Carib Scope

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  • Grenada “deeply concerned” at ongoing situation in Cuba

    Grenada “deeply concerned” at ongoing situation in Cuba

    Against the backdrop of the 81st United Nations General Assembly (UNGA), Grenada’s delegation chair Ingrid Jackson used her address to the global body on Monday to amplify urgent calls for multilateral cooperation on a series of pressing global and regional issues, opening with deep concern over the humanitarian crisis unfolding in Cuba. The island nation’s top representative at the assembly drew specific attention to the lasting toll of unilateral U.S. economic pressure and the ongoing energy blockade, policies first ramped up during the Trump Administration when Washington imposed harsh targeted sanctions on Havana in an attempt to force regime change.

    Jackson emphasized that the global community cannot turn a blind eye to the growing hardship facing ordinary Cuban households, with vulnerable groups including children, elderly people and low-income communities seeing their living conditions deteriorate further with every day the diplomatic and economic impasse remains unresolved. “Our humanitarian conscience cannot be indifferent to the circumstances of ordinary households, particularly children, the elderly and other vulnerable persons whose difficulty deepens with each passing day that the present impasse remains unresolved,” Jackson told assembled delegates.

    In line with this humanitarian framing, Jackson called for constructive dialogue centered explicitly on the well-being of the Cuban people, urging a path toward tangible sanctions relief, improved living standards and expanded economic opportunity. She noted that progress requires both Havana and Washington to confront what she described as “very difficult but not insurmountable challenges”: ending punitive sanctions, lifting the decades-long embargo and blockade against the Cuban public, and advancing targeted domestic reforms that support ongoing public well-being — reforms that Jackson confirmed are already underway in Cuba.

    Shifting focus to reform of the UN’s multilateral system, Jackson announced that Grenada joins the entire Caribbean Community (Caricom) bloc in unreservedly backing Guyanese Ambassador Carolyn Rodrigue-Birkett’s candidacy for United Nations Secretary-General. Caricom leaders have formally endorsed Rodrigue-Birkett as the region’s candidate, and Jackson highlighted her extensive track record of diplomatic leadership, including distinguished service as Guyana’s foreign minister and permanent representative to the UN. Her career, Jackson argued, demonstrates unwavering commitment to diplomatic dialogue and cross-border cooperation.

    “The Caribbean has long demonstrated that size does not determine the strength of our ideas, the quality of our leadership or the values of our contribution to the international community,” Jackson said. She added that Rodrigue-Birkett is eminently qualified to represent all UN member states, and her election would mark a historic milestone for the Caribbean, as well as a powerful confirmation that small island developing states (SIDS) can contribute meaningfully to leadership at the highest levels of global multilateral governance.

    Turning next to the ongoing security and humanitarian crisis in Haiti, Jackson reiterated Caricom’s call for the timely renewal of the mandate for the Gang Suppression Force (GSF), alongside full, rapid deployment of the force in close partnership with the Haitian National Police. She stressed that the mission must receive adequate personnel, sustainable financing, modern equipment and full logistical support to carry out its mandate effectively, with clear, enforceable human rights safeguards built into all operations.

    These security interventions, Jackson argued, are a critical foundation for creating the conditions necessary to hold credible, free, fair and inclusive elections led entirely by Haitians, strengthen national governance institutions and restore constitutional rule to the country. Rejecting common narratives that frame Haiti as a failed state, Jackson emphasized that the country holds an unfulfilled promise to its people that the international community must honor with purposeful, sustained action rather than temporary pity. Even as the global community prioritizes resolving the security crisis, she added, life-saving humanitarian assistance must remain a core pillar of all intervention efforts.

    Jackson framed the 81st UNGA, which convenes under the official theme “Restoring Trust, Managing Transformation: a United Nations that delivers for all,” as occurring at a moment of unprecedented global transformation. While the interconnected challenges facing the world are complex, she noted, they also present a rare opportunity to renew global commitments to cooperation and craft practical, people-centered solutions that improve quality of life across all nations.

    For Grenada, Jackson explained, restoring trust in multilateralism requires moving beyond empty rhetorical declarations to tangible, actionable delivery. “Restoring trust means demonstrating through our actions that international cooperation produces results. It means listening to one another. It means respecting the voices of small states as much as those of large ones. It means building genuine partnership, and it means ensuring that every country has the opportunity to pursue its legitimate development aspirations,” Jackson said.

    Grenada approaches the UNGA with a spirit of partnership, optimism and constructive engagement, Jackson confirmed, and remains firmly committed to the core purposes and principles of the UN Charter, international law, peaceful dialogue and the peaceful resolution of cross-border disputes. “In an increasingly interconnected world, cooperation is not merely desirable, it is indispensable,” she said, adding that the systemic transformation global leaders advocate for internationally must also be reflected in domestic policy agendas.

    At home, Jackson outlined, Grenada is advancing an ambitious, long-term development roadmap ahead of its 75th anniversary of independence, rooted in an unwavering commitment to people-centered transformation. For the small island nation, this means building climate and economic resilience while expanding opportunity, growing the national economy while protecting fragile ecosystems, and embracing digital and technological innovation while upholding core human values.

    As a SIDS, Jackson noted, Grenada has extensive firsthand experience building resilience to external shocks, but decades of experience have made clear that resilience cannot be built after a disaster strikes. “We must invest before the storm, prepare before the emergency bill, before the damage is done and finance resilience before countries are forced to borrow simply to rebuild what they have lost,” she said.

    This proactive approach requires expanded global cooperation on climate adaptation, disaster preparedness, climate-resilient infrastructure and accessible climate financing, Jackson argued. She pushed back against framing SIDS as merely victims of climate change, noting that these nations have emerged as global leaders and laboratories for innovative resilience-building strategies.

    Climate action remains one of the most critical areas where collective global effort can drive profound, positive change, Jackson emphasized. Grenada remains fully committed to strengthening resilience and advancing sustainable, low-carbon development, but she warned that policy ambition without tangible implementation is nothing more than empty aspiration. For vulnerable climate frontline states, she added, global climate commitments must be paired with reliable access to the financial and technical resources needed to deliver on those promises.

    Jackson called for climate financing to be made more accessible, predictable and responsive to the needs of frontline states. “Our objective should not simply be to help vulnerable countries recover from the next disaster. Our objective must be to transform vulnerability into resilience and resilience into sustainable opportunity,” she said.

    This shift toward vulnerability-aware development must also extend to reform of the international financial system, Jackson argued. She welcomed growing global recognition that national development and vulnerability cannot be measured by income alone, noting that the United Nations’ Multidimensional Vulnerability Index offers a critical framework to more accurately account for the unique structural challenges facing SIDS.

    Grenada’s vulnerabilities, like those of other small island states, are shaped by disproportionate exposure to climate change, extreme natural disasters, volatile external economic shocks and other structural barriers that cannot be adequately captured by per capita income metrics alone. For this reason, Jackson encouraged all UN member states, development partners and international financial institutions to adopt vulnerability-informed approaches to development financing. Expanded access to concessional financing, climate finance, disaster risk financing and innovative financial instruments, she argued, can help vulnerable nations move from chronic vulnerability to proactive resilience, and from post-disaster recovery to long-term, sustainable inclusive growth.

  • COMMENTARY: Caribbean leaders deeply divided over multilateralism

    COMMENTARY: Caribbean leaders deeply divided over multilateralism

    At the 2026 United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) High-level Week, two of the Caribbean Community (CARICOM)’s most influential leaders took the stage just two days apart, delivering addresses that laid bare a growing, fundamental rift over multilateralism, regional alignment, and the role of small island states in global geopolitics. For the second consecutive year, Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar of Trinidad and Tobago and Prime Minister Mia Mottley of Barbados outlined competing paradigms for international cooperation, reflecting deep divisions that have shaken the foundation of CARICOM’s decades-long tradition of collective foreign policy coordination.

    Persad-Bissessar, who spoke first on September 22, framed her foreign policy vision around the existing structure of global power, advancing a transactional approach to international relations aligned with the current geopolitical order. Fresh off securing Trinidad and Tobago’s second ever non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council (UNSC) for the 2027–2028 term, she announced a landmark strategic realignment: a deepening security partnership with the United States centered on countering transnational organized crime and illicit trafficking. Endorsing U.S. military and counter-narcotics operations across the Latin America and Caribbean (LAC) region, Persad-Bissessar aligned Trinidad and Tobago with two key U.S.-led security initiatives: the Shield of the Americas and the Americas Counter Cartel Coalition (ACCC). For Port of Spain, this alignment is driven by domestic law-and-order priorities and what it frames as pragmatic geopolitical positioning, with Persad-Bissessar promising an “independent and practical outlook” during Trinidad and Tobago’s upcoming UNSC tenure that prioritizes finding common ground on global security challenges.

    Two days later, Mottley offered a fundamentally contrasting vision that directly challenged the status quo of global governance. Rooting the current crisis of multilateralism in historical inequities and outdated power structures that date back to the post-WWII order, Mottley argued that small island developing states (SIDS) like Barbados are consistently failed by major international institutions that exclude them from critical decision-making. Her address pushed for sweeping UN reform, including restructuring the UNSC, to make global governance more responsive to the needs of vulnerable nations. Expanding on the goals of the Barbados-led Bridgetown Initiative, Mottley called for the World Bank to revise its mandate to prioritize climate adaptation funding, expand concessional finance access for at-risk nations, and introduce natural disaster debt pause clauses. She also reaffirmed Barbados’ commitment to reparatory justice, warned of the risks posed by unregulated artificial intelligence, and pushed back against expanding great power influence in the region, reasserting the Caribbean’s long-standing claim to be a “Zone of Peace” in the face of growing U.S. unilateral military and security expansion.

    This divergence at the UNGA is not just a difference in rhetoric—it reflects a growing foreign policy cleavage across CARICOM, a 14-member bloc whose founding treaty enshrines collective foreign policy coordination as a core principle. The rift has widened dramatically since Persad-Bissessar returned to office in May 2025 following her party’s general election victory, as Trinidad and Tobago has openly aligned with the U.S.’s updated Monroe Doctrine (branded the Donroe Doctrine in the 2025 U.S. National Security Strategy and 2026 National Defense Strategy), putting it at odds with most of its CARICOM counterparts. The bloc’s divisions are particularly visible in the debate over U.S. sanctions on Cuba: Trinidad and Tobago has repeatedly refused to back CARICOM statements criticizing the tightening restrictions, while other member states have reaffirmed their long-standing support for Havana amid its worst multi-dimensional crisis in decades.

    Already, the U.S.-led security architecture in the region has attracted new members from within CARICOM. Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana were founding members of the Shield of the Americas, and Jamaica, Belize, and The Bahamas have since joined, though only Trinidad and Tobago and Guyana signed the initiative’s 2026 Joint Statement on Defending Hemispheric Sovereignty, which designated 24 transnational criminal groups as foreign terrorist organizations and laid the groundwork for expanded U.S. military operations across the Western Hemisphere. Many analysts suggest that some member states have joined the coalition simply to “go along to get along” with Washington, rather than out of strong ideological alignment.

    Even within CARICOM, sub-regional blocs are moving to consolidate their own coordinated positions in response to the growing split. The Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS), a closely aligned sub-group whose members are also part of CARICOM, reaffirmed its commitment to a unified foreign policy agenda in a September 20 meeting on the margins of UNGA, highlighting the need for collective action to protect small state interests in an increasingly polarized world.

    As Caribbean nations navigate this crossroads, deep divisions over geopolitical alignment have left CARICOM fractured. The United States’ growing demand for diplomatic alignment has created a dynamic where some member states see strategic opportunity in closer ties to Washington, while others see the shift as a threat to regional sovereignty and long-standing collective consensus. If the current divergence continues, analysts warn that CARICOM’s decades-long project of regional cooperation could face irreparable harm, with lasting consequences for the voice of small island states in global governance.

  • US: Drug trafficking and corruption underscore challenges in The Bahamas

    US: Drug trafficking and corruption underscore challenges in The Bahamas

    In its 2026 annual investment climate statement, the Trump administration’s State Department has issued a stark assessment of The Bahamas, warning that a string of high-profile corruption, fraud, and drug trafficking cases involving former politicians, elite society figures, and senior security forces personnel underscore deep-seated governance and rule of law failures that are harming the country’s investment appeal.

    The report, which expands its dedicated section on corruption this year, references a series of active court proceedings on both sides of the US-Bahamas border, alongside recent convictions and guilty pleas, to illustrate the persistent threat of public sector graft. While the document does not name the individuals involved directly, the details align closely with public cases tracked by The Tribune.

    One confirmed case cited involves Sonny Miller, a former assistant police superintendent, ex-leader of the Police Staff Association, and the highest-ranking law enforcement officer on Acklins. Miller was sentenced to six years in prison in February 2026 for smuggling operations involving $1.4 million worth of cocaine and $34,000 worth of marijuana. Another high-profile matter referenced is that of Elliott Lockhart KC, a former Supreme Court justice and Exuma member of parliament, who faces US arrest and asset forfeiture proceedings over allegations he misappropriated $3.6 million in client funds. Lockhart denies all charges.

    The report also calls out Michael Johnson, former head of the Royal Bahamas Police Force’s criminal investigation department, who faces bribery charges tied to an armored car robbery, and Lanisha Rolle, a former Bahamian Cabinet minister, who is fighting $750,000 fraud charges in domestic courts. Two additional security force figures are named: Chief Superintendent Elvis Nathaniel Curtis, former head of The Bahamas’ airport police, and Darrin Roker, a chief petty officer with the Royal Bahamas Defence Force, both of whom are involved in New York-based drug trafficking proceedings. Roker has already accepted a plea deal and received a four-year prison sentence.

    The final case highlighted is that of Adrian Gibson, former executive chairman of the Water & Sewerage Corporation and former Long Island MP, who faces 41 remaining charges including false declaration, conspiracy to commit bribery, bribery, and money laundering after prosecutors dropped 18 earlier counts. Gibson, like all other defendants except Miller and Roker, denies all allegations and is contesting the charges in ongoing proceedings.

    Beyond individual criminal cases, the report flags a growing passport fraud crisis in The Bahamas. As of early 2026, investigations have uncovered nearly 100 suspected cases involving falsified documents, sham marriages, and fraudulent citizenship applications, with dozens of arrests already made. Internal reviews have also raised red flags over potential insider complicity within government offices, prompting Bahamian authorities to implement new policy reforms to strengthen verification rules and close vulnerabilities in the passport issuance process.

    The timing of the report’s release has already added new strain to already tense US-Bahamas relations. In recent weeks, the Bahamian government has formally filed a complaint with US authorities over allegations that Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) agents have been operating illegally on Bahamian soil. Those accusations stem from court filings in a US federal drug investigation linked to Jonathan Eric “Player” Gardiner, who was taken into US custody after being rescued from a plane crash on the 2025 Bahamian general election day and faces multiple drug charges. The DEA probe is also tied to the indictments of Curtis, Roker, and other co-defendants, making the State Department’s critical report particularly contentious.

    A core criticism leveled by the US is that while The Bahamas has passed multiple anti-corruption laws on paper, the government has failed to follow through with the necessary regulatory frameworks, funding, and enforcement to make them effective. The most prominent example cited is the Public Disclosure Act, which requires all members of parliament, senators, and senior public officials to file annual public declarations of their net worth, assets, income, and liabilities. The report notes that the last time these disclosures were legally published was 2011, and that publication only covered declarations submitted up to 2008 – leaving a 15-year gap in required transparency that remains unresolved today. The report calls this gap one of the most critical weaknesses in The Bahamas’ accountability framework, though it acknowledges that modernization efforts for the filing and publication system are underway.

    Similar unimplemented reforms are called out across other anti-corruption measures. The body tasked with overseeing the Independent Commission of Investigations Act, which is designed to probe misconduct by public officials and security forces, is not expected to become operational for several more years. While the Bahamian government has passed new Ombudsman legislation, it had not been activated as of early 2026 due to a lack of funding. Legislation to create an Integrity Commission and implement campaign finance reform remains pending in parliament, and campaign financing overall remains largely unregulated, with no meaningful safeguards against quid pro quo donations or foreign influence.

    Local non-governmental organizations that investigate corruption also lack specific legal protections, the report says, further weakening civilian oversight. US businesses operating in The Bahamas have repeatedly identified corruption as a major barrier to foreign direct investment, the report adds, with widespread reports of graft in government procurement and the FDI approval process, though no specific examples are provided.

    The report also notes that the Bahamian Freedom of Information Act has been only partially implemented and remains under-resourced, with just $140,000 allocated to the agency in the 2025-2026 national budget. It references comments made by Prime Minister Philip Davis KC in June 2025, when he called full implementation of the act “not a priority” amid more pressing cost of living challenges. However, the report omits the Bahamian government’s recent steps to advance the law: just this week, retired justice Donna Newton was named information commissioner, and the government has released long-awaited implementing regulations for public comment after a nine-year delay.

    In its concluding assessment, the report acknowledges that Bahamian law does include criminal penalties for corruption – including fines up to $10,000, four years’ imprisonment, or both for bribing a public official – but notes that enforcement remains inconsistent, especially when it comes to senior public figures. “There continues to be a pressing need for stronger enforcement mechanisms to prevent conflicts of interest, especially in the awarding of government contracts, which are often alleged to favour political supporters,” the report says. Recent early 2026 reporting has reinforced these concerns, it adds, finding that a substantial share of government contracts awarded between 2023 and 2025 – totaling hundreds of millions of dollars in public spending – were awarded through no-bid, non-competitive processes. Critics argue that overreliance on these exemptions creates significant risks of favouritism, reduced market competition, and weakened public accountability, the report notes.

  • Bisonó welcomes six-month extension of Haiti gang suppression force mandate

    Bisonó welcomes six-month extension of Haiti gang suppression force mandate

    In a recent official statement, Dominican Republic’s Foreign Minister Víctor “Ito” Bisonó has publicly voiced support for the United Nations Security Council’s latest decision to extend the operational mandate of the Gang Suppression Force (GSF) deployed in Haiti for an additional six months, extending the mission’s authorization through March 31, 2027.

    Bisonó emphasized that the Dominican government stands firmly behind this mandate renewal, noting that the extension is critical to allowing the multinational security force to maintain its on-the-ground deployment. The core mission of the GSF, he reiterated, is to dismantle widespread gang control across Haiti and rebuild the basic security and stability that Haitian communities desperately need.

    Despite backing the extension, Bisonó flagged that the six-month timeline is inherently limited when measured against the enormous scope of security and governance challenges currently confronting Haiti. He issued a clear call to the global community, urging nations and international bodies to step up and deliver the full suite of resources the GSF requires to boost its operational effectiveness: additional personnel, specialized equipment, sustained financing, and robust logistical backing.

    Looking ahead to the 2027 mandate review, the foreign minister shared his expectation that the Security Council will approve another extension when the current term expires, pushing for a full one-year extension this time around. He argued that a lengthier mandate would deliver far greater planning certainty for the countries that contribute troops, equipment, and funding to the mission, enabling more consistent and effective long-term operations.

    Bisonó also warned that the incremental security gains Haiti has achieved to date remain extremely fragile. He stressed that alongside supporting the GSF’s security work, the international community must prioritize strengthening Haiti’s domestic governmental institutions, and lay the stable groundwork required to hold free, fair, and secure national elections.

    The foreign minister went on to outline the Dominican Republic’s own tangible contributions to the GSF mission, underscoring his country’s ongoing commitment to stabilizing its neighboring nation. These contributions include financial donations to the UN Trust Fund established to support the force, provision of medical facilities for evacuations and emergency care for mission personnel, and cross-border logistical support routed from Dominican territory.

    Closing his statement, Bisonó reaffirmed a core principle: any sustainable, long-term solution for Haiti must ultimately be led by Haitians themselves. That said, he added, the international community has a critical responsibility to turn its pledges of support into tangible, positive outcomes that improve daily life for the Haitian people.

  • Survey: PRM leads party support as Omar Fernández tops opposition leadership

    Survey: PRM leads party support as Omar Fernández tops opposition leadership

    A new nationwide public opinion survey conducted by Dominican research firm SONDEOS has painted a clear picture of the current political landscape in the Dominican Republic, revealing significant leads for the ruling Modern Revolutionary Party (PRM) ahead of the 2028 general elections. Data collected from 1,200 in-person interviews across the country between September 22 and 25, 2026, places the PRM at the top of national party support with 41% of voter backing. The opposition Fuerza del Pueblo (FP) trails far behind in second place with 24% support, while the historically dominant Dominican Liberation Party (PLD) holds third position at 20%.

    The survey also probed public opinion on opposition unity, asking respondents which leading figure had both the popular support and governing capability to unify the country’s fragmented opposition bloc. Omar Fernández emerged as the overwhelming favorite for this role, earning the support of 59% of respondents, while veteran politician Leonel Fernández captured just 38% of the vote in this category.

    When asked to predict the outcome of the upcoming 2028 presidential and legislative elections, 43% of surveyed voters projected that the PRM would retain power, compared to 28% who forecast a FP victory and 21% who expected the PLD to return to office.

    Incumbent President Luis Abinader of the PRM also boasts strong personal approval ratings, with 56% of respondents giving the president a positive performance evaluation. Notably, 71% of surveyed Dominicans described Abinader as an honest public servant. The ruling party’s second-in-command, Vice President Raquel Peña, earned even higher marks across key metrics: 85% of respondents rated her efficient, 84% praised her honesty, and 82% described her administration as transparent.

    SONDEOS’ field research methodology, which included 1,200 geographically dispersed in-person interviews over a four-day period, aligns with standard best practices for national political polling in the Dominican Republic, providing a reliable snapshot of voter sentiment midway through the current administration’s term.

  • OECD study outlines measures to strengthen public integrity in Dominican Republic

    OECD study outlines measures to strengthen public integrity in Dominican Republic

    In an official ceremony hosted in Santo Domingo that was presided over by Dominican Republic President Luis Abinader, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) has officially launched a landmark public integrity assessment report, produced in collaborative partnership with the Dominican Republic’s General Directorate of Ethics and Governmental Integrity (DIGEIG). The core mission of this comprehensive study is to systematically map existing progress, identify unaddressed risks, and highlight critical gaps in the country’s current public governance frameworks.

    Elsa Pilichowski, OECD Director of Public Governance, used the public event to extend formal recognition to the Dominican Republic for the measurable headway it has made in building robust institutional foundations centered on public sector integrity. She emphasized that the country’s ongoing commitment to strengthening governance aligns with global best practices established by the international community.

    The assessment puts forward a targeted set of actionable recommendations designed to reinforce five key pillars of public integrity: more robust protection for whistleblowers who report misconduct, enhanced systems for identifying and mitigating integrity risks across public bodies, stronger investigation and disciplinary sanction mechanisms for violations, greater proactive transparency around government activities, and expanded avenues for direct citizen participation and independent oversight of public administration.

    President Abinader reaffirmed the Dominican government’s commitment to implementing reform during his address at the launch. He noted that the OECD’s independent assessment provides a valuable opportunity for domestic public institutions to benchmark their current operational practices against widely accepted international standards, and laid out a clear plan to convert the study’s recommendations into tangible, actionable policy changes across government.

    José Ignacio Paliza, Dominican Minister of the Presidency, echoed this commitment, stressing that principles of integrity must be embedded into every level of public administration, from frontline local government services to senior national leadership. He formally pledged full administrative and political support for the full rollout of all recommended reforms outlined in the study.

    This new OECD assessment is not a standalone initiative: it forms a core foundational component of the Dominican Republic’s recently launched National Public Integrity Strategy (ENIP) 2026–2036. The 10-year strategy is designed to translate the study’s findings into a structured, long-term national roadmap, complete with clear strategic objectives, concrete implementation measures, defined institutional responsibilities, and measurable accountability indicators to track progress over the coming decade.

  • Gibson still faces 41 charges after prosecutors withdraw 18 counts

    Gibson still faces 41 charges after prosecutors withdraw 18 counts

    After nearly three years of legal proceedings, a high-profile corruption trial centered on a former Bahamian water and sewerage authority leader has hit a key turning point, with prosecutors withdrawing dozens of charges against multiple defendants, including the case’s primary accused. Director of Public Prosecutions Cordell Frazier confirmed the charge withdrawals during a court appearance before Senior Justice Cheryl Grant-Thompson, official court records confirm.

    Adrian Gibson, the former executive chairman of the Water and Sewerage Corporation, has seen 18 separate counts of receiving illicit funds dismissed entirely from his case. One of Gibson’s co-defendants, Peaches Farquharson, has walked away from the proceedings completely, as all charges against her have been dropped. Two additional co-accused also saw specific charges removed from their dockets: Joan Knowles had three counts of receiving and one money laundering charge withdrawn, while Elwood Donaldson Jr., the utility’s former general manager, saw two conspiracy to commit bribery charges struck from the court record.

    Despite the withdrawals, multiple charges remain active against most of the original defendants. Gibson still faces 41 counts, which include a single charge of making a false declaration, three conspiracy to commit bribery counts, 12 direct bribery charges, and 25 money laundering offenses. Knowles retains 28 active charges: three conspiracy to commit bribery counts, three bribery charges, three counts of conspiracy to commit fraud by false pretenses, three fraud charges, and 16 money laundering counts. Donaldson still faces five counts of conspiracy to commit fraud by false pretenses. Jerome Missick, the final defendant, saw no charges withdrawn, and remains answerable to 24 total counts covering bribery, conspiracy, fraud, and multiple money laundering offenses.

    The entire case traces back to allegations that public contracts awarded during Gibson’s tenure at the state-run water and sewerage utility were steered toward private companies connected to Gibson and his close associates. All defendants have repeatedly maintained their innocence throughout the proceedings. Gibson entered a formal not guilty plea in 2022. A jury was seated for the trial in May 2023, and testimony from dozens of prosecution witnesses has been ongoing since November of that year. With the prosecution’s case now closed, the defense team is set to begin calling its first witnesses as early as next week, marking the final phase of the marathon legal process.

  • AG says valid claims should be settled to avoid legal costs

    AG says valid claims should be settled to avoid legal costs

    A landmark legal ruling in the Bahamas has ordered the government to pay nearly $1 million in damages to a man who was left permanently paralyzed following a 2016 police shooting, prompting the nation’s top law enforcement official to call for proactive settlement of civil claims where the state acknowledges liability.

    Seven years after a default judgment was entered against the Commissioner of Police and the Attorney General’s office, which failed to submit a legal defense in Thorne Clarke’s civil lawsuit, a court has awarded Clarke $941,893.91 in compensation. The payout is one of the largest civil damages awards against the state in Bahamian history, coming almost a decade after a police bullet severed 22-year-old Clarke’s spinal cord during a late-night encounter near Wilson Tract.

    The details of what led to the shooting remain contested. Official police accounts state that officers were searching for a suspect when they located Clarke in his mother’s van, surrounded the vehicle, and ordered him to exit. When Clarke allegedly refused to comply and attempted to drive away, an officer opened fire out of fear that he would be struck by the vehicle. Clarke’s account differs sharply: he says he stopped when ordered, asked for an explanation that was never provided, and was shot in the upper back as he began to pull away. The bullet entered the back of the van, severing his spinal cord and leaving him unable to control his legs before the van crashed into a nearby wall.

    As a result of the injury, Clarke has permanently lost the use of his lower body and normal function of his bladder, bowel, and reproductive organs. He now relies on a wheelchair for all mobility.

    In the wake of the award, Attorney General Wayne Munroe argued that the government should prioritize settling civil cases where state liability is clear, rather than allowing prolonged litigation to rack up unnecessary public costs. “If what happened means that the government is liable, my approach is that you move to settle the matter without incurring unnecessary cost in a litigation,” Munroe explained.

    Munroe noted that he has not yet received a full accounting of the facts surrounding the 2016 shooting and could not explain why no defense was ever filed in Clarke’s original lawsuit. He added that when police officers are named in civil claims, his office requires sufficient evidence to mount a legal defense. In cases where no evidence exists to contest a claim or liability is obvious, he said, the only remaining question is the appropriate amount of damages.

    The Attorney General’s office is currently reviewing the award to assess whether any portion of it will be appealed. The review process is designed to confirm that the registrar’s damage assessment aligns with Bahamian law. “The only issue for the Attorney General’s Office is whether it is excessive or not,” Munroe said. “If it’s not excessive, then you send through the papers to get it paid. If it’s excessive in any regard, then you would have the parts that you say are excessive appealed.”

    Munroe declined to speculate on whether the officer or officers involved in the shooting remain active members of the Royal Bahamas Police Force, or whether any disciplinary action has been taken against them. He confirmed that officers found to have violated conduct rules would face internal disciplinary measures, but noted that civil compensation for wrongful conduct does not automatically mean an officer committed a disciplinary offense.

    Commissioner of Police Shanta Knowles declined to comment on the case when contacted, saying she would first need to review details of an incident that occurred “many years ago.”

  • Pringle Proposes Raising Antigua and Barbuda’s Age of Consent to 18

    Pringle Proposes Raising Antigua and Barbuda’s Age of Consent to 18

    During Monday’s parliamentary debate on the 2026 Sexual Offences (Amendment) Bill, a piece of legislation crafted to introduce harsher punishments for individuals convicted of sexual violence and exploitation, Antigua and Barbuda’s opposition leader Jamal Pringle has put forward a consequential proposal to expand the scope of youth protection measures: raising the legal age of consent from 16 to 18 years old.

    While Pringle confirmed his full backing for the core objectives of the amendment bill, which centers on strengthening penalties for offenders, he argued that policymakers must look beyond punitive measures to address systemic gaps in youth safeguarding. He questioned whether the current 16-year age threshold remains aligned with the social and developmental realities of young people in the country today.

    Speaking before the House of Representatives, Pringle laid out his rationale for the proposed change. “I believe the time has come … for us to move this age of 16 … to 18,” he stated. He pointed out that 16-year-olds still rely heavily on parental and guardian guidance for major life decisions, noting that leaving the age of consent at 16 creates elevated risk of coercion and exploitation by older adults who leverage power imbalances to manipulate underage teenagers.

    The proposal quickly sparked cross-bench discussion among sitting government lawmakers, drawing mixed but largely open responses from cabinet members. Social Transformation Minister Rawdon Turner acknowledged that the idea merited further review, but urged cautious consideration, noting that raising the age of consent would not resolve all forms of child sexual abuse. He specifically highlighted intra-familial abuse cases, where harm is perpetrated by parents, close relatives or trusted caregivers, incidents that a legal age adjustment would not fully prevent.

    Education Minister Daryll Matthew threw his support behind opening a formal review of the proposal, offering a straightforward analogy to defend the change: “If you can’t drive until you’re 18, you can’t vote until you’re 18, why must you be able to have sex … at 16?” Matthew also used the debate to call for new targeted safeguards to protect students from adult predators who target young people on school grounds and in surrounding neighborhoods.

    Attorney General Sir Steadroy Benjamin confirmed that the governing administration would take the opposition’s proposal under formal advisement, and commit to a full review of the legal and social ramifications of adjusting the age of consent. “Perhaps the time has in fact really come,” Benjamin said, stopping short of making a binding government commitment to advance the change in this legislative session.

    By the close of Monday’s sitting, no formal amendment to adjust the age of consent was brought to a vote. The original Sexual Offences (Amendment) Bill passed through the House of Representatives without any changes, with the proposal to raise the age threshold from 16 to 18 deferred for further consultation and analysis in the coming months.

  • Judiciary Expected to Move ‘In Lockstep’ With Parliament on Gun Sentences, PM Browne Says

    Judiciary Expected to Move ‘In Lockstep’ With Parliament on Gun Sentences, PM Browne Says

    During a heated parliamentary debate on the proposed Firearms (Amendment) Bill 2026, Antiguan Prime Minister Gaston Browne has publicly urged the national judiciary to align closely with legislative changes designed to introduce harsher, more proportionate penalties for firearms-related offenses. Browne, defending the government’s push to overhaul the country’s existing sentencing framework, framed the reform as a critical response to longstanding concerns over what he terms “disproportionately low sentencing” that has failed to match the severity of gun crimes impacting the nation.

    In remarks delivered to fellow lawmakers, Browne emphasized that the current national security landscape demands immediate adjustments to sentencing guidelines. While he stopped short of calling for complete elimination of judicial flexibility, he confirmed that the bill retains limited discretion for judges to deviate from mandatory minimum sentences in cases with clear extenuating circumstances, where a rigid minimum penalty would be deemed manifestly excessive, unreasonable, or unjust.

    “To account for extraordinary situations that may not fit the standard framework, we must leave room for judicial discretion,” Browne explained. However, he issued a clear warning that Parliament would not hesitate to revoke that discretionary power if it finds the leeway is being misused to hand down overly lenient sentences. “If we grant this discretion and it is abused, we will remove it entirely, and the judiciary can challenge that decision in whatever forum they choose,” he added.

    The prime minister stressed that the goal of the legislation is not to introduce unfair, overly harsh punishment, but rather to create a sentencing structure that accurately reflects the serious danger gun-related crime poses to public safety. Despite his firm tone on the issue, he noted that the reform is not a vindictive measure, but a necessary response to current national conditions. “Even if I sound firm on this point, this is not a petty dispute,” he said. “The situation our country faces right now simply requires stronger sentencing.”

    Browne’s call for the judiciary to move “in lockstep” with Parliament has sparked pushback from opposition leader Jamale Pringle, who used the same parliamentary sitting to raise alarms over the prime minister’s public comments on judicial sentencing practices. Pringle argued that direct public criticism of judges and magistrates from the executive branch risks creating a widespread perception of improper political pressure on independent judicial officers, and that any concerns over sentencing should be addressed through established, institutional channels rather than public confrontation.

    Browne pushed back against these concerns, asserting that the judiciary is not immune from legitimate criticism from the legislative branch, and that Parliament has a core responsibility to craft sentencing laws that meet the country’s public safety needs, particularly in the face of rising gun crime. The debate has reignited longstanding discussions over the delicate balance of power between Parliament’s authority to set criminal penalties and the judiciary’s independent role in applying those laws to individual cases.