标签： Trinidad and Tobago

The Trinidadian government has significantly intensified its initiative to resolve longstanding land tenure issues for former employees of the defunct Caroni (1975) Ltd., with a recent distribution event in Couva marking a major milestone in this ongoing effort.

On January 21, Land and Legal Affairs Minister Saddam Hosein presided over the distribution of land leases to 250 beneficiaries at the Dennis P Ramdhan Complex in McBean Village. This event represents the third such distribution ceremony conducted within nine months by the administration led by Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, who assumed office in April of last year.

Minister Hosein emphasized the administration’s commitment to fulfilling campaign promises, noting that nearly 600 leases have been distributed since taking office—a achievement he contrasted with the previous 22 years of inaction. Despite this progress, Hosein acknowledged that substantial work remains, with approximately 3,000 residential leases and 1,751 agricultural plots still awaiting distribution, alongside necessary remedial land works.

The historical context traces back to 2003 when Caroni (1975) Ltd. was shuttered under a PNM administration. Subsequent legal battles ensued as the state failed to honor voluntary separation packages, culminating in a court ruling that affirmed workers’ entitlement to land leases. The previous administration appealed this decision, but Persad-Bissessar’s government dropped the appeal upon assuming power.

In a related development, Hosein revealed that the government has agreed to a $130 million compensation package for former private sugarcane farmers as final settlement for transition payments following the sugar industry’s 2007 collapse. The payment structure involves three tranches—$27 million, $75 million, and $28 million—with only the first installment paid during the People’s Partnership administration in July 2015.

Hosein further alleged that European Union funds totaling 8 million euros ($63.55 million), intended for worker compensation during the PNM’s tenure, were diverted from their designated purpose. He characterized these actions as both unlawful and unethical during a press conference at the UNC Headquarters.

Public Utilities Minister Barry Padarath, who also addressed attendees, praised Persad-Bissessar’s leadership and commended Hosein’s determined efforts to resolve what he described as a “legacy matter languishing for years under previous administrations.”

Among the recipients was 75-year-old Allan Manichand, a former mechanic with 35 years of service who plans to bequeath the land to relatives, and 69-year-old Roshad Ali, who expressed satisfaction at finally receiving his due entitlement after years of waiting.

In a striking political confrontation, Mickela Panday, prominent opposition figure, has publicly denounced Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar for her vehement criticism of independent senators regarding the contentious Law Reform (Zones of Special Operations) Bill, 2026. The legislative battle centers on a security bill that would empower the Prime Minister, as National Security Council chair, to designate special security zones for up to 180 days in consultation with police and military leadership.

The parliamentary mathematics reveals the government’s challenge: the bill requires 19 votes in the Senate for passage, yet the ruling party controls only 15 seats against the opposition’s 6 and independents’ 9. This arithmetic has intensified the political stakes, prompting Persad-Bissessar’s reported characterization of independent senators as ‘shameless,’ ‘bootlickers,’ and individuals who ‘had no courage to contest any election.’

Panday’s rebuttal presents a constitutional defense of the Senate’s structure, noting that all senators—government, opposition, and independent—hold appointed rather than elected positions. She highlights the constitutional provisions whereby government and opposition senators are appointed by the President on advice of the Prime Minister and Opposition Leader respectively, while nine independents are appointed without consultation with either office.

The critique extends beyond procedural matters to fundamental democratic principles. Panday warns that attacking oversight institutions and treating constitutional roles as obstacles represents the ‘early stages of a creeping dictatorship.’ She challenges the Prime Minister to pursue formal constitutional reform rather than condemn appointment mechanisms while simultaneously relying on them, noting her late father, former Prime Minister Basdeo Panday, long advocated for constitutional modernization.

The Senate debate, which began January 20th and continues through January 23rd, has thus evolved from a legislative discussion into a broader examination of democratic governance and the proper role of appointed officials in a parliamentary system.

The recent electoral triumph of a Tobago-based political party in the Tobago House of Assembly (THA) elections has created a pivotal moment for advancing the island’s long-standing pursuit of genuine internal self-government. This development comes after decades of unfulfilled promises and political maneuvering that have repeatedly raised and dashed the hopes of Tobagonians.

Audley Graham, in a compelling editorial submission, argues that any legitimate legislative arrangement must fundamentally treat the Tobagonian people with fairness, dignity, and respect. This necessitates establishing frameworks that enable Tobago to generate its own revenue, develop critical infrastructure, and exercise substantial control over local resources.

Rather than initiating new legislative drafts, Graham recommends that Chief Secretary Farley Augustine appoint a dedicated secretary for devolution and governance matters. This official should synthesize existing proposals dating back to the Seemungal draft of the 1970s through the most recent bill from the Rowley administration, creating a robust legislative document that reflects Tobago’s aspirations.

The editorial highlights how successive central governments—both PNM and UNC administrations—have consistently demonstrated insufficient political will to facilitate authentic self-government for Tobago. These administrations have typically employed token approaches that disregard the unique intersectional identity of Tobagonians within the unitary state of Trinidad and Tobago.

Graham points to Tobago’s proven governance capabilities, noting that key architects of the nation’s early independence era—including Doddridge Alleyne, Eugenio Moore, Victor Bruce, and ANR Robinson—hailed from Tobago. The current practice of delaying tactics, such as appointing joint select committees under the guise of bipartisan cooperation, only serves the self-interest and neo-colonial ambitions of Trinidad-based parties.

The prolonged denial of Tobago’s self-determination aspirations not only harms Tobagonians economically and psychologically but also weakens the nation’s overall economic potential. Graham warns that continued delays risk hardening the resolve of minority elements who might advocate for secession—an outcome beneficial to no party, least of all Tobago itself.

With the people of Tobago having clearly expressed their political will through the ballot box, the editorial concludes that their democratic voice must now be respected through concrete action toward meaningful self-governance.