The normally peaceful residential neighborhood of Goodland Gardens in Christ Church has been thrown into turmoil after a 72-year-old local resident, Lolene Rawlins, survived a near-death plunge into an unmarked, uncovered well hidden beneath thick brush in January. Swift emergency response teams ultimately pulled Rawlins from the 87-foot shaft, but the terrifying incident has reignited long-simmering anger among locals over years of unaddressed safety hazards across the area. For decades, residents say, abandoned open wells have been allowed to sit neglected across Goodland Gardens, with repeated warnings about the risk of injury or death falling on deaf ears. Now, after Rawlins’ close call, the community is coming together to demand systemic action before a tragedy occurs. One long-time female resident, still shaken by the event, emphasized that local residents have long been aware of the presence of unmarked wells across the area, and that dangerous close calls have happened repeatedly before. “I walk through that stretch all the time – I could just as easily have been the one who fell,” she said. “This should never have gotten to the point where someone almost died. Fixing the problem doesn’t have to be a complicated, expensive project. We all know these wells exist; the simplest solution is just to secure and cover them. We shouldn’t have to wait for another person to get hurt before someone acts.” Another local resident, Anthony Yearwood, pointed out that at least two additional open wells on the same plot of land where Rawlins fell remain unsecured and exposed to the public. He echoed calls for immediate remediation of these remaining hazards to prevent another incident. For many locals, the danger extends far beyond the single well that caused Rawlins’ fall, pointing to a broader failure of oversight and mapping that has left the community unaware of how many abandoned shafts lie hidden across the area. “I know the area well and I can point out most of the wells here, but this one was completely unknown to me,” explained Christopher Alleyne, another Goodland Gardens resident. “It was hidden completely by overgrown brush. If one can slip past even long-term residents’ knowledge, how many more are out there that we don’t know about?” Alleyne criticized the longstanding pattern of reactive, after-the-fact action on these hazards, warning that this approach will eventually lead to an avoidable death. “It’s always the same story: we wait until something terrible happens, issue a temporary alert, then go back to business as usual until the next incident,” he said. “Next time, we might not get lucky – the victim might not survive to be rescued.” This uncertainty has left everyday life in the neighborhood altered, with residents reporting constant anxiety about moving through green and bushy areas, especially for families with young children. “I definitely feel less safe now, of course you do,” Alleyne said. “Kids run around, fly kites, play in the brush all the time. We have no idea where all these hidden wells are, so no one can warn the children away.” While some local residents have taken matters into their own hands, launching independent efforts to locate, map and mark abandoned wells across the neighborhood, the community is unified in calling for national-level coordination, clear regulatory accountability, and a formal plan to address the hazard across the country. “There should be a central registry of these abandoned wells somewhere, so authorities and residents know where they are,” Alleyne argued. “Right now, no one seems to know who is actually in charge of securing these sites. Where do we even go to report this? Are we just supposed to sit and wait for the next casualty?” Despite widespread frustration with the lack of prior action, Alleyne also emphasized that community members have a role to play in solving the problem, urging locals to move past complaining and get involved. “Instead of just sitting back and talking about the issue, everyone can do their small part,” he said, encouraging residents to report potential hazards they find and work together to map unrecorded shafts. In the immediate aftermath of Rawlins’ fall in January, workers from Barbados’ Ministry of Transport and Works attended the site to secure the well with temporary plywood barriers, and a permanent perimeter gate has now been installed around the opening. However, Transport Minister Kirk Humphrey has not yet responded to requests for comment on broader plans to address unmarked wells across Goodland Gardens or the wider area. For residents of the shaken community, the clock is already ticking. With multiple unsecured hazards still unaddressed and unknown wells potentially scattered across the neighborhood, locals say another incident could end in death – and there is no more time to wait.
作者: admin
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Nationals of 12 countries left hantavirus cruise in St Helena: WHO
What is presented here is an incomplete structural snippet pulled from a Lebanese news aggregation platform that organizes content across multiple topical and geographic beats. The platform’s navigation menu outlines its full range of coverage, including breaking developments on the ongoing Israel-Gaza war, global world news, updates from across Lebanon, Middle East regional reporting, analysis of Lebanon’s struggling domestic economy, technology and culture features, sports coverage, curated press highlights, and general news bulletin reports. Below the navigation framework, a partial dataset lists major administrative regions of Lebanon alongside corresponding numerical values: Beirut at 22, Bekaa at 20, Keserwan at 23, Metn at 23, Mount Lebanon at 20, North Lebanon at 22, and South Lebanon at 22. No additional context is provided to explain what these numerical values represent, though they align closely with common daily temperature readings in degrees Celsius recorded across Lebanese regions throughout much of the year. The incomplete snippet does not contain a full, coherent news story, only the structural outline and partial regional data entry.
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Zuidoost-Azië zoekt oplossing voor energie- en voedseltekorten
Southeast Asian bloc ASEAN centered its urgent discussions on two pressing crises on Thursday: the unfolding Middle East conflict that has disrupted global energy flows via the blockaded Strait of Hormuz, and long-simmering regional disputes that threaten bloc cohesion, during pre-summit ministerial meetings held in Cebu City, the Philippines.
Hosted by the Philippines, this year’s ASEAN chair, the gathering brought together foreign and economic ministers from the bloc’s 11 member states, home to nearly 700 million people, almost all of which rely heavily on imported energy to power their fast-growing economies. The session opened with remarks from Philippine Foreign Secretary and current ASEAN Chair Ma. Theresa Lazaro, who opened by highlighting how events outside the Southeast Asian region can send immediate, profound shocks to ASEAN economies and communities.
“The ongoing crisis in the Middle East makes clear that developments far beyond our borders carry direct and deep-seated impacts for every ASEAN member,” Lazaro told attendees, stressing that strengthened crisis coordination and institutional preparedness are non-negotiable for the bloc right now.
The Straits of Hormuz, a chokepoint that carries roughly one-fifth of the world’s daily oil and gas supplies, has become a flashpoint amid escalating Middle East tensions, with blockades disrupting global energy trade. For energy-import dependent ASEAN economies, this disruption has already driven up fuel costs and created significant downside risks to regional economic growth, prompting ministers to push for a coordinated regional response.
The Philippine chair has prioritized rapid adoption of a regional oil exchange agreement, a framework designed to spread supply risk across the bloc by creating a reserve sharing mechanism on a voluntary, commercial basis. Economic ministers also put forward two additional key proposals: developing alternative energy supply routes to reduce reliance on the strait, and upgrading cross-border communication protocols to respond faster to future supply disruptions.
Beyond energy security, the meeting also tackled multiple simmering regional conflicts. On the sidelines of the official gathering, the Philippines facilitated a rare three-way meeting between Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul, and Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Manet, aimed at de-escalating a long-running border dispute between the two neighboring Southeast Asian states. The conflict, which erupted into heavy armed clashes and airstrikes last year, has left a fragile ceasefire in place that remains vulnerable to collapse.
Anutin noted ahead of the meeting that the primary goal of the discussion was to rebuild bilateral trust, and that no final binding agreement was expected to emerge from Thursday’s talks. The delicate situation adds an extra challenge to the Philippines’ ASEAN chairmanship, which must balance competing priorities across the bloc’s 2025 agenda.
Myanmar’s political crisis, one of the most divisive ongoing issues for ASEAN, also featured heavily in closed-door discussions. Since the 2021 military coup, the country has remained deeply split, and the new military-backed civilian government installed earlier this year has been pushing for re-engagement with ASEAN. To date, the bloc has withheld recognition of the new administration, citing a lack of meaningful progress on peace negotiations with opposition groups.
The Philippines, as chair, has called for the Myanmar military government to grant ASEAN’s special envoy access to detained Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi, as a concrete confidence-building measure to prove the junta’s commitment to the bloc’s five-point peace plan agreed after the 2021 coup.
Going into Friday’s official 48th ASEAN Summit and related leaders’ meetings, a draft consensus statement obtained by Reuters shows bloc leaders are set to formally call for immediate de-escalation of tensions between the United States and Iran, an immediate end to hostilities in the Middle East, full compliance with international maritime law, and the immediate reopening of the Strait of Hormuz to global commercial traffic. The statement will also repeat the bloc’s call for rapid ratification of the regional oil exchange agreement to strengthen regional energy security.
For decades, ASEAN has faced longstanding criticism for its consensus-based approach that often produces statements of intent rather than binding, enforceable action. But current leaders and analysts note that the severity of the current energy crisis has created new urgency that is pushing member states to move past procedural delays toward tangible, coordinated policy action.
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Saint Lucia joins Caribbean Golf Association
At the Caribbean Golf Association (CGA)’s annual general meeting held last week in the Dominican Republic — convened in parallel with the 30th edition of the Caribbean Golf Classic — regional golf officials made a landmark decision to welcome two new national governing bodies into full membership. Alongside Bermuda, the Saint Lucia Golf Association (SLGA) secured the vote of approval from CGA delegates, marking a historic milestone for golf development in the Eastern Caribbean.
Following the admission of the two new members, the CGA’s total full membership count now stands at 12. While Guadeloupe and the United States Virgin Islands hold affiliate status within the regional organization, Saint Lucia’s entry makes it the first full member from the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) to join the CGA’s ranks.
The SLGA’s path to full membership began with a formal application submitted to the CGA leadership months prior to the AGM. During the meeting, SLGA representatives laid out their strategic vision for growing the sport locally, outlined their motivation for joining the regional body, and detailed the unique value their membership would bring to the wider Caribbean golf community. After the presentation, member delegates cast a unanimous vote to approve the SLGA’s application.
In an interview following the historic vote, SLGA President Mario Reyes shared his organization’s excitement for the new chapter. “Our top priority continues to be expanding access to golf and raising the profile of the sport across Saint Lucia,” Reyes explained. “Joining the CGA as full members opens up entirely new competitive landscapes for our golfers at every skill level. This partnership will foster deeper camaraderie across regional players, strengthen cross-border friendships, lift the overall quality of play in our country, and most importantly, create clear pathways for our young emerging golfers to access opportunities that were simply out of reach before.”
For the local Saint Lucia golf community, the benefits of CGA membership extend far beyond competitive access. The agreement will see the popular annual Saint Lucia Golf Open added to the official CGA regional tournament calendar, bringing increased exposure and high-profile regional competition to the island’s courses. Local golfers will also now earn the right to compete officially across all CGA-run tournaments.
Founded in 1987, the CGA has long served as the leading governing body for golf across the Caribbean region. The organization hosts five annual championship events spread across different Caribbean nations, creating structured competitive opportunities for junior, amateur, and senior golfers alike while working systematically to drive sustainable growth of the sport across the region.
CGA President Sidney Wolf emphasized that the addition of Saint Lucia and Bermuda reinforces the steady progress of golf across the entire Caribbean. “Both new members have demonstrated clear strategic vision, unwavering passion for the game, and a deep commitment to grassroots development that aligns perfectly with the CGA’s core mission,” Wolf noted. “We are incredibly eager to see their active participation and their unique contributions as we work together to lift Caribbean golf to new heights on the global stage.”
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CARPHA says Hantavirus threat to Caribbean remains low amid cruise ship cases
A recent hantavirus outbreak linked to a Central Atlantic cruise ship has put global public health authorities on alert, though regional leaders in the Caribbean are moving quickly to reassure communities and travelers that the risk of local transmission remains low.
The incident first came to international attention on May 2, 2026, when the United Kingdom’s International Health Regulations (2005) Focal Point formally notified the World Health Organization (WHO) of an unexplained cluster of respiratory illness striking both passengers and crew aboard the vessel. Laboratory analysis later confirmed hantavirus infection in one patient who was in critical condition. By May 6, the WHO had updated its tally to 8 connected cases: three confirmed infections, five suspected cases, and three reported fatalities.
The Caribbean Public Health Agency (CARPHA) first detected the emerging incident through its automated Information Environment and Monitoring platform on May 3, activating its regional response protocols just days after the initial notification. For context, hantaviruses are zoonotic pathogens carried primarily by rodents, with human infection occurring through direct or indirect contact with infected animals’ contaminated urine, saliva, or fecal droppings. While rare cases of person-to-person transmission have been documented, CARPHA leadership emphasizes that such spread is highly uncommon.
In an official statement aimed at calming public concern, CARPHA Executive Director Lisa Indar stressed that the overall threat to Caribbean nations remains minimal. “In the Americas, hantaviruses are most commonly transmitted by wild field rodents rather than urban rat populations, where transmission is far less likely to occur,” Indar explained. She also reaffirmed that the region’s existing public health infrastructure is well-equipped to detect and contain any potential importation of the virus.
The warning comes at a critical time for the Caribbean’s $35 billion cruise tourism industry: the region accounts for roughly 44% of global cruise traffic and welcomed more than 16.3 million cruise passengers in 2025 alone, making maritime public health surveillance a top priority for economic and community health. In light of the outbreak, CARPHA is urging all member states to review and strengthen existing disease monitoring protocols at ports and other border entry points, to catch potential imported cases before they can spread.
Indar noted that the agency has long invested in specialized monitoring infrastructure tailored to the region’s tourism-dependent economy, and these systems are already delivering results. CARPHA’s existing tools, including the Tourism and Health Information System (THiS) and the upgraded Caribbean Vessel Surveillance System (CVSS), are designed to deliver early warnings for public health threats linked to travel, maritime vessels, and tourism accommodations. “These systems enable timely information sharing, strengthen decision-making, and support rapid, targeted responses by national health authorities,” Indar said.
Early performance data for the upgraded CVSS shows that the system already identifies syndromic (symptom-based) suspected cases before vessels dock at Caribbean ports, with more than 96% of cruise ship public health alerts delivered to member state health authorities within 24 hours of detection. CARPHA says it will continue to track the Central Atlantic outbreak closely in coordination with the WHO and other international partners, and will issue public updates immediately if the risk profile changes. The agency also reaffirmed its long-term commitment to protecting both local communities and the region’s vital tourism sector through proactive, data-driven public health action.
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Saint Lucia to host CARICOM 10K in July
The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is gearing up for one of its most anticipated annual regional sporting events, as the island nation of Saint Lucia prepares to welcome elite distance runners from across the bloc for the 2025 CARICOM 10K Road Race. Scheduled for Sunday, July 5, the race will officially open the festivities of CARICOM Week, building up to the bloc’s landmark Fiftieth Regular Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government set to convene the following day on CARICOM Day, July 6. Saint Lucia Prime Minister Phillip J. Pierre will serve as the host of the high-profile leadership summit.
While the exact route for the competitive 10K course has not yet been released to the public, event organizers have confirmed that local runners will get a rare opportunity to test their speed and endurance against top regional competitors, fostering cross-community athletic connection ahead of the intergovernmental meeting. The race is being organized through a collaborative partnership between the CARICOM Secretariat, Saint Lucia’s Ministry of Education, Youth Development, Sports, and Digital Transformation, and the Saint Lucia Athletics Association.
In addition to the flagship 10K competition, the 2025 event has expanded its programming to include a suite of supplementary activities designed to engage runners of all ages and abilities. Alongside additional competitive running categories, the schedule now features a dedicated mile race for youth and junior athletes, as well as community-focused walking events to boost public participation.
Prizes for the 10K match the generous structure that has been in place in recent years: both the men’s and women’s overall champions will take home a cash prize of US$1,000, along with a prestigious trophy. The top male athlete will be awarded the CARICOM Chairman’s Trophy, while the top female winner will receive the CARICOM Secretary-General’s Trophy. As of 2024, both of these titles are held by athletes from Trinidad & Tobago, who swept the podium at the 2023 event hosted in Jamaica. Nicholas Romany claimed the men’s top spot, while Alexia John took first place in the women’s division, solidifying Trinidad & Tobago’s dominance in the previous running of the race.
Notably, the 2024 iteration of the race, which was originally slated to be hosted by Grenada, was forced to be canceled outright due to the destructive impact of Hurricane Beryl, making the 2025 Saint Lucia event a highly anticipated return to the annual calendar.
For host nation Saint Lucia, the race carries extra local pride: a handful of homegrown athletes have claimed top honors in the event’s history. Zepherinus Joseph was the most recent Saint Lucian to take overall victory, clinching the win back in 2011. Earlier national champions include Victor Ledgers, who earned the top spot in 2005, while Michael Biscette claimed a national medal for the island in 2022. At the 2023 Jamaica race, Saint Lucian athletes Laura-Lynn Limery and Jason Sayers placed sixth in the women’s division and ninth in the men’s respectively, with Limery having previously taken third place overall in the 2023 competition.
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OP-ED: Portsmouth and green fuels – A northern industrial hub for hydrogen, ammonia—and medical oxygen
As the Caribbean nation of Dominica lays the groundwork to scale up its domestic geothermal energy capacity, a new long-term industrial vision has emerged for the northern coastal city of Portsmouth, centered on building a pilot green fuel production facility powered by zero-carbon geothermal electricity. This proposal, outlined in the final installment of a three-part investigative series by independent contributor McCarthy Marie, frames the green fuels project as a secondary strategic priority that would only move forward after Dominica meets its core national energy goal: expanding geothermal power to replace polluting diesel generation and speed up electric vehicle adoption across the island.
Marie notes that a viable geothermal resource has already been identified in the northern region of Dominica, creating the foundation for industrial development. If the country successfully expands its initial 10 megawatt geothermal capacity to 20 megwatts and strengthens its national grid to support new large-scale energy loads, the green fuels pilot becomes a technically realistic possibility. For operational flexibility, the industrial facility could run as a largely independent power producer using the northern geothermal field, with a backup connection to the national grid only for emergency contingencies.
To make the proposal accessible to non-technical audiences, Marie breaks down the basic science behind the three core products the facility would produce: green hydrogen, green ammonia, and medical oxygen. Unlike carbon-intensive hydrogen produced from fossil fuels, green hydrogen is created by splitting water molecules through electrolysis, a process powered entirely by renewable electricity. Green ammonia, in turn, is synthesized by combining that green hydrogen with nitrogen captured from the atmosphere. Ammonia already serves as a critical input for global fertilizer production and is emerging as a promising low-carbon fuel for the international shipping industry.
Unlike many industrial inputs, all key raw materials required for production are available locally on Dominica. The island’s abundant geothermal and hydropower resources provide the required zero-carbon electricity, fresh purified water supplies the water for electrolysis, and nitrogen for ammonia production can be captured directly from ambient air using small-scale, compact pressure swing adsorption or membrane air separation technology that can be installed on-site, eliminating the need for costly nitrogen imports.
One often-overlooked benefit of green hydrogen production that this project would leverage is the co-generation of medical-grade oxygen. For every 1 kilogram of hydrogen produced through electrolysis, approximately 8 kilograms of oxygen are created as a byproduct. This oxygen has immediate, high-value public benefits for Dominica: it would drastically strengthen the country’s medical oxygen supply resilience, improving hospital capacity and emergency preparedness for public health crises. If the facility scales up over time, surplus oxygen could also open new export opportunities for the island, provided logistics, certification, and market conditions prove favorable.
Structured around three core revenue streams, the Portsmouth facility would prioritize practical near-term use cases before pursuing larger commercial opportunities. Green hydrogen would first supply local industrial operations and small-scale pilot power projects, or serve as an intermediate input for ammonia production. Green ammonia would target two potential markets: as a domestic fertilizer input and as a maritime bunkering fuel for international shipping, but only if the project meets strict port safety and bunkering standards and proves financially viable. Medical oxygen would be reserved for domestic hospital use first, with exports considered only after meeting all local demand.
Marie emphasizes that the proposal follows a strict, cautious development framework: feasibility assessment first, pilot testing second, and large-scale scaling only if all preliminary checks confirm the project’s viability. Crucially, the green industrial project must not distract from Dominica’s urgent immediate goal of rapidly expanding geothermal capacity to displace diesel.
The concrete next step outlined in the proposal is a comprehensive feasibility study for the Portsmouth site, which will examine six core areas: total electricity demand for the pilot facility, water sourcing and purification requirements, safety protocols and storage infrastructure (especially for ammonia, which requires strict handling), alignment with international port handling and bunkering standards, identification of realistic off-takers starting with medical oxygen, and access to climate finance and resilience funding to cover pilot development costs.
If the feasibility study returns positive results, the Portsmouth project could mark a strategic turning point for Dominica, moving the country beyond energy sovereignty for electricity and road transport to build a more resilient, low-carbon industrial economy centered on sustainable maritime logistics. Marie stresses that development would proceed incrementally, prioritizing safety, financial viability, and alignment with the country’s core national priorities at every step.
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The Pope, The President, and Peter Tosh
Fifty years after Peter Tosh’s iconic 1977 track *Equal Rights* laid bare the hollow promise of peace without justice, his warning remains more urgent than ever for a world grappling with spreading conflict and systemic inequality. Tosh’s lyric — that all cry out for peace, but few dare demand the justice that makes it lasting — frames a searing intervention from C. Justin Robinson, Pro Vice-Chancellor and Campus Principal at The University of the West Indies Five Islands Campus, that challenges global powers and calls on the Caribbean to claim its moral voice in today’s fractured international order.
Robinson anchors his argument in a long-running clash of principles: when Pope Leo XIV warned that nations that prioritize armament over negotiation are paving the way for a larger, deadlier war, Washington dismissed his words as disgraceful. Where Washington has leaned on military strength and dominance to impose quiet, the Pope, like Tosh, has insisted that peace without justice is nothing more than a temporary ceasefire, a paused conflict waiting to reignite when the next generation inherits the unpaid cost of old compromises. For the Caribbean, which has lived through both imposed dominance and coerced surrender, the choice between these two visions is not an abstract global debate — it is a matter of survival.
Nowhere is that survival more at stake than in the ongoing standoff between the US-Israel bloc and Iran, now in its seventh week with diplomatic talks at a deadlock. The crisis centers in part on the Strait of Hormuz, a 33-kilometer waterway that carries 20% of the world’s traded oil. A full closure of the strait would send global energy prices soaring, and the damage would hit the most vulnerable economies first — including the Caribbean. Almost all of the region’s fuel is imported, and its core economic pillars — tourism, aviation, and integrated food supply chains — are uniquely sensitive to energy price shocks. As the late Caribbean intellectual Lloyd Best argued, this vulnerability is not an accident of geography: it is the enduring architecture of the adapted plantation economy, a system structured from its origins to serve the interests of foreign powers, not local communities. A crisis 10,000 kilometers away threatens to collapse Caribbean livelihoods, a direct inheritance of a global economic order the region never designed.
This means the Iran-US standoff, and the string of concurrent conflicts across Gaza, Sudan, and Ukraine, is not distant spectator sport for Caribbean people. We are already inside this crisis, Robinson argues. Economic vulnerability does not grant automatic moral authority, but silence in the face of that preordained risk is not neutrality — it is consent to a system that puts Caribbean lives at risk for the gain of foreign powers. These conflicts are not separate, disconnected tragedies: they are the same pattern of injustice repeating, enabled by a global order that mistakes the silence of exhaustion or surrender for peace.
Robinson outlines how the world repeatedly falls into this trap. Two false versions of peace are peddled again and again: the first is the peace of dominance, where a stronger power crushes resistance to the point that opposition becomes impossible. The bombed, displaced and subjugated are not at peace — they are merely too exhausted to fight. The second is the peace of surrender, where a weaker side is forced to accept unjust terms because it can no longer afford to continue resistance. Both are branded as peace, but neither delivers lasting stability.
History is littered with the consequences of this mistake. The Treaty of Versailles punished Germany after World War I without addressing the root causes of conflict, and just 20 years later, the world was consumed by an even deadlier global war. The Oslo Accords, long criticized by activists and analysts, sought to create a Palestinian state on paper while leaving the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories fully intact — today, Gaza lies in ruins as a result. The Taif Agreement that ended Lebanon’s civil war only redistributed power among the same factions that sparked the conflict, leaving the country to lurch from one systemic crisis to total collapse for decades. This pattern is no coincidence: injustice deferred is war that accumulates interest, compounding across generations until the bill comes due. Peace is the universal stated goal, but justice is the price almost every power refuses to pay. And almost always, the bill is paid not by the leaders who made the compromise, but by ordinary people in future generations.
For the Caribbean, this is not abstract academic theory — it is lived history. The plantation system was called “peaceful” by colonial powers. Colonial order was framed as stability. The silence of dispossessed Indigenous and enslaved people was repeatedly mislabeled as peace across the region, and Caribbean communities know better than any other how heavy that false peace costs. No other region has greater reason to see the lie of calling managed injustice peace.
Yet Tosh’s most cutting insight, Robinson argues, goes deeper: everyone wants to reach heaven, but no one wants to die to get there. Societies want the end result of peace without enduring the difficult, disruptive, costly work of building justice that makes it last. People want the celebration of Easter Sunday without the sacrifice and suffering of Good Friday. Most people genuinely desire peace, but they flinch from the discomfort of upending the existing arrangements that quietly benefit them, even as they harm others. Time and again, societies settle for the cheap short-term false peace of dominance or surrender, rather than pay the price of justice. The result is always the same: another conflict, another bill, another generation forced to pay.
Robinson poses a sharp question that cuts through the vague global calls for peace: Do we demand peace because we believe in justice for all, or do we just want peace because war is inconvenient? Do we condemn the suffering in Gaza because our conscience demands it, or do we only recoil because higher oil prices hurt our local tourism industry? Do we cry out for peace, or do we just cry out for the return of our comfortable daily lives?
The positions of the major global players are already clear. Washington has pushed for ceasefire resolutions rooted in surrender and dominance, paired with massive military buildups that perpetuate the cycle of conflict. The Pope has been dismissed as disgraceful for insisting that justice must come before any lasting ceasefire, a position aligned with Tosh’s core argument. Tosh’s vision goes further: equal rights and justice for every person, not only for those whose suffering is politically convenient for global powers to acknowledge.
It is time, Robinson argues, for the Caribbean to speak out — not just through formal diplomatic communiqués, but through the collective voice of its people. To speak as the Caribbean does not mean pretending the region is uniformly united in all views; it means recognizing that shared systemic vulnerability demands a shared collective voice, even when full unity is difficult to achieve. The region has already done this work before: on the frontlines of the climate justice movement, Caribbean nations refused to accept the unfair terms set by the major global polluters, named the injustice of climate harm before demanding a just remedy. That same moral clarity is needed now, applied to war, military occupation, and the selective enforcement of international law that lets powerful actors violate rules with impunity.
Robinson outlines three non-negotiable demands the Caribbean must raise: First, any ceasefire must be judged not by how quickly it restores surface-level quiet, but by whether binding accountability is enforced equally for all parties — not suspended when the violating power is an ally of influential global states. Second, post-conflict reconstruction must never be used as leverage to force silence from wronged parties: there can be no rebuilding without full recognition of fundamental rights. Third, amnesty for perpetrators of harm must never come before full truth and accountability. Any justice delayed is simply the next conflict scheduled for the future.
Speaking out with this clear voice will come at a cost. It will require spending diplomatic capital, and giving up the comfortable neutrality that many prefer to maintain at this dangerous moment. It will mean risking the approval of great powers that many Caribbean states have learned to court, even when that cultivation runs against the region’s own interests. But the alternative — crying out for peace while endorsing the very systemic structures that guarantee peace will fail — is exactly what created the current crises in Gaza, Sudan, and the threat of closure for the Strait of Hormuz.
That alternative has never worked, it cannot work now, and it was never designed to. Military might does not equal moral right, and any peace built on dominance is always temporary, and when it collapses, the burden always falls on the most vulnerable. If the Strait of Hormuz closes, oil prices spike, and air travel becomes unaffordable for Caribbean businesses, no great power will airlift the region to safety. Caribbean communities will bear that cost, just as they have born so many costs created by a system they did not build. So there is no better time to stand for something that outlasts the suffering.
Fifty years ago, Peter Tosh sang plainly: “I don’t want no peace. I need equal rights and justice.” Today, Washington has dismissed the Pope’s call for justice as disgraceful, but Tosh, from his legacy, calls both global powers and quieted communities to account. The Caribbean people have always known which voice echoes through the marrow of their shared history of exploitation and resistance. The only question that remains is whether the region will sing that voice again, loud enough, in time, not as petitioners begging for crumbs from global powers, but as free people naming justice on their own terms.


