标签: Trinidad and Tobago

特立尼达和多巴哥

  • Beaten and  tortured for  seven months

    Beaten and tortured for seven months

    After enduring more than seven months of captivity, brutal abuse and false imprisonment at a private residence in Penal, a 42-year-old domestic worker named Sabita Basdeo has finally escaped her captors, leading to the arrest of a local woman and her teenage son, Trinidad and Tobago law enforcement confirmed.

    Basdeo told investigators she was held against her will from September of last year through early this month at the Penal property, where she was forced to perform unpaid domestic labor without any permission to leave or contact her family. Her account of the abuse details unthinkable violence: repeated beatings, having her head slammed repeatedly against a solid wall, burns across her body, and even pepper rubbed into her skin as a form of torture. When she was finally rescued, medical personnel documented visible bruising across her face and torso, along with abnormal discoloration on her hands that matched her claims of prolonged mistreatment.

    In an emotional interview with reporters at the family’s Penal Rock Road home on Sunday, Sabita’s husband Krishendeo Basdeo, 55, shared that his family had been separated from Sabita for far longer than the seven months she was formally held at the Penal property. He described the devastating scene when he saw her after her escape: her face swollen and disfigured by bruises, her complexion unnaturally pale, and she was dressed in filthy, tattered clothing. He added that the captors threatened to kill Sabita if she dared to speak out about her treatment, and forced her to perform humiliating acts against her will.

    Krishendeo, a casual laborer who lives with a chronic kidney condition, told reporters he made multiple efforts to secure his wife’s release long before her escape. He attempted to visit her at the Penal residence twice, and was beaten both times when he tried to see her. He also filed multiple missing person reports with local police, but his complaints were never acted on prior to the recent public outcry.

    Sabita was finally brought out of captivity on Saturday, when the 38-year-old suspect and her 17-year-old son took her to the Barrackpore Police Station. She immediately identified the pair as her captors, and law enforcement moved quickly to place both under arrest. Following her identification, she was transferred to a local hospital for a full medical evaluation and treatment for the injuries she sustained during her months of captivity. She was reunited with her two teenage sons shortly after her release, in an emotional meeting that saw the family hug for the first time in months.

    In a public statement confirming the arrests, the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service said that officers from the Barrackpore Police Station and the Southern Division Task Force launched a coordinated response after receiving an official report of false imprisonment in the Barrackpore jurisdiction. The agency confirmed that the two suspects – a 38-year-old woman and her 17-year-old son, both residents of Penal – were taken into custody at the scene, and are expected to face formal charges including false imprisonment and aggravated assault. The police’s Victim and Witness Support Unit has also been assigned to the case to support Basdeo through the legal process.

    The case drew public attention after social media videos of the abuse circulated online, prompting social activist and Trinidad and Tobago Red Cross Society Vice President Edward Moodie to intervene. Moodie condemned the abuse in the strongest possible terms, saying that the mistreatment Basdeo endured went beyond modern slavery, and amounted to some of the worst abuse he had ever encountered.

    “These acts are unconscionable, they must be condemned at the highest level, and as a society we cannot stand by – we must demand full justice for Sabita,” Moodie said in a statement Sunday. After seeing the online content, Moodie reached out directly to Minister of Homeland Security Roger Alexander, Commissioner of Police Allister Gvearro, and the area’s senior superintendent to push for urgent action. He thanked Commissioner Guevarro for his rapid response once the case was brought to his attention, and noted that while the family credits divine intervention for Sabita’s safe return, they still need significant long-term support from government social services to recover from the trauma they have endured.

  • Morris eyes PNM  ‘rebirth’ in Tobago

    Morris eyes PNM ‘rebirth’ in Tobago

    The race for leadership of the People’s National Movement (PNM) Tobago Council kicked into its final nomination phase on Friday, with two high-profile candidates launching distinctly different campaigns that have set the tone for the upcoming internal vote on April 26.

    Kelvon Morris, a former minority leader of the Tobago House of Assembly, arrived to file his nomination papers accompanied by fanfare, drumming performances and cultural dancing, marking the official launch of his leadership bid under the unified “Team Unity” banner. Morris has put forward a full slate of 16 candidates contesting all available positions on the council executive, drawing a diverse group of participants that balances young and experienced politicians, male and female candidates, and representatives from both the Tobago East and Tobago West regions.

    In comments after submitting his nomination, Morris framed his campaign as a push for long-overdue renewal and reunification of the PNM’s Tobago branch. “This is a moment for rebirth and renewal for our great party,” he said. “What we have built here is a coalition that reflects every corner of our political community, and our goal is to reunify the PNM and re-energize our movement ahead of upcoming elections.”

    Morris enters the race with notable institutional backing: he has secured public endorsements from two former PNM Tobago Council leaders, Tracy Davidson-Celestine and Kelvin Charles, who previously served as Chief Secretary of Tobago. His slate includes other established political figures: Clarence Jacob, a former Settlements Secretary, is running for treasurer, while Petal Daniel-Benoit, a former minority councillor, has joined the ticket as a candidate for vice chairman.

    Outlining his first policy priorities if elected, Morris identified unresolved financial obligations to party members from the last election cycle as his top issue. “Finances were extremely tight following the last election, and we owe outstanding payments to many of our members who stepped forward to run,” he explained. “That will be my number one priority if I take office, and we already have plans in place to resolve that issue. Beyond that, my core mission is unifying the party: every member has value, and every candidate who runs in this election has a place in our movement moving forward.”

    Morris’s long-term vision is anchored in a strategic plan called the “People’s Roadmap to Victory,” a six-pillar framework designed to prepare the PNM for the 2030 Tobago House of Assembly and national general elections.

    In a stark contrast to Morris’s high-energy campaign launch, former Tobago West Member of Parliament Shamfa Cudjoe-Lewis filed her nomination for the leadership post without a full slate, fanfare, or public celebration, positioning her candidacy as a humble, member-focused alternative. Cudjoe-Lewis, who is running in her first internal election for a seat on the PNM Tobago Council executive, submitted her paperwork at the council’s uptown Scarborough office, emphasizing that unnecessary campaign spending would be irresponsible given the party’s current financial strain.

    “I don’t see any need for extravagant fanfare right now. We owe money to a lot of people, and if I had campaign funds to spare, the first thing I would do is pay those outstanding debts,” she said. “This internal election is about having quiet, honest conversations with our members. You don’t need songs and dances to do that work.”

    Cudjoe-Lewis chose to run for leader without a pre-assembled full slate, noting that some of her supporters are also backing Morris’s Team Unity. She framed this overlapping support as a strength of the process, arguing that the contest will ultimately produce stronger ideas for rebuilding the party regardless of who wins.

    “After the votes are counted on April 26, we will all still be members of the PNM,” she said. “There are people in my camp who are also working with Kelvon, and that’s okay. This process is about bringing different ideas together to figure out how we rebuild our party.”

    Cudjoe-Lewis pledged to run a clean, positive campaign with no personal attacks or mudslinging, focused on offering party members a credible, independent option for leadership. “I’m here to give PNMites a competent choice, and then it’s up to them to decide what direction they want to go,” she said. “I’m not someone who can be controlled or pushed around. To get the PNM back into office, we need to make hard decisions and take bold action, and I’m ready to do that work with every member of this party, no matter who they supported in this election.”

    Following the close of nominations on Friday, the PNM released the final list of 17 candidates contesting executive positions on the Tobago Council on Saturday night.

  • Sandra falls into hands of serial killer

    Sandra falls into hands of serial killer

    For 31 years, the family of Sandra Rajkumar-Costilla carried unanswered questions about her brutal murder. Now, their long wait for a formal admission of guilt has come to an end, as convicted serial killer Rex Heuermann has pleaded guilty to taking her life, closing one of the longest cold chapters in the Long Island serial killing case.

    Sandra’s story is one stitched together by generational trauma and fractured family ties that trace back to a 1975 tragedy in her native Trinidad. It was June of that year when her father Ramkissoon “Ramki” Rajkumar murdered his wife Milly — Sandra’s mother — before taking his own life in a murder-suicide that ripped the young family apart. Now, 49 years later, Ramki’s surviving sister still refers to that day only as “the incident,” the trauma too raw to name outright.

    After the 1975 murder-suicide, Sandra, then between 10 and 12 years old, and her younger brother Manny were taken into legal custody by their maternal grandparents, who moved the pair to Arima, Trinidad. Ramki’s sister says the couple blocked the paternal side of the family from seeing the children, despite multiple attempts to visit that even included police escorts. The children were entitled to a monthly government pension as part of their father’s employment benefits, and both Ramki’s sister and Manny believe the grandparents took custody primarily to access these funds, leaving the young orphans with little in the way of emotional care or guidance. “They were the grab bag, the meal ticket,” Manny recalled of their childhood.

    Sandra lived with her maternal grandmother for seven years, attending Arima Senior Comprehensive (now renamed Arima North Secondary) while Manny went to Five Rivers Secondary. When Sandra was around 16, she made a surprise visit to her paternal aunt with school friends, a meeting her aunt still remembers decades later. “She was a beautiful girl,” she said. “We cannot turn back time. We always say if and but, but if circumstances were different, if they had lived with us, who knows if they could have had a different outcome. We are sad.”

    In 1982, when Sandra was 17 and Manny 14, their ailing maternal grandmother could no longer care for them. Their half-brother Anthony, who served in the U.S. Army, stepped forward to adopt the pair, and the siblings left Trinidad for a new life in the United States. After a short stay with their half-sister Ruth in New York, they moved to Hawaii, where Sandra married and Manny enrolled at Waipahu High School. Sandra’s childhood best friend, Nicky — who asked to remain anonymous — remembers Sandra leaving Trinidad to join her new life, leaving her high school boyfriend behind. Four years later, in 1986, Sandra briefly returned to Trinidad to bring her boyfriend back to the U.S., a reunion Nicky witnessed firsthand before she herself migrated to the U.S. in 1988. The pair stayed close after Nicky’s move, and Nicky says she was the last person to speak to Sandra before she disappeared.

    After moving back to the U.S. with her boyfriend, Sandra became pregnant, and the young couple stayed briefly with Manny (who had moved to New York after stints in Hawaii and North Carolina) before finding their own place. Life in New York was unforgiving for the young family; they struggled financially, and Manny often helped cover expenses. When Sandra’s relationship with her boyfriend collapsed, Manny says his sister’s mental health declined rapidly. “In my opinion, he destroyed my sister mentally. When he came into the picture, everything changed. The relationship wasn’t what she expected and she was disappointed. She started drinking,” Manny said. “I believe she was in a bar somewhere drinking. Absolutely that’s how it happened” when she encountered Heuermann.

    Manny has pushed back against long-standing assumptions that his sister worked as a sex worker, matching the profile of Heuermann’s other known victims. He says Sandra worked payroll and bookkeeping roles through temp agencies, meeting wealthy business leaders in Manhattan through her work, and was never involved in sex work. He described his sister as trusting and naive, unable to spot malicious intent in others, saying “it’s probably just by chance this guy happened by her in a bar, picked her up and perhaps said, ‘I have a house in Long Island; let’s take a drive; there’s a beach there…’ and she fell for it and this happened.”

    In the pre-cell phone era of the early 1990s, Sandra would occasionally disappear for a day at a time, always calling Manny from a public payphone to let him know where she was. That changed on a cold November day in 1993, when 28-year-old Sandra left her 2-year-old son with a neighbor and never returned. That same day, Nicky — by then living in Massachusetts — received a call from Sandra at a payphone. Sandra told her her relationship was falling apart and she was struggling, and Nicky immediately invited her to come to Massachusetts to start over, offering to help her get a bus ticket. Sandra agreed to come the next morning, but she never called to say she had arrived at the bus station. “I waited and waited for her to call and say she was at the bus stop so I could go pick her up. She never called,” Nicky said.

    After several days without contact, Manny and his family reported Sandra missing. A week after Nicky’s final conversation with Sandra, police found her body in the North Sea area of Long Island. DNA from hair found on her body matched Heuermann, an architect who had been linked to a string of murders of women along Long Island’s Gilgo Beach starting in the 1990s. Heuermann was arrested in 2023, and officially charged with Sandra’s murder in 2024. Last week, he pleaded guilty to Sandra’s murder, admitting he had strangled her to death. He is set to be formally sentenced on June 17.

    Today, many members of Sandra’s family are unable or unwilling to speak out or attend the sentencing. Her half-sister Ruth, who lives in Florida, has not responded to requests for comment. Half-brother Anthony was arrested on larceny charges in North Carolina in 2022. Manny is currently awaiting trial in Trinidad on undisclosed charges. Only Nicky says she plans to be in court for Sandra.

    For Nicky and Manny, the case still leaves open one painful loose end: the whereabouts of Sandra’s son, who would now be 35 years old. After Sandra’s murder, her son was briefly cared for by Ruth before his father took custody, and he has not been in contact with Sandra’s remaining loved ones. “She asked me to promise that when the time is right, I will let her son know how much she loved him. I’ve been looking for him for years to deliver that message,” Nicky said. Reflecting on the life Sandra could have had, Nicky added: “Sandra was about to start a whole new life. I told her come, I don’t care what you have done in the past, whatever it is we can fix it.”

  • Heads decided on  Barnett at retreat

    Heads decided on Barnett at retreat

    A growing internal dispute has shaken the Caribbean Community (Caricom), centered on the controversial reappointment of Secretary-General Dr. Carla Barnett that has pitted regional leadership against the government of Trinidad and Tobago. In a detailed April 11 statement, Caricom Chairman and Prime Minister of St. Kitts and Nevis Dr. Terrance Drew has pushed back against claims of procedural impropriety, laying out a full timeline of events to defend the February decision made during a closed-door heads of government retreat on the island of Nevis.

    Drew confirmed that Barnett’s reappointment was not explicitly listed on the original public agenda for the retreat, held on February 26 on the sidelines of Caricom’s 50th Regular Conference of Heads of Government. On the day of the closed gathering, regional leaders opted to take up the appointment under the pre-existing agenda topic of “Financing and Governance of the Community”, a procedural path Drew says aligns fully with Article 24 of the Revised Treaty of Chaguaramas, which grants the Caricom Conference authority to appoint and reappoint the Secretary-General for up to five-year terms. Drew also noted that Barnett left the room prior to the discussion of her reappointment to avoid any conflict of interest.

    The core of the dispute stems from objections raised by Trinidad and Tobago Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar and Foreign Minister Sean Sobers, who argue the decision was procedurally invalid because their nation was not represented at the retreat. They were joined in their objection by leaders of Antigua and Barbuda and The Bahamas, which were also absent from the closed gathering. Trinidad and Tobago has gone as far as stating it will not recognize Barnett’s tenure beyond August 2026, when her original five-year term is set to expire, and has boycotted all Caricom meetings until it receives full access to all correspondence related to the reappointment. A planned April 10, 2026 meeting to address Trinidad and Tobago’s grievances went forward without the nation’s representation after Persad-Bissessar declined to attend.

    Drew pushed back against claims that Trinidad and Tobago was not properly notified of the retreat, noting all member states received detailed advance correspondence outlining the full conference schedule, including the February 26 heads-only retreat, its agenda structure and venue. He added that all head of government offices were updated multiple times on the retreat details both before and during the main conference. Persad-Bissessar had been present in St. Kitts and Nevis for the opening of the conference on February 24, holding bilateral meetings and meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio, but departed the island on the evening of February 25, hours before the retreat was scheduled to begin.

    In a release of private correspondence detailing the lead-up to the retreat, Drew shared exchanges between Sobers, Barnett and himself that he says confirm the foreign minister declined to attend. According to the shared WhatsApp logs, at 10:33 p.m. on February 25, Sobers contacted Barnett to ask if he could attend the retreat in Persad-Bissessar’s absence, and Barnett confirmed foreign ministers could substitute for absent heads. In the same exchange, Sobers mentioned he suffered from seasickness, as the retreat venue on Nevis required a boat ride from the main island of St. Kitts. Barnett replied hours later that the chairman would understand if he opted out due to seasickness, and Drew says Sobers never followed up to confirm he would attend despite the note.

    Sobers has contested this narrative, telling reporters his comment about seasickness was made in jest, and claims a later message from the Caricom Secretariat stated only heads of government were allowed to attend the retreat, leaving him uncertain of his eligibility to join. He has repeatedly described the reappointment process as “surreptitious” and in violation of regional governing treaties.

    After the retreat decision was made, Drew said leaders agreed to delay the official announcement out of courtesy to allow notification of absent heads. Attempts to contact Persad-Bissessar by email and phone were unsuccessful, so officials reached out directly to Sobers instead. In his statement, Drew released all correspondence related to the pre-conference planning and retreat discussions in line with commitments made at the April 10 governance meeting.

    Closing his statement, Drew urged all sides to resolve the dispute through Caricom’s established internal mechanisms, warning that public missteps and erroneous claims could undermine decades of progress toward deeper regional integration that delivers tangible benefits to all Caribbean people. As the crisis stands, the standoff has left the regional body facing an unprecedented leadership dispute just months before Barnett’s original term is set to end.

  • How New Grant Junction became a rural economic hub

    How New Grant Junction became a rural economic hub

    For any driver traversing the curving stretches of Naparima Mayaro Road, heading east toward Trinidad’s sun-soaked Mayaro beaches or the inactive mud volcano that once engulfed the village of Piparo, the busy New Grant three-way intersection often slips by unnoticed. What many passing commuters fail to recognize, however, is that this quiet crossroads connecting rural communities including Princes Town, Rio Claro and Williamsville has grown over decades into one of the region’s most resilient grassroots economic hubs, home to a thriving cluster of small businesses and the birthplace of a nationally celebrated grocery chain.

    This junction has outlasted seismic shifts in the local economy, including the dissolution of State-owned agricultural conglomerate Caroni 1975 Ltd, which once employed hundreds of multi-generational local workers on its sugar cane, citrus and cocoa estates. It even survived the widespread economic disruption of the COVID-19 pandemic, which forced temporary closures for businesses across the country. Today, nearly 20 businesses remain rooted at the crossroads, with some evolving, some closing, and new ventures launching in just the past five years, continuing to draw loyal customers who have built their lives along this major regional corridor. As one long-time local resident told reporters, “You can get most of the things you need at this junction—not everything, but a lot of things. I think it is worth it to go there; the prices are sometimes better than when you go outside of the area.”

    ### The Historical Roots of a Community Crossroads
    New Grant itself draws its name and origins from the Merikins, liberated African enslaved people who were promised freedom and land grants in exchange for fighting alongside British forces during the American Revolutionary War. What is now known as New Grant Junction was originally called Torrib Trace Junction, and it has hosted small businesses catering to cross-district commuters for as long as locals can recall.

    The earliest permanent commercial operations were run by Chinese traders who set up the area’s first general stores along the main road in the early 1900s. By the 1960s, a public post office and gas station were added to the junction, meeting growing local demand for closer access to essential services. For local residents, the new amenities eliminated the need to travel long distances to the crowded urban centers of Princes Town or Rio Claro, cementing the junction’s role as a convenient community gathering point.

    The turning point for the junction came in 1988, when local entrepreneur Mohan Persad purchased the junction’s original long shop, located on the roadway leading to Rio Claro and Torrib Trace, from previous owner Parsam Nanan. Mohan and his wife Shirley Persad transformed the small store into Persad’s D Food King, the first location of what would grow into a nationwide supermarket chain with a sprawling wholesale and distribution network. Today, that original location still serves hundreds of local customers every week.

    ### A Thriving Cluster of Local Enterprise
    Today, the intersection hosts a diverse mix of businesses that cater to every daily need of local residents and passing commuters. The former Seecharan’s liquor shop has been converted into a hardware store, sitting alongside a gym, poultry outlet, barber shop, cyber cafe, multiple restaurants, and bars. A small religious and variety store has remained a community staple for decades, while street vendors line the roadside, displaying crates of fresh fruit, vegetables, coconuts and other local goods to catch the attention of passing drivers.

    The New Grant post office and long-standing gas station open their doors daily to customers from as far away as Tableland and Reform Village. As locals stop to collect mail or fill their vehicle tanks, they often browse the surrounding shops, picking up fresh produce from street vendors or grabbing a quick meal from one of the junction’s many food vendors. The crossroads has even gained regional fame for its local street food scene, with multiple popular doubles stands drawing customers from across the area.

    “ It is interesting because it is right there; it’s closer than going to Princes Town to San Fernando, and in my opinion, you get more value for some things. In particular, Persad’s grocery always has an offer or a sale, and it is like they consider the people who may not be able to buy in bulk or who need some more economic options, so I like it for that reason,” one resident explained.

    ### Persad’s D Food King: The Heartbeat of the Junction
    No business has shaped New Grant Junction’s growth and identity more than the original Persad’s D Food King location. Local residents say if the junction has a heartbeat, it has been sustained by the supermarket, alongside core community staples like the gas station and hardware store. Today, Persad’s Wholesale operates as an international direct importer, carrying everything from fresh produce, dried fruit, dairy, grains and cooking oils to frozen and processed meats, canned goods, cleaning supplies, personal care products, home goods, electrical fixtures, appliances and seasonal merchandise. Its logistics network reaches more than 30 countries worldwide, but company leaders say the entire business model traces back to this humble New Grant location.

    Ishvani Persad, marketing development executive and granddaughter of founders Mohan and Shirley Persad, explained that the founders started small decades before opening the New Grant location. By the 1970s, Mohan and Shirley were already running a small shop where prices were handwritten on brown paper bags, and sugar and chickpeas were scooped by hand for customers. That community-focused spirit shaped the New Grant location, which quickly grew into more than just a place to shop.

    “Generations have walked those aisles. Stories have been shared at the counters. Trust has been built, day by day, year by year. And that is why New Grant is not just one of our locations. It is the original blueprint of what we know to be Persad’s D Food King,” Ishvani Persad said.

    The founders chose the New Grant location for its strategic position between the east and south of Trinidad, a daily passage point for families commuting to San Fernando for work and school. It was also a deeply personal choice: the Persad family has deep roots in nearby Hindustan, and they understood the needs of the hard-working local community.

    “They knew what it meant to build from nothing, to stretch every dollar, and to rely on trust above all else. At the time, New Grant was a growing community filled with hard-working families who needed access—not just to goods, but to reliability, fairness, and care. There was a gap, and more importantly, there was an opportunity to serve,” she said.

    Built on a foundation of faith and community devotion, the business opened with prayers to Hindu deities Ganesha and Bhandi Mata, and was blessed by the founders’ parents. Today, the company embraces diversity, with a multi-faith staff and ongoing support for cultural and religious events across Trinidad and Tobago.

    As the community continues to grow, Persad’s Group is moving forward with an ambitious new development project called “Legacy Plaza—the Gateway to the south-east,” currently in the planning and permitting phase. Built on the successful model of the company’s Grand Market in Barrackpore, the new development will create a one-stop shopping destination for the entire southeast region. It will combine retail space with an incubation hub for small and medium-sized local entrepreneurs, bringing national brand-name products closer to local residents and eliminating the need for long out-of-region trips for quality goods. The multilevel facility will also address long-standing infrastructure concerns, while honoring the Persad family’s New Grant roots, its founders, employees and generations of loyal customers.

    ### Unresolved Challenges Hold Back Further Growth
    While residents and business owners agree that New Grant Junction’s greatest strength is its convenient, low-key alternative to crowded urban shopping centers, the crossroads still faces significant challenges that limit its growth. The most commonly cited need is a functional on-site ATM: currently, the nearest cash machine is far from the community, and many local businesses only accept cash payments.

    Sharlene, a local resident who requested her last name not be published, said an on-site ATM would cut costs for working people. “There would be no need to spend extra money on taxis/maxis just to access basic banking services. People won’t have to carry large amounts of cash from Princes Town back to New Grant,” she explained.

    Residents have also raised consistent concerns about road safety, traffic congestion and public safety in the area. Many noted that the junction’s pedestrian crosswalk is so faded that drivers no longer notice it, and most pedestrians have stopped using it entirely. Unregulated street vending has created unpleasant odors in the area, and the presence of three nearby bars means there is often no safe pavement for pedestrians to use, due to crowds and unruly behavior from occasionally intoxicated visitors.

    “You have to be constantly on high alert. Where are the traffic wardens and police when you need them?” one local resident lamented.

  • It was a slip-up

    It was a slip-up

    Tragedy has struck twice in just days across Trinidad and Tobago, following the jet ski collision death of 7-year-old Angelica Saydee Jogie in Tobago waters. The latest child water safety incident saw 6-year-old Skylar Gabriel, a child with high-functioning autism, hospitalized in critical condition after a near-drowning at a public pool in Gasparillo’s Bumper Jumperz Fun Park on Friday.

    After the accident, Skylar was admitted to the Intensive Care Unit at San Fernando General Hospital (SFGH), where as of Sunday, medical updates showed encouraging signs of improvement. The young girl was submerged for multiple minutes in 4 feet of water before being pulled out, and her ventilator support has increased from 35% to 50% as her breathing stabilizes. Skylar’s parents, Desire Walters, a firefighter, and Sheldon Gabriel, a fire service officer, confirmed their daughter’s condition is “looking up” during a visit from the *Sunday Express*.

    Walters pushed back against unkind online speculation from social media users unfamiliar with their family, emphasizing her commitment to her daughter’s safety as the parent of a child with autism. “As a mother of a child with autism, you always have to be looking here and there, 24/7,” she said, acknowledging the incident was an unforeseen slip-up. The couple explained they had turned their backs to unpack supplies for their daughter moments after arriving at the park, and Skylar, who is familiar with water park routines, walked straight to the pool. “It happened quickly. It was a slip-up,” Walters added.

    The family also pointed out critical safety gaps at the facility: unlike other water parks Skylar has visited, Bumper Jumperz Fun Park provided no complimentary life jackets and had no on-duty lifeguard at the time of the accident. Gabriel, who performed CPR on his own unresponsive daughter after locating her, described a disturbing delay in response from park staff. For several minutes, he and Walters searched the facility for Skylar without any assistance from employees or other guests. “We told the staff she was missing, but the music continued playing. It was only after she was found that the staff came running,” he said. As a trained emergency responder, Gabriel said blocking out all surrounding chaos to administer CPR to his own child was an experience no parent should ever have to endure. “Right now, my child is looking up and that is what I’m focused on,” he added.

    Closed-circuit television footage from the facility, which police have already taken possession of and the *Sunday Express* reviewed, offers a clear timeline of the accident. The nearly 10-minute recording shows Skylar, unprotected by any flotation device, playing alone in the children’s pool while her parents sit with their backs turned roughly 4 feet away under a shaded tent. Around the one-minute mark, Skylar leaves the shallow children’s pool, climbs the stairs to the water slide leading to the deeper adult pool, rides down, and submerges without re-emerging. Her parents begin searching a minute later, and their search extends for several minutes before she is located. Approximately 40 guests were present in the pool area at the time, with other adults supervising their own children using the same slide.

    Local police confirmed that after Skylar was pulled from the 45-foot by 20-foot pool (which ranges from 3 to 5 feet deep), Emergency Health Services responded, detected a pulse, and rushed the child to SFGH for urgent ICU care.

    In a statement to the *Sunday Express* at the park Sunday, an unnamed spokesperson for Bumper Jumperz Fun Park – which has operated for 15 months without a prior serious incident – said the accident is deeply concerning, but emphasized that parental supervision is the primary responsibility for child safety at the facility. The spokesperson confirmed the park has been without a full-time lifeguard for three weeks while actively recruiting for the role, and that clear signage is posted throughout the property notifying guests of the lack of on-duty lifeguards and requiring parents to accompany children at all times. He added that two pool monitors were on staff the day of the accident, and that the team was not notified in advance that Skylar was autistic, though staff have experience working with neurodivergent children.

    The spokesperson also noted that flotation devices and life jackets are available for purchase at affordable prices starting at $30, and that the park’s emergency protocol was not activated because staff were never alerted that Skylar was missing until after she was found. “We have steps in place that if an alarm is raised, we sound the horn, we pull everyone from the pool and we conduct a thorough search,” he explained. Operations continued at the park Sunday, and the spokesperson said the team has reached out to Skylar’s family and is praying for her full recovery, while urging all parents to maintain constant vigilance when their children are near water, especially for children with special needs.

    This latest incident comes as communities across Trinidad and Tobago are already reeling from the death of 7-year-old Angelica just two days prior, reigniting public debate over water safety regulations and enforcement at public recreational facilities across the twin islands.

  • Ghany: Pnm let bills slip despite easy path

    Ghany: Pnm let bills slip despite easy path

    For more than 20 years, campaign finance reform has stood as a rare point of cross-party consensus in Trinidad and Tobago’s legislative landscape. Yet despite holding executive power for nearly a full decade, the former People’s National Movement (PNM) administration never managed to turn that long-held agreement into binding law — a failure that prominent political analyst Professor Hamid Ghany says was entirely avoidable.

    The question of reform jumped back into public discourse earlier this year, after PNM deputy political leader Senator Sanjiv Boodhu publicly called on the current sitting government to table new campaign finance reform legislation during an April 1, 2026 press appearance outside Parliament. In a recent interview with the *Sunday Express*, Ghany pushed back on Boodhu’s call by highlighting the PNM’s own history of inaction on the file, when the party held the votes and authority to pass the reform itself.

    Ghany explained that during both the 2015–2020 and 2020–2025 parliamentary terms, the PNM government tabled draft amendment legislation targeting campaign finance via changes to the long-standing 1967 Representation of the People Act. Crucially, amending this existing law only required a simple parliamentary majority — a threshold the PNM held, meaning opposition parties could not have blocked the measure even if they had united to oppose it. Despite this clear path to passage, both versions of the bill lapsed before coming to a final vote. Ghany emphasized that no external barrier stopped the legislation: “Something else stopped it.”

    Beyond the PNM’s failure to advance the bill, Ghany pulled back the curtain on extra provisions tucked into the 2020 iteration of the amendment that went far beyond basic campaign finance regulation. One controversial section, 30AS, would have mandated strict new rules for pre- and post-election political coalitions: any alliance of two or more registered parties would have to file a formal, signed coalition agreement with the Elections and Boundaries Commission (EBC) at least three months before a general election for pre-election pacts, or within 21 days of signing for post-election coalitions. All member parties would also be required to maintain their separate registered status under the law.

    Ghany noted that these rules directly intruded on core political decision-making for parties. If the bill, which lapsed in 2020, had been reintroduced and passed before the 2025 general election as planned, the long-standing coalition arrangement of the opposition United National Congress (UNC) would likely have violated the new requirements.

    The bill also overstepped its original mandate in its regulation of media coverage during election campaigns, Ghany argued. Provisions 43A and 43B would have repositioned the EBC as a formal media regulator for both state and private outlets during election cycles. Under 43A, all registered parties and candidates would be guaranteed access to state-owned print and electronic media on terms no less favorable than those granted to any other group. Direct-access political programming would be required to air in high-visibility time slots to maximize audience reach, and state media would be legally mandated to maintain strict balance and impartiality in all political coverage. The bill classified disproportionate access to state media by one party as an illegal in-kind donation from an unauthorized source, and granted the EBC power to set binding guidelines for airtime allocation across all state outlets.

    For non-state private media, 43B would have imposed similar non-discrimination rules: outlets would have to offer airtime to all parties and candidates on equal pricing terms, and the EBC would be given authority to cap the total amount of airtime any outlet could sell to a single party or candidate. This would have put the EBC in control of a core revenue stream for private media companies, for whom campaign advertising is a critical source of income during election cycles.

    In his assessment, Ghany concluded that the PNM’s two failed attempts at reform ultimately failed because the party overreached, choosing to insert regulation of internal party coalition strategy and private media business into a bill that was meant only to address campaign finance. Instead of advancing the long-sought consensus on reform, the extra provisions ultimately derailed the entire legislative effort, leaving the issue unaddressed for the entirety of the PNM’s decade in power.

  • TTPS targets gang activity

    TTPS targets gang activity

    A recent uptick in violent criminal activity across multiple police jurisdictions in Trinidad and Tobago has pushed the country’s national law enforcement agency to overhaul and reinforce its crime reduction strategies, including ramping up uniformed patrols across high-risk areas, according to senior law enforcement official Suzette Martin. Martin, who serves as Deputy Commissioner of Police for Operations, outlined the updated action plan in an official media statement released Wednesday, noting that the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service (TTPS) has documented a wave of isolated violent incidents across the country over the previous 14 days.

    “In direct response to these developments, we have conducted a full review of our existing crime-fighting frameworks and strengthened our operational protocols, expanding our on-the-ground presence through our ongoing ‘Steady the Guard’ public safety initiative,” Martin stated in the release. “While early operations under this revised plan have delivered measurable progress, we do not underestimate the scale of the challenge ahead – there is still critical work to be done to reverse this recent trend.”

    The TTPS is rolling out a comprehensive, intelligence-led multi-pronged strategy to curb violent crime, with a core focus on addressing the root drivers of illegal activity, most notably organized gang activity. Leveraging targeted anti-gang operations and the expanded legal authority granted under the country’s current state of emergency, law enforcement teams are actively working to disrupt the day-to-day operations of criminal groups and dismantle transnational and local organized crime networks, Martin explained.

    To further improve operational effectiveness, the TTPS has also upgraded the analytical capabilities of its Crime and Problem Analysis Branch. This investment, Martin said, is already enhancing the agency’s ability to map emerging crime patterns, distribute personnel and resources to high-need areas more efficiently, and deploy proactive, preventive interventions that stop violent incidents before they can occur.

    On the ground, operational activities have been ramped up significantly: high-visibility policing has been intensified, with more patrols deployed along major transportation corridors and residential communities, paired with consistent roadblock operations and joint missions that bring together the TTPS’ specialized tactical units. Priority operational targets include intercepting illegal firearms shipments, breaking up gang activities, and disrupting cross-border and local narcotics trafficking operations.

    Martin also emphasized the critical role of inter-agency cooperation in the TTPS’ strategy, highlighting ongoing coordinated work between the police service and other key national security bodies, including the Trinidad and Tobago Defence Force, the national Prison Service, the Immigration Division, and the Customs and Excise Division. “These cross-agency partnerships enable synchronized operations and improved real-time intelligence sharing that makes all of our work more effective,” she noted.

    Beyond collaboration with other government agencies, Martin stressed that ongoing partnership with the general public remains a cornerstone of the TTPS’ long-term crime reduction goals. “We recognize that effective public safety cannot be delivered by law enforcement alone – it requires active buy-in and cooperation from the communities we serve. To that end, we have expanded our community-led intervention programs,” she said. “These initiatives are instrumental in lowering the risk of retaliatory gang violence and building lasting cooperative relationships between police and local residents.”

    The TTPS also places strong emphasis on strategic communication as a tool to shape positive public behavior, build long-term trust between law enforcement and communities, and drive sustainable social change, Martin added. “We are clear that no single strategy on its own can solve this national challenge. Enforcement action without public trust will never deliver meaningful, long-term results, and community engagement without robust enforcement fails to create the deterrence needed to stop criminal activity. This balanced approach is the foundation of our operational philosophy,” she explained.

    Closing out the statement, Martin reaffirmed the TTPS’ unwavering commitment to public safety on behalf of the national community. “As Deputy Commissioner of Police (Operations), I give this assurance to the people of Trinidad and Tobago: the TTPS remains steadfast in our mission to protect and serve our nation with pride,” she said. “We will continue to leverage modern, data-driven policing strategies, strengthened cross-sector partnerships, and community collaboration to drive down violent crime and make every community across our country safer.” She reiterated that the TTPS’ multi-layered, intelligence-centered approach is designed to tackle both the immediate incidence of crime and its deep-rooted underlying causes.

  • From Sangre Grande to Long Island

    From Sangre Grande to Long Island

    More than three decades after a Trinidadian immigrant was brutally murdered as one of the first victims of Long Island serial killer Rex Heuermann, the long-buried family trauma that shaped her short life has finally come to light, revealing a tragic trajectory of violence, loss and broken dreams.

    Sandra Costilla, born Sandra Rajkumar in the small town of Sangre Grande, Trinidad and Tobago, was one of at least four women confirmed killed by Heuermann, a towering New York architect who targeted vulnerable women working in the sex trade along Long Island’s remote coast. Like many of Heuermann’s other victims, Costilla faced persistent economic instability that pushed her into survival sex work, making her an easy target for the killer who lured women with promises of cash before torturing, strangling and dismembering them, leaving their dismembered remains scattered across Long Island’s marshlands and remote shorelines.

    Costilla immigrated to the United States in 1982 at the age of 17, through a marriage of convenience with a U.S. Army soldier stationed at Schofield Barracks, Hawaii, arranged by her older half-brother Anthony, who had already settled in the U.S. Born to Ramkissoon “Ramki” Rajkumar, a well-known local police officer, and Milly Rattansingh, a skilled seamstress with a reputation for providing underground abortion services in mid-20th century Trinidad, Costilla — called Popo by her family and Sandy by her friends — experienced unthinkable violence from childhood that would shape the rest of her life.

    In June 1975, when Costilla was just 10 years old, her father Ramki arrived at the family’s Foster Road home carrying his service revolver, confronting Milly over allegations of infidelity. What followed that day was witnessed firsthand by Costilla’s 7-year-old younger brother Manny, who still carries vivid, traumatic memories of the massacre that left both his parents dead.

    “The bedroom door opened out into the living room area. I was standing there watching. I pi… myself,” Manny recalled in a 2024 interview, decades after the event. “They had to move me off that spot. I was frozen there. I saw everything. Ramki shot my mother. Sandra ran towards him and grabbed the gun. It went off and a bullet went straight through her right palm. After checking that my mother was dead, he put the gun to the side of his head and pulled the trigger.”

    Left orphaned, Costilla and Manny were bound by shared trauma that would haunt both of their lives for decades. Costilla long grieved the broken family she lost as a child, and after immigrating to the U.S., she struggled to build a stable life of her own, eventually spiraling into economic hardship and addiction that led her to sex work in New York. She was killed by Heuermann in November 1993, her remains dumped on Long Island like discarded meat.

    For Manny, the trauma of losing both parents as a child led to a life of instability, marked by brushes with the law, addiction, and incarceration on three separate occasions in the U.S. After being deported back to Trinidad, he currently awaits trial on a robbery charge in Arima, still consumed by grief and rage over his sister’s murder more than 30 years ago. Though he was never able to protect Costilla from their father’s violence as a child, or from Heuermann’s brutality nearly two decades later, he has never let go of his desire for revenge.

    “Her death destroyed me. It changed everything,” Manny said. “She died from blunt force trauma. I would like to blunt force trauma him! I want to stand over him and…” His words cut off, the pain of his loss still raw after more than 30 years.

  • Sturge promises campaign finance reform

    Sturge promises campaign finance reform

    After two decades of broken pledges, unfulfilled proposals, and stalled parliamentary efforts, campaign finance reform has re-emerged as a central political flashpoint in Trinidad and Tobago, with the newly elected United National Congress (UNC) government reaffirming its commitment to turning decades of talk into tangible action.

    In an interview with the *Sunday Express* last week, current Defence Minister Wayne Sturge made clear that overhauling the nation’s opaque campaign financing rules is a top priority for the new administration. Sturge, who won the Toco/Sangre Grande seat in the April 28, 2025 general election before his cabinet appointment, drew a sharp contrast between the UNC’s promise and the track record of former Attorney General Faris Al-Rawi, who he claimed repeatedly pledged reform during his 2010–2015 Senate tenure but failed to deliver over the following 10 years. “Our party campaigned on this reform, and we intend to keep every promise laid out in our manifesto,” Sturge stated.

    The resurgence of this debate comes amid fresh controversy tied to Sturge’s own election bid. Recent circulation of old photos on social media showing Sturge with slain Sangre Grande businessman Danny Guerra has sparked new unsubstantiated claims that Guerra funded Sturge’s 2025 campaign. While Sturge has declined to directly address these allegations, senior UNC officials have formally refuted the claims. The opposition People’s National Movement (PNM) deputy leader Sanjiv Boodhu has also pointed to the Guerra allegations to back his own call for mandatory campaign finance legislation.

    The issue of unregulated political financing has lingered in Trinidad and Tobago’s political landscape for generations, with persistent public warnings that undisclosed donations create open pathways for corruption. Critics warn that hidden funding can lead to biased awarding of multi-million-dollar government contracts to major political donors, and millions of dollars in unreported contributions from unnamed individuals and corporations are widely believed to flow into national election cycles annually. Currently, individual candidates face a $50,000 cap on direct campaign spending, but a loophole in the Representation of the People Act allows unlimited third-party contributions for political events, advertising, and party materials—with no requirement to disclose the source of these funds. This gap has left the political system lacking basic transparency and accountability for campaign spending.

    The current push for reform follows a call from the Trinidad and Tobago Transparency Institute (TTTI) last month, which urged the new government to move quickly to enact long-overdue legislation. TTTI’s intervention came after Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar made explosive allegations that illicit drug money funded the construction of the PNM’s national headquarters, Balisier House. Both major political parties have faced sustained public criticism for their shared failure to enforce transparency around campaign funding sources over the years.

    To understand the depth of this policy gridlock, a look back at 20 years of failed efforts makes clear how repeatedly reform has been promised then abandoned:

    In October 2006, then-opposition UNC MP Ganga Singh for Caroni East tabled a parliamentary motion calling for the creation of a special select committee to draft a framework for party registration and contribution disclosure. The motion was immediately shut down by the ruling PNM government led by then-Prime Minister Patrick Manning.

    Three years later, in February 2009, independent Senator Dr Ramesh Deosaran introduced a private Senate motion calling for a Joint Select Committee (JSC) to develop binding legislation to govern campaign financing. Though the motion received backing from the then-opposition UNC, it failed to win support from the ruling PNM and did not advance.

    When the People’s Partnership coalition led by Kamla Persad-Bissessar took power in 2010, campaign finance reform was named a core first-term priority. The administration’s manifesto pledged to introduce legislation for party registration and funding oversight, to be managed by an independent regulatory body. In November 2014, a JSC chaired by Wade Mark was established to deliver a draft framework within six months. The committee’s final report highlighted the legal loophole that allows unlimited third-party spending to bypass candidate expenditure caps, and put forward a comprehensive set of recommendations: capping private donations to limit undue political influence, introducing mandatory full disclosure of all political loans, creating a system of public campaign funding to reduce reliance on wealthy private donors, imposing overall caps on total campaign spending to ensure a level playing field, and regulating third-party spending while protecting free political expression. Ahead of the 2015 general election, Persad-Bissessar pledged her government would implement the JSC’s recommendations if re-elected, but the UNC lost the poll, and the proposal was sidelined for the next decade.

    The PNM, which held power from 2015 to 2025, also made repeated public commitments to reform during its tenure. In its first 2015–2020 term, the Keith Rowley-led administration attempted to advance reform via amendments to the Representation of the People Act. A new JSC was appointed to review the Representation of the People (Amendment) Bill, which aimed to crack down on unregulated hidden funding, prevent corruption and money laundering, and restrict incumbent governments from using state resources to boost election campaigns. Despite being introduced early in the parliamentary term, the bill faced lengthy delays and never came to a vote before the term ended.

    In 2020, Rowley again pledged to bring the bill back to parliament, referring it to a JSC chaired by former government minister Camille Robinson-Regis in a bid to secure cross-party and independent support. Rowley argued at the time that existing laws created unfair advantages for incumbent governments, which could leverage public resources to supplement candidate spending, and that the public had a right to know who was funding political parties and candidates. Despite his claim that his government was the first to have the “fortitude” to deliver on the promise of reform, the bill ultimately lapsed in committee and was never passed, leaving the promise unfulfilled once again.

    Now, with a new UNC administration in power, stakeholders across the political spectrum are watching closely to see whether this 20-year cycle of unkept promises will finally be broken.