisms and implementation timelines have not yet been outlined in the available information.
分类: politics
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Governor General travels to Martinique for medical care
In an official statement released Wednesday, the Office of the Governor General of Saint Lucia has confirmed that the nation’s current Governor General, Sir Cyril E. M. Charles, has traveled to the Caribbean island of Martinique to seek specialized medical treatment.
In line with the constitutional provisions laid out in Section 22(1)(c) of Saint Lucia’s founding Constitution, Felix Finisterre has been formally appointed to serve as acting deputy during Sir Cyril’s medical leave. Throughout the Governor General’s absence, Finisterre will assume all required responsibilities and carry out the core duties of the Office of the Governor General to uphold the normal operations of the institution.
Senior government officials have emphasized that all necessary administrative and procedural arrangements have already been finalized to guarantee full continuity of the Governor General’s statutory and ceremonial duties. These pre-planned steps are designed to ensure all official government business proceeds without disruption or delay across all areas of the office’s mandate.
Sir Cyril is accompanied on his trip by his spouse, Lady Anicia Charles. On behalf of the entire Charles family, a public request has been made for the prayers and supportive well-wishes of Saint Lucian citizens across the country as Sir Cyril undergoes his medical care.
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Marigot MP voices support for continued mining at Deux Branche
As the elected parliamentary representative for Marigot, Anthony Charles has publicly solidified his stance on one of the region’s most contentious development issues: throwing his full support behind continued mining operations at the Deux Branches site. In a detailed written statement addressing public and stakeholder concerns, Charles framed the project as an essential driver of national progress that upholds both community land rights and responsible environmental stewardship.
Charles emphasized that Marigot constituents have a long-standing commitment to balanced, inclusive progress that never sacrifices citizen rights for economic growth. He pointed to the constituency’s earlier approval of mining operations at Crapaud Hall (also referenced as Craupo Haul in the full statement) as a clear example of this balanced approach. That earlier project, he noted, moved forward only after securing full consent from local landowners, who received fair compensation for the use of their property. The successful completion of aggregate extraction at Crapaud Hall, he explained, has cleared the way for the next critical phase of the nation’s flagship infrastructure project: sourcing the large volume of stone needed to build the country’s new international airport.
Acknowledging widespread public concern over the potential environmental impact of expanding mining to Deux Branches, Charles stressed that robust mitigation strategies are already baked into the project’s official plan. He said these targeted measures are designed to minimize any negative ecological effects of the extraction work, aligning the project with commitments to sustainable resource management.
In a firm, clear assertion of his position as the community’s elected official, Charles stated: “Let me be clear on my position as the elected representative for Marigot: I will stand with the decision of the landowners at Crapaud Hall and Deux Branches. With fair compensation and these safeguards in place, then we must proceed.”
Charles rejected framing the project as a simple resource extraction effort, instead positioning it as a catalyst for transformative national benefit. Once completed, the new international airport is projected to stimulate broad economic growth, generate new local jobs, and unlock long-term opportunity for both Marigot and the entire country. “The stone extracted is critical to completing the international airport, a project that will strengthen our economy, create jobs, and position Marigot and the wider nation for growth in the years ahead,” he added.
For Charles, the core of the debate boils down to three non-negotiable priorities: upholding binding agreements with local landowners, protecting natural resources that the entire community depends on, and keeping the nation on a path toward inclusive sustainable development. “This is about building our future while honoring the agreements made with our people and protecting the natural resources we all depend on. We move forward together, with respect for land rights, environmental stewardship, and commitment to national development,” he concluded.
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OP-ED: CARICOM and the new normal in international politics
As the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) marks its 50th Conference of Heads of Government, the 56-year-old regional bloc finds itself facing the most severe test of its unity in modern history, pushed to breaking point by shifting great power dynamics that have reopened deep foreign policy divides among member states. The moment of crisis comes as St. Kitts and Nevis Prime Minister Terrance Drew stepped into the six-month rotating CARICOM chairmanship in January 2026, tasked with bridging growing fractures that have undermined the bloc’s longstanding diplomatic cohesion at a time of unprecedented global upheaval.
The core source of tension stems from competing responses to the so-called “Trump Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine, a policy framework that has reignited great power competition in the Caribbean and split the 14 sovereign member bloc into two opposing camps. For most small CARICOM states, the doctrine, which has been implemented through heavy-handed U.S. security and foreign policy actions, raises deep alarms: it contradicts the bloc’s foundational commitment to the UN Charter, multilateral cooperation, and sovereign equality, principles that are the primary protection for small states in an anarchic international system.
But a small subset of members has broken ranks to align fully with Washington. Trinidad and Tobago, under Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, has openly backed U.S. policy across multiple flashpoints: it supported the U.S.-Israeli military campaign against Iran (now paused by a fragile ceasefire), endorsed U.S. anti-narcotics military operations in the Caribbean that targeted the Venezuelan Maduro regime, and welcomed Maduro’s capture by U.S. forces. In return, Washington has deepened bilateral security cooperation with Port-of-Spain and admitted it into the high-profile Shield of the Americas initiative, joining only Guyana as the second CARICOM member in the bloc. This split has eroded mutual trust across the regional grouping, opening a diplomatic rift that has persisted for months.
When Drew assumed the chairmanship, he prioritized mending these divides to ensure a successful 50th Heads of Government Conference, held in February 2026. To lay the groundwork, he launched a series of one-on-one high-level engagements with regional leaders, aiming to rebuild goodwill and create space for productive dialogue. Drew’s efforts achieved a partial victory: all 14 heads of government attended the summit, though three departed early before the closed-door leadership retreat, a key session focused on geopolitical reform.
Despite the divisions, CARICOM members were able to close ranks on limited issues, including longstanding policy toward Cuba. On the sidelines of the summit, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio held talks with CARICOM leaders, resulting in an agreement to develop a new bilateral cooperation framework, which was formalized in a joint statement on regional engagement. The summit also reaffirmed a core principle of CARICOM: as Jamaica Prime Minister Andrew Holness emphasized in opening remarks, citing the 2013 Rose Hall Declaration, CARICOM is a community of sovereign states bound by shared purpose rather than forced uniformity, a pragmatic approach shaped by historical skepticism of ceding authority to supranational institutions.
Holness acknowledged the growing gap between the accelerating pace of global change and the bloc’s ability to coordinate regional responses, a challenge that has defined the current moment. Even so, the summit was widely framed as a limited success for chair Drew and the bloc – until a new controversy erupted over the reappointment of incumbent CARICOM Secretary-General Carla Barnett to a second term starting August 2026.
Drew first announced Barnett’s reappointment on March 25, 2026, triggering a public dispute that has deepened existing divides. The impasse extends far beyond procedural questions, opening up broader debate about CARICOM’s governance structures. As of mid-April 2026, neither side has backed down: public diplomatic correspondence from Trinidad and Tobago Foreign Minister Sean Sobers (dated April 9) and Drew (dated April 11) show positions have hardened, with many remaining members forced to navigate a diplomatic tightrope between the two camps. High-level mediation efforts are ongoing, but no immediate resolution is in sight.
For regional analysts, the current crisis is not an isolated incident, but part of a longer pattern of tension sparked by great power interference in the Caribbean. A key historical parallel is the 1983 U.S. invasion of Grenada, which created lasting rifts within the bloc. Today, the resurgence of sphere-of-influence politics directly undermines the post-WWII international order’s cornerstone of multilateral cooperation, presenting an existential challenge to small Caribbean states that rely on the UN Charter to defend their sovereignty.
While the 50th summit delivered much-needed discussion of geopolitical challenges and the bloc’s core identity, CARICOM now faces an urgent imperative: to work through its deepening divides and adapt to the new normal of 21st century great power competition. For small Caribbean nations, the stakes could not be higher: failure to navigate this moment could permanently erode the regional unity that has served the bloc for more than five decades.
*This analysis reflects the personal views of Nand C. Bardouille, Ph.D., manager of The Diplomatic Academy of the Caribbean at The University of the West Indies St. Augustine Campus, and was originally published by the Jamaica Gleaner on April 16, 2026.*
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‘Disgraceful silence’ from foreign ministers
A deepening transparency crisis has rocked the Caribbean Community (Caricom), as Trinidad and Tobago Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar has leveled explosive allegations of corrupt backroom dealing against the regional bloc’s leadership, centered on the controversial reappointment of Secretary-General Dr. Carla Barnett.
At the heart of the controversy is a bombshell revelation from Persad-Bissessar: the official April 11 statement defending Barnett’s reappointment, published publicly under the name of Caricom Chairman and St. Kitts and Nevis Prime Minister Dr. Terrance Drew, was actually written by Barnett herself. Document metadata shared by the prime minister confirms Barnett as the statement’s original author, a revelation Persad-Bissessar argues exposes the fundamental conflict of interest plaguing the bloc’s decision-making process.
The dispute stretches back to the February 2026 Caricom Heads of Government Conference held in St. Kitts and Nevis. Persad-Bissessar attended the opening sessions and departed on February 25, leaving Foreign Minister Sean Sobers to lead the Trinidad and Tobago delegation. On the morning of the scheduled closed-door Nevis retreat on February 26, a WhatsApp message sent by Barnett to the Caricom Council for Foreign and Community Relations (COFCOR) chat group – which all regional foreign ministers, including Sobers, are members of – clearly stated that Chairman Drew had ordered the retreat to be restricted to heads of government only, barring all ministers from attending. This directly contradicts Drew’s later claim that Sobers was invited to the retreat and declined to attend due to seasickness, a claim Sobers formally refuted in an April 9 letter.
Persad-Bissessar has lambasted the entire Caricom foreign minister corps for what she calls their “deliberate and disgraceful silence” in the wake of this exposed contradiction. All COFCOR members have access to the unaltered February 26 WhatsApp message confirming the disinvitation, yet none have stepped forward to confirm Sobers’ account. This collective silence, the prime minister says, amounts to active complicity in smearing the foreign minister’s reputation to cover up procedural misconduct.
Trinidad and Tobago’s core objections stretch beyond the conflicting narratives about the disinvitation. The reappointment was never listed on the official public agenda for the conference, and no reference to the decision appeared in the March 1 joint communiqué or the March 2 official summary of Caricom decisions published after the meeting. It was not until March 25 that Drew formally announced Barnett’s second five-year term, set to begin when her current term expires in August 2026, following a vote by a majority of heads of government held during the closed-door retreat.
Persad-Bissessar has drawn sweeping conclusions about the state of Caricom’s leadership, describing the bloc’s secretariat as “dysfunctional, dishonest and incompetent.” She argues that the opaque process is the inevitable outcome of a system where political allies, party loyalists, and relatives of regional politicians are appointed to top management roles to preserve a decades-old “old boys club” status quo that benefits regional business and political elites, rather than appointing independent, competent technocrats. What Caricom frames as core ideals of regional integration, integrity, and inclusion, she says, is just a “smoke screen” for behind-the-scenes deals that prioritize keeping aligned political parties in power across the region and exclude unaligned groups from the entrenched political establishment.
In a statement to local media, Foreign Minister Sobers backed the prime minister’s campaign, calling the situation “intolerable” and a “profoundly sad moment for the Caribbean people.” He emphasized that no amount of public relations spin can distract from the core facts: Trinidad and Tobago was deliberately excluded from the retreat, the reappointment was never added to the official agenda, and the entire process violated the procedural requirements laid out in the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas, Caricom’s founding legal document.
Despite the scathing criticism, Persad-Bissessar has repeatedly emphasized that Trinidad and Tobago has no plans to leave the regional bloc, which it helped found 52 years ago and has heavily invested in over decades. “We helped build this organisation and will be a part of fixing it to benefit all the people of Caricom,” she said, adding that the country’s economic, security, and development future is deeply tied to the bloc’s success.
The prime minister has vowed to continue escalating the matter publicly and aggressively until two demands are met: full accountability for all actors involved in the opaque reappointment process, and sweeping institutional reforms to guarantee future fairness, transparency, accountability, and non-interference in the domestic politics of member states. She has noted that even small local bodies like village councils and sports clubs keep formal, timestamped meeting minutes and performance records, and Caricom, as a 52-year-old regional institution, has no excuse for failing to produce the documentation she has requested about the reappointment process, which includes communications, meeting minutes, and performance appraisals for Barnett.
A full timeline of the unfolding controversy tracks a steady escalation of tensions over two months: the initial exclusion at the February retreat, the first public announcement of the reappointment in late March, repeated formal requests for documentation from Trinidad and Tobago that went unanswered, an emergency Caricom virtual meeting that Trinidad and Tobago boycotted over the lack of transparency, and the most recent bombshell revelation that Barnett authored her own defense statement released under the chairman’s name.
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Marvin mum on reports John-Bates helped key witness
Trinidad and Tobago’s governing People’s National Movement (PNM) has announced it will withhold public comment on growing allegations that opposition Senator Janelle John-Bates improperly provided assistance to a star witness during closed proceedings of the country’s Public Accounts and Administration Committee (PAAC).
The witness at the center of the controversy is former health minister Terrence Deyalsingh, who is a key figure in the PAAC’s ongoing inquiry into state-run pharmaceutical procurement, covering the full process of importing and approving medical drugs for public use. Unconfirmed claims state that John-Bates helped draft Deyalsingh’s formal statement ahead of his submission to the oversight committee. Following the emergence of these allegations, the PAAC took the step of adjourning its scheduled Monday meeting to reset the course of the ongoing inquiry.
Opposition Chief Whip Marvin Gonzales laid out the PNM’s official stance on the developing situation during a press briefing hosted Tuesday at the Office of the Leader of the Opposition in Port of Spain’s Charles Street. Gonzales, who also serves as the Member of Parliament for the Arouca/Lopinot constituency, was joined at the briefing by two fellow PNM parliamentarians: Symon de Nobriga, representative for Diego Martin Central, and Stuart Young, who holds the Port of Spain North/St Ann’s West seat.
Gonzales explained that the PAAC operates as a permanent joint select committee tasked with scrutinizing governance practices within Trinidad and Tobago’s pharmaceutical sector. He emphasized that as a matter of parliamentary protocol, neither party representatives nor the general public are permitted to publicly discuss active matters under review by the committee, particularly proceedings that are held in private, or in camera.
Noting he is not a sitting member of the PAAC, Gonzales stressed that he has no access to the closed committee proceedings, and his only awareness of the allegations comes from local daily newspaper reporting. He added that parliamentarians bound to the joint select committee are explicitly barred from commenting on active in camera matters under the Parliament’s Standing Orders.
“Based on what has been reported in the media, this alleged incident is understood to have taken place just one or two days ago, and we do not currently have access to a full, verified set of facts related to this case,” Gonzales said. “We must exercise extreme caution to avoid violating the Standing Orders of Parliament and facing contempt sanctions. Once all relevant information is obtained through official, proper channels, the PNM will move forward with whatever action is deemed appropriate for the circumstances.”
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Ralph, Camillo, ‘ULP bigwigs’ lack ‘moral authority’ on constitutional issues
A longstanding political and legal figure in St. Vincent and the Grenadines has delivered a blistering rebuke to top leaders of the opposition Unity Labour Party (ULP), arguing they have forfeited any moral standing to condemn the current government’s planned constitutional amendments over ongoing election legal challenges.
Jomo Thomas, a former Speaker of the House of Assembly, practicing lawyer, journalist, and one-time New Democratic Party (NDP) electoral candidate, laid out his case in an interview with iWitness News on Wednesday, calling out ULP Opposition Leader Ralph Gonsalves, his son and former ULP Finance Minister Camillo Gonsalves, and other senior ULP figures for their recent sanctimonious rhetoric about constitutional respect.
The current dispute traces back to last November’s general election, when after two decades in power under Ralph Gonsalves, the ULP was decisively voted out of office by the electorate. The ruling NDP, now led by Prime Minister Godwin Friday, took office, but the ULP has since filed two high-stakes election petitions challenging the legitimacy of Friday’s win in Northern Grenadines and Finance Minister Dwight Fitzgerald Bramble’s victory in East Kingstown. The ULP argues the pair were ineligible to run for office because they hold Canadian citizenship, a fact that has been public since before they first stood for election.
In response to the pending challenge, scheduled for trial in June, the NDP government has proposed a constitutional amendment to clarify the legal definition of “foreign power” to resolve eligibility questions. The ULP has decried this move as an unconstitutional power grab to protect the sitting government, framing the change as a threat to St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ founding governing document. Thomas, however, says this outrage rings hollow given the ULP’s own long history of disregarding constitutional norms when it held power.
Thomas points to a 2015 parallel that exposes the ULP leadership’s hypocrisy. After that year’s election, the NDP filed its own election petitions challenging ULP seat wins, and when the courts agreed to hear the case, Ralph Gonsalves, who was still prime minister at the time, publicly dismissed the court’s role in determining election outcomes. In 2017 comments that still stand on record, Gonsalves argued that only voters, not judges, get to decide who represents the public, saying “The courthouse doesn’t determine who represents you… Judges do not decide who are your representatives.” Now, Thomas notes, Gonsalves is insisting the court must be the final arbiter a direct contradiction of his own previous stance.
Beyond this flip-flop, Thomas details a series of past actions by the Gonsalves-led ULP administration that he says amount to direct assaults on the constitution. He cites the Public Administration Act, which Ralph Gonsalves championed and Camillo Gonsalves supported, a law that Thomas argues improperly stripped the independent Public Service Commission of its constitutional authority over public sector hiring. Thomas’s own legal chambers have won multiple court rulings that found the ULP administration violated the constitution during its time in office. He also points to violations of the Finance Act related to unregulated special warrants, documented in a 2020 article he wrote, as well as the ULP’s maneuvering to block an NDP no-confidence motion when the party held a narrow 8-7 parliamentary majority.
Thomas acknowledges that he, as speaker at the time, allowed the ULP’s procedural gambit to block the no-confidence debate, but says he was pressured into the decision by Camillo Gonsalves, who argued that standing orders allowed the amendment to kill the motion. Thomas now says that was a mistake: standing orders are subsidiary legislation that cannot override the constitutional requirement to hold votes on no-confidence motions, a fact the ULP leadership knew full well when they pushed the maneuver through to protect their government.
While Thomas rejects the ULP’s moral authority to comment on constitutional respect, he does not fully back the NDP’s planned amendment either. He agrees with the ULP’s top leadership’s prediction that the court will throw out their election petitions, and says the NDP’s push to amend the constitution ahead of the June trial signals unnecessary insecurity about the legal case. Thomas confirms that the government only needs a two-thirds parliamentary majority to pass the amendment, but argues that moving forward with the change is unnecessary, even as it remains within the government’s power to do so.



