标签： Suriname

苏里南

Ruim 150 Surinaamse sporters in actie tijdens Inter-Guyanese Spelen

A landmark regional youth sports gathering is set to bring together hundreds of young athletes from three neighboring South American territories starting this Friday, October 23. The 2026 Inter-Guyanese Games, which will run through October 25 in Suriname’s capital city of Paramaribo, welcomes competitors under the age of 18 from Suriname, Guyana, and French Guiana.

Organized by the Suriname School Sports Foundation (SSFS), the three-day event will feature competitions across six core sports disciplines, plus two exhibition sports. The core competitive lineup includes chess, athletics, swimming, volleyball, basketball, and futsal (indoor soccer), while boxing and judo will take place as demonstration matches. In the demonstration disciplines, Suriname will face off against Guyana in boxing, and against French Guiana in judo. All three territories will field teams across all other core sports.

Suriname is set to field the largest delegation, with more than 150 local athletes who have spent months preparing for the tournament. Delegations from Guyana and French Guiana are expected to arrive in Suriname on October 22, and will depart for their home territories on October 26 after the conclusion of competition.

The official opening ceremony will be hosted at the Anthony Nesty Sports Arena on the opening day, which will also serve as the primary venue for most events, including volleyball, basketball, futsal, and boxing. Chess matches will be held at the Residence Inn, while the judo demonstration will take place at the Ring Sport Center on opening day.

Beyond athletic competition, the Inter-Guyanese Games place a major focus on fostering people-to-people connections between young people from the three territories. Organizers say the event is designed to encourage the exchange of experiences, build new friendships, and strengthen long-standing cultural and social bonds between the neighboring regions. Beyond that, the games aim to deepen mutual understanding and expand long-term sports cooperation across the Guianas region.

21 10 月, 2026
Een woordenlijst heeft ook voorbeeldzinnen nodig

A common challenge in language learning reveals a persistent gap in traditional teaching materials: a student may memorize the direct translation of a new word, yet still use it incorrectly when constructing a sentence. A single translated entry on a vocabulary list cannot capture the nuance that a specific sentence context requires, and this problem has opened a conversation about improving language education curricula, particularly in Suriname’s language teaching frameworks.

The core proposal put forward by independent writer and English educator Swaansh Mahat is simple but transformative: shift from bare translation-only vocabulary lists to lists that pair each word with one or more short, targeted example sentences. This reform retains the clean, accessible structure of standard vocabulary lists while demonstrating how words function in real, concrete communicative situations, eliminating the misleading sense of fixed meaning that one-to-one translations often create.

Mahat emphasizes that this adjustment does not require turning concise vocabulary lists into full, unwieldy dictionaries. A single carefully selected example is often enough to clarify the specific meaning being taught. For words with multiple distinct meanings that translate to different terms in the learner’s native language, a second short example can resolve ambiguity effectively. This approach makes the limits of direct translation explicit, avoiding the false sense of certainty that students must later unlearn when they advance to more complex language use.

Beyond improving learning materials, this method creates new opportunities for interactive classroom engagement. Teachers can use ambiguous word meanings as jumping-off points for guided discussion: asking students which meaning fits a given context, and how word choice shifts when the context changes. Instead of only drilling rote memorization, this approach trains students to make intentional, context-appropriate language choices, building practical communication skills rather than just memorization.

Critical to the success of this strategy is keeping example sentences accessible. A complex sentence packed with other unfamiliar words does more harm than good, as it turns the context that is supposed to clarify meaning into its own confusing puzzle. The purpose of context is to illuminate, not overwhelm.

After analyzing provided examples, Mahat recommends having students craft their own sentences using new vocabulary. When reviewing student work, teachers should not only check for correct spelling and grammar, but also prompt students to reflect on whether the chosen word effectively conveys their intended message. Small adjustments to word choice can become valuable teaching moments that reinforce nuance. Mahat also notes that students do not need to tie every sentence practice to personal experience; learners should be allowed to write about fictional scenarios rather than sharing private information, since the learning goal is language proficiency, not collection of personal narrative content.

Structural design of vocabulary materials also deserves intentional attention. Word, translation, and example should be grouped clearly together whether the material is printed on paper or viewed on a mobile device. Poor formatting that separates related content shifts the learning challenge from mastering language itself to navigating confusing material design. For assessment, it is equally important to be transparent about expectations: translating isolated words is a fundamentally different skill than selecting the correct word for a sentence context. Both assessments have a place in language education, but students must know what skills they are preparing to demonstrate.

Mahat stresses that teachers do not need to overhaul all their existing teaching materials overnight. Educators can start small, adding example sentences only for words that consistently cause confusion among students. Feedback and questions from the classroom can then be used to refine and improve examples over time. When appropriate, sharing a strong original example created by a student (with the student’s explicit permission) can further reinforce learning, making clear that language proficiency develops through active application and adaptation of vocabulary, not just passive memorization.

At its core, a vocabulary list is meant to be a starting point for learning. Adding short example sentences gives students far more tools to build on that starting point, creating the necessary space in teaching materials for the critical shift from memorizing a translation to crafting clear, contextually appropriate communication.

20 10 月, 2026
Franse staatsschuld onder druk: politieke crisis jaagt leenkosten omhoog

France is facing growing financial pressure on global bond markets, with borrowing costs for the French government surging to levels not seen in nearly a quarter of a century. Yields on 10-year French sovereign bonds climbed close to the 5% threshold this week, hitting their highest point since 2002, after days of sustained investor anxiety over the country’s rapidly expanding national debt, persistent large budget deficits, and deep political fragmentation that complicates efforts to rein in public spending. While minor stabilization was observed on Tuesday, yields remained elevated at roughly 4.9%, leaving the spread between French bonds and German Bunds – the eurozone’s benchmark risk-free asset – sharply wider, a clear sign that investors are demanding higher risk premiums to lend to the French state. As of 2025, France’s total national debt stands at approximately 3.6 trillion euros, equal to around 119% of the country’s annual gross domestic product, a dramatic jump from the pre-pandemic level of 98% of GDP. The budget deficit, which the government projects will hit 5.4% of GDP by 2026, remains well above the European Union’s 3% legal limit for member states. The Macron administration has laid out plans to cut the deficit to 5% of GDP by 2027 through a package of 54 billion euros in public spending cuts and new revenue-raising measures, but the road to implementing these reforms is fraught with political and social risk. President Emmanuel Macron’s government lacks a stable majority in parliament, facing opposition from both left and right blocs, turning the upcoming 2027 budget vote into a high-stakes political showdown as well as an economic one. This financial market turmoil comes at a moment when France is already grappling with widespread public protests, fueled by soaring living costs and widespread anger over planned austerity measures, adding even more pressure on Macron and Prime Minister Sébastien Lecornu. To understand the root of the bond market selloff, it is critical to unpack how sovereign borrowing works: when investors doubt a country’s long-term fiscal sustainability, they demand higher yields to hold the country’s debt, which in turn pushes up government borrowing costs and pushes down the market price of existing bonds. For France, multiple overlapping factors are driving the current crisis. Beyond already high debt and deficits, slow economic growth has constrained tax revenue growth, while deep political disagreements over how to share the burden of fiscal adjustment have delayed decisive action. The upcoming 2027 presidential election has added further uncertainty, as parties remain far apart on fiscal policy, and investors are craving clear commitments to put public finances back on a sustainable path that has so far been lacking. Many observers have questioned why other major economies with far higher debt levels are not facing similar market pressure, and the answer lies in structural differences between national debt profiles. The United States, for example, holds a much higher debt-to-GDP ratio, but benefits from the U.S. dollar’s status as the world’s primary reserve currency, which creates consistent, unrivaled global demand for U.S. Treasuries. Japan’s debt tops 200% of GDP, but the vast majority of its debt is held domestically, and decades of near-zero interest rates have kept debt servicing costs manageable. Italy, meanwhile, has a higher debt-to-GDP ratio than France but runs a smaller budget deficit, and its fiscal position has improved in recent years in the eyes of investors. Within the eurozone, France also faces stiffer competition for investment capital: Germany has increased its bond issuance in recent years, while Italy and Spain have strengthened their fiscal positions, giving investors far more alternatives for European sovereign bond exposure than they previously had. The surge in borrowing costs is already having tangible impacts on France’s public finances. Higher interest payments eat up a growing share of the national budget, leaving less room for core public priorities including education, healthcare, infrastructure, and social services. France already has one of the largest welfare states in the OECD, with public spending accounting for roughly 57% of GDP, and pension spending alone makes up a large share of total outlays. An aging population will only add more long-term pressure on public finances in the coming decades, while slow economic growth continues to hold back tax revenue, creating a vicious cycle that can push debt-to-GDP ratios even higher if left unaddressed. Despite the current turmoil, France is not on the brink of an immediate sovereign debt crisis. The country has a large, diversified advanced economy and retains unimpeded access to global capital markets. Still, the sharp rise in bond yields serves as a clear warning shot: investor confidence in the government’s ability to put public debt on a sustainable path is eroding. A prolonged period of elevated borrowing costs risks worsening France’s fiscal challenges, as a failure to deliver credible reform could lead investors to demand even higher yields, creating a self-reinforcing cycle that makes deficit reduction harder. A bailout from European institutions or the International Monetary Fund is not an inevitability, but such a move would represent a major blow to market confidence in France’s financial credibility. The coming months will prove decisive for the Macron government. The administration must navigate passage of its 2027 budget through parliament, restore investor confidence, and avoid further stoking already widespread public discontent – all while balancing the need to stabilize public finances against the risk of dragging down economic growth and eroding access to key public services. It is a high-stakes balancing act that will shape France’s fiscal and political trajectory for years to come.

20 10 月, 2026
Machtsstrijd bij TAS escaleert: overdracht mislukt, RvC-leden melden mishandeling

PARAMARIBO, Suriname – A bitter governance dispute at the Telecommunicatie Autoriteit Suriname (TAS), Suriname’s national telecommunications regulator, escalated into physical confrontation and political gridlock on Tuesday, after a planned leadership handover collapsed amid clashing legal claims and accusations of misconduct.

The conflict centers on Wendy Jap-A-Joe, the outgoing TAS director whose five-year statutory term ended on October 19, according to TAS’s Board of Commissioners (RvC) and Raymond Landveld, Suriname’s Minister of Transport, Communication and Tourism. Minister Landveld formally notified Jap-A-Joe in writing that her term had expired and ordered her to immediately hand over all administrative responsibilities, clearing the way for the RvC to assume interim control of the regulator in accordance with Suriname’s Telecommunications Act.

But Jap-A-Joe has rejected this interpretation of the law and refused to step down. She argues that her existing employment contract guarantees job security and continuity in her leadership role, meaning there is no vacancy for the director position as outlined in Section 4, Subsection 2 of the Telecommunications Act. Her legal challenge directly undermines the RvC’s claim to interim governance, turning the question of whether her employment contract supersedes the statutory term limit into the core of the escalating conflict.

When RvC members arrived at TAS headquarters Tuesday to oversee the handover, the situation quickly spiraled into chaos. The board had previously requested police presence to ensure an orderly transfer of power and prevent confrontation, but according to RvC chair Emanuel Scheek, responding officers said they had received orders from senior officials to withdraw from the site. “We wanted to stay, but we were ordered to pull back by higher-ups,” Scheek told reporters, adding that the board had reached out to the Public Prosecutor’s Office for clarification but has yet to get answers about who issued the withdrawal order or why. Suriname’s national police has not yet issued an official comment on the matter.

Scheek said the confrontation turned physical after board members pressed for an immediate handover. He claimed he was grabbed, pushed, and pulled by an individual inside the building, sustaining injuries to his back, arms, and shoulder. Fellow RvC member Joan Nibte also said she was pushed hard and suffered an arm injury. Both commissioners have announced they will file formal police reports over the incident. Scheek also alleged that conference room doors were locked during the confrontation, trapping TAS staff inside who needed to leave to pick up their children from school. This claim has not yet been independently verified.

Rumors circulated Tuesday that the RvC had taken Jap-A-Joe hostage during the standoff, but Scheek dismissed these accusations. He emphasized that the board only sought an orderly handover aligned with the law, did not use violence against Jap-A-Joe, and is not pursuing a personal conflict. “Disagreements over legal status should be resolved through the proper judicial channels,” he said. By 4 p.m. local time, Jap-A-Joe left TAS headquarters under security protection, with no handover of power having occurred.

The crisis spilled over into Suriname’s National Assembly (DNA) Tuesday, sparking fiery debate among lawmakers. ABOP parliamentarian Stanley Betterson questioned the RvC’s actions and demanded the government issue clarity on Jap-A-Joe’s legal status and the board’s statutory authority. Calling the situation unacceptable, Betterson argued that a sitting director should not be treated in this manner. His comments drew pushback from NDP faction leader Rabin Parmessar, who questioned how Betterson could conclude the RvC acted outside its authority without first reviewing all relevant documents, including Jap-A-Joe’s employment contract. The tense exchange led to two adjournments of the assembly session, and the ABOP faction eventually walked out of the meeting. Government officials acknowledged that the issue has their full attention and urged lawmakers to avoid unsubstantiated claims such as the hostage allegation until all facts are confirmed.

20 10 月, 2026
Nieuw Vriendschapspaviljoen markeert 173 jaar Chinese vestiging

On October 20, Suriname marked a historic milestone for the nation’s multicultural heritage as President Jennifer Simons officially unveiled the nameplate of the newly completed Friendship Pavilion, located along Jagernath Lachmonstraat in Friendship Park. The ceremony was held to commemorate 173 years since the first Chinese immigrants arrived on Surinamese soil, celebrating the deep, enduring ties between the Chinese community and broader Surinamese society.

The commemorative event was organized by the Suriname Chinese United Association (SCUA), the umbrella federation representing Chinese community groups across the country. In her keynote address at the gathering, President Simons reflected on the outsize contributions that generations of the Chinese community have made to Suriname’s national development over the past 17 decades.

Recalling the origins of the project, President Simons noted that exactly one year prior, on October 20, 2025, she joined SCUA representatives to lay the cornerstone for the pavilion in Friendship Park. Today, that vision has been brought to life: construction is fully complete, the finished structure stands as a striking public landmark, and the nation gathered to officially unveil the new site.

According to Suriname’s Communication Service, President Simons emphasized that the inauguration was intentionally timed to align with the 173rd anniversary of the first arrival of Chinese immigrants in 1853. She highlighted that these early pioneers brought with them far more than just the courage to build new lives in a foreign land: they also brought a robust work ethic and deeply held values that have shaped Surinamese society ever since.

Over the generations, the Chinese community has become an inextricable part of the Surinamese national fabric, the president added. Their contributions extend across every corner of national life, from economic growth to cultural enrichment, and they are a core part of Suriname’s unique national identity. “You have become part of our heritage, our national identity, our economy, and our culture. So many Surinamese count Chinese ancestors among their family trees,” Simons stated.

The 173rd anniversary commemoration also served as an opportunity to center Suriname’s rich cultural diversity and the critical importance of mutual respect between the nation’s many different ethnic and community groups. For Simons, the Friendship Pavilion is far more than a public building: it is a permanent, tangible symbol of the close bond between the Chinese community and all other segments of Surinamese society. The structure will also serve as a reminder for future generations that collaboration, shared vision, and perseverance deliver lasting, meaningful progress for the whole nation.

President Simons closed her remarks by expressing her hope that the pavilion will continue to strengthen connection and friendship between all communities in Suriname for generations to come.

20 10 月, 2026
Black Harmony onderscheiden voor behoud Afro-Surinaams erfgoed

On October 20, the Amsterdam-based Consulate General of Suriname presented a prestigious honor to Black Harmony, a beloved musical group that has spent two decades championing the preservation and intergenerational transmission of Afro-Surinamese cultural legacy. The award, in the form of an official certificate of appreciation, was handed over by Suriname’s Consul General Roseline Daan to recognize the collective’s decades-long work in keeping traditional Surinamese music, dance and ritual practices alive within the diaspora community.

Founded 20 years ago, Black Harmony has centered its mission on protecting, documenting and passing on cultural traditions deeply rooted in Suriname’s complex social and ethnic history. Through regular public performances, community workshops and cultural outreach initiatives, the group has worked to prevent these time-honored practices from fading into obscurity. Beyond preserving the past, their work creates intentional spaces for younger generations of Surinamese diaspora to engage with their ancestral roots and build personal connections to their cultural heritage.

The recognition for Black Harmony was initiated following a nomination by Gilly Koorndijk, who also goes by the artistic name Karoe Adely. Koorndijk serves as the collective’s sound engineer and is widely recognized as a leading expert on traditional Surinamese kaseko music. Orlando Ceder, the founding leader of Black Harmony, accepted the certificate on behalf of the entire group. In his acceptance remarks, Ceder expressed sincere gratitude to the Suriname Consulate General for the honor, and reaffirmed the collective’s long-term commitment to continuing its cultural stewardship work for years to come.

During the award ceremony, Consul General Daan emphasized the critical value of cultural diversity and intentional intergenerational transmission of traditional practices. She framed the honor not only as a tribute to Black Harmony’s 20 years of consistent dedication, but also as a reminder of the collective responsibility shared by communities and institutions to safeguard endangered cultural heritage. By nurturing living traditions of music, dance, ritual and custom, Daan noted, communities keep their shared history accessible and relevant, rather than reducing it to a static artifact of the past. She closed by noting that the award is a fully deserved recognition not just for Black Harmony’s members, but for every individual who devotes time and effort to keeping Suriname’s rich cultural heritage alive for future generations.

20 10 月, 2026
Bejaarde vrouw thuis overvallen en beroofd

A brutal home invasion left a 78-year-old woman injured and robbed of valuables early Monday in Suriname, according to local law enforcement reports. The attack unfolded around 5:45 a.m. while the elderly victim was on her own property, picking flowers to prepare for her daily morning prayer.

As the victim tended to her flowers, two male suspects climbed over the boundary fence surrounding her home on Napelstraat and forced their way inside, while a third accomplice waited outside to keep watch for any passersby or responding authorities. Once inside, the robbers moved to subdue the victim, attempting to bind her wrists with plastic zip ties. The 78-year-old fought back against her attackers, sustaining visible bruising to both wrists and arms during the struggle. During the confrontation, the victim told investigators she observed one of the suspects carrying a handgun, raising the stakes of the already violent encounter.

After overpowering the woman, the attackers ripped the jewelry she was wearing directly off her body before ransacking her bedroom in search of more valuables. They ultimately located a hidden cache of cash stashed between pieces of clothing in a wardrobe, making off with an undisclosed amount of Surinamese dollars.

Police have confirmed the full list of stolen property includes four rings, two bracelets and two necklaces, all believed to be made of yellow gold, alongside the undisclosed sum of local currency. The victim sustained non-life-threatening injuries to her arms and was promptly transferred to the emergency department (SEH) of a local hospital for assessment and treatment.

Following the robbery, the three suspects fled the scene on a black Dayang brand motorbike, according to witness and surveillance evidence. Security camera footage from the area shows the suspects casing the Napelstraat property before the attack, and fleeing the neighborhood along Munderweg after they had collected their stolen goods. As of Tuesday morning, local police had not announced any arrests and were continuing to canvass the area for additional witnesses and evidence to track down the three attackers.

20 10 月, 2026
Minister Landveld draagt Jap-A-Joe op leiding TAS onmiddellijk over te dragen

On 20 October, Suriname’s Minister of Transport, Communication and Tourism Raymond Landveld formally notified Wendy Jap-A-Joe that her term as Director of the Telecommunications Authority Suriname (TAS) has reached its legal end date. In an official notice dated the same day, Landveld ordered Jap-A-Joe to immediately hand over all administrative responsibilities entrusted to her during her tenure. The TAS Board of Commissioners has been tasked with ensuring uninterrupted operations and leadership of the regulatory body through the transition period.

The notification, bearing reference number MIN-SEC 1582-26, references the presidential resolution that appointed Jap-A-Joe to the role in October 2021. Per the terms of that appointment, her five-year term concluded on 20 October 2026. Minister Landveld emphasized that upholding strong governance and uninterrupted service delivery from TAS remain top priorities, and has directed the Board of Commissioners to immediately put arrangements in place for the authority’s interim leadership in full compliance with existing legal frameworks.

Landveld cited Article 4.2 of the Telecommunications Facilities Act, which mandates an immediate handover of administrative duties to prevent any disruption to TAS operations. The minister’s statement expresses confidence that Jap-A-Joe will cooperate fully and act with professional integrity to guarantee the continuity of core activities throughout the leadership transition.

Copies of the official notification have been circulated to President Jennifer Geerlings-Simons, Vice President Gregory Rusland, and the full TAS Board of Commissioners for their awareness. Earlier the same day, the Board of Commissioners had already released a public statement confirming that Jap-A-Joe no longer holds authorization to represent TAS as Director, sign official documents on the authority’s behalf, or approve payments and work contracts effective 20 October. The board confirmed that her five-year statutory appointment expired by operation of law on the scheduled date.

Landveld’s formal notification marks the official confirmation from the responsible government ministry that a handover of leadership duties is required. As of this update, no official announcement has been made regarding the identity of Jap-A-Joe’s permanent successor.

20 10 月, 2026
Het voorwerk is gedaan, nu nog politiek herstel

Decades of research and community-led groundwork on reparations for the transatlantic slave trade in Suriname are now waiting for long-overdue political follow-through, according to leaders of the country’s official National Reparations Commission (NRCS). The opinion piece, published October 20 by NRCS chair Armand Zunder and researcher Dinesh Dinai, comes in the wake of recent parliamentary questions from MPs Ronny Asabina and Cedric van Samson that have reignited public and political scrutiny of the Netherlands’ proposed measures for its colonial slavery past. The authors say these new questions deserve concrete political response, while also pressing a critical unaddressed question: what has become of the comprehensive reparations action plan presented to all Surinamese political parties ahead of the 2025 general elections?

Research into Suriname’s slavery legacy and the basis for reparations has been ongoing since before 2010. The NRCS, along with its operational bodies the National Reparations Platform and the Knowledge Institute for Research into Genocide against Indigenous Peoples, the Slave Trade and Slavery against Africans and its Legacy, welcomes the renewed attention on the issue, but stresses that any progress must build on existing community-led work rather than starting from scratch, to produce a cohesive national reparations policy.

Months ahead of the 2025 elections, the National Reparations Platform, the Marron Awareness Platform Suriname, and the Masuanary Foundation collectively developed and signed a full reparations action program, and invited every registered political party to incorporate the proposals into their election platforms and future governing agendas. In what the authors frame as a disappointing outcome, substantive interest from political parties remained extremely limited: only one party extended an invitation to the initiative’s organizers for a formal discussion at its party headquarters.

The finalized action program was publicly presented on April 4, 2025. Just three days later, it was delivered in person along with the independent Brattle Group damage assessment report and an official cover letter to the Dutch ambassador to Suriname, who confirmed he would forward all documents to the Dutch government, both houses of the Dutch parliament, and the Dutch monarchy.

At the core of the proposal is a call for a formal reparations agreement between the governments of Suriname and the Netherlands, rooted in independent financial and economic calculations of harm caused by centuries of colonial slavery. A central guiding principle is Suriname’s full ownership of the reparations process: the country, with direct decision-making control held by affected communities, must set its own direction for reparations programming and implementation.

The plan’s proposed distribution allocates approximately 2% of total funds to direct personal compensation for descendants of enslaved people, with the remaining 98% directed to collective reparations through a dedicated National Reparations Fund. This pooled fund would support investment across a wide range of sectors disproportionately harmed by the legacy of slavery, including education, healthcare, intergenerational trauma healing, housing, clean drinking water access, small business development, infrastructure, recognition of Indigenous and Maroon ancestral rights, and preservation of cultural heritage. The framework also explicitly includes psychological, institutional, legal, and political dimensions of repair, rather than focusing solely on financial compensation.

Based on analysis from the Brattle report, the baseline calculated claim for reparations for Suriname stands at $2.78 billion at a 2.5% interest rate, before any negotiated discount that could be agreed through bilateral talks. The authors emphasize this is a calculated starting point for negotiations, not a final agreed or court-ordered damage award. The proposal aligns with the broader regional framework set out in the CARICOM 10-Point Plan for reparations.

The authors draw a clear distinction between the demand for formal reparations and the Netherlands’ recently announced subsidy program for Suriname, the 2026–2030 Subsidy Program for Social Initiatives on the Transatlantic Slavery Past (SUMS-SU). While the authors acknowledge that Dutch subsidies can support existing community projects, they stress that such funding cannot replace the structured reparations that are required for historical harm. They also criticize the SUMS-SU program’s application structure as unnecessarily prohibitive for local organizations with limited administrative capacity:
requirements include registered legal personality, formal statutes, official registration, and a dedicated bank account, applicants must prepare standardized project plans and budgets, provide official Dutch translations of all documents where required, and cover all application costs out of pocket. In addition, applications are reviewed on a first-come, first-served basis, a policy that disproportionately disadvantages smaller, under-resourced community groups.

The opinion concludes that both the total amount of funding allocated under the subsidy program and its application and disbursement rules have been set unilaterally by the Netherlands, the former colonial power. This stands in direct contrast to the core principle of reparations: this is not a matter of charity or conditional development aid, but of remediation on the basis of equal sovereignty between the two nations.

To move the process forward, the authors call on the Surinamese government to make the establishment of a National Reparations Fund overseen by an independent Reparations Council a non-negotiable condition in all future negotiations with the Netherlands. They also demand that the approximately €66 million earmarked for Suriname under the SUMS-SU program be transferred into this new national fund, rather than being administered directly by the Netherlands. The fund would be tasked with maintaining a formal registry of descendants and ensuring fair, transparent allocation of funds, with ongoing decision-making control held by affected communities. The Reparations Council would oversee compliance with all bilateral agreements, monitor spending to ensure it aligns with stated reparations goals, and require full public accountability for all fund use, supported by independent expert input and regular external audit.

A dedicated technical support staff would also be established to assist community organizations with every step of the process, from application preparation to disbursement and reporting, to ensure that limited administrative capacity does not bar groups from accessing funds. The authors stress that all community-led groundwork for reparations has already been completed. The only remaining step is for Suriname’s political leadership to take responsibility, build on this pre-existing work, and embed reparations as a permanent priority in national, regional, and sectoral policy.

20 10 月, 2026
Braganza: Uitblijven grootschalige landbouw in Suriname gemiste kans

As neighboring Guyana makes notable progress expanding regional agricultural exports, a major Surinamese agribusiness is calling attention to costly delays in its own plan to launch large-scale commercial farming, warning the nation is missing a critical opportunity to boost food security and claim a share of the Caribbean market.

Lionel Blokland, director of Braganza Marketing Group NV, told local media outlet Starnieuws that his firm has spent more than four years trying to move forward with a large-scale maize and soy production project in partnership with Mennonite farmers, but is still waiting for clarity and formal support from the Surinamese government. The project, planned for development in the Tibiti and Kabalebo regions, would target both domestic demand and potential regional export opportunities, aligning with a broader regional shift toward cutting import dependence and boosting local food production.

Blokland pointed to Guyana’s recent milestones as proof of the untapped potential Suriname is leaving on the table. Last week, Guyanese Agriculture Minister Zulfikar Mustapha announced the country had officially launched maize and soy exports to Barbados, marking a key milestone in the nation’s strategy to cut reliance on imported food and position itself as a leading regional agricultural supplier. The shift is already delivering tangible economic benefits: Guyana saves an estimated $40 million annually by reducing imports of these core commodities and their derived products, government data shows.

Guyana’s agricultural expansion has already reduced national imports of high-demand fresh produce including cauliflower, lettuce, bell peppers, broccoli, and carrots by roughly 90 percent, and the country is now working to scale up domestic onion production to cut onion imports as well. It has even ended imports of bananas from Suriname, a shift that underscores rising competition within the Caribbean’s agricultural sector. Blokland noted that Guyana has rapidly emerged as the de facto breadbasket of the Caribbean, and argued Suriname holds the same potential to scale domestic output and capture a significant share of the regional market.

“Our goal is to supply the Surinamese people and local manufacturing sector with food products, and export any surplus – we shouldn’t have to rely on neighbors or Barbados to meet our own needs,” Blokland explained.

Local communities in Suriname’s Sipaliwini district have publicly thrown their support behind the project. Earlier this week, Blokland joined representatives of the Witagron community as they submitted a formal petition to the national government and National Assembly, urging officials to back the partnership between Braganza, Mennonite farmers, and local residents. Petition organizers highlighted the project’s potential to create new local jobs, upgrade regional infrastructure, and drive inclusive economic growth for local communities, while emphasizing the project will fully comply with all national regulations including mandatory environmental impact assessments.

The petition will be debated in parliament, according to NDP parliamentary leader Rabin Parmessar, who noted he was still awaiting key project documents from the firm. Blokland pushed back on this claim, confirming that Braganza has already shared all required documentation with Parmessar, and says the company stands ready to provide any additional materials that may be requested to move the process forward.

For Suriname, the stakes of the decision are high, Blokland emphasized. A green light for the project would strengthen the nation’s food security, support domestic industrial development, and create new revenue streams through regional exports. With neighboring Guyana already moving aggressively to capture regional market share, Blokland says the Surinamese government cannot afford to delay the project any longer.

20 10 月, 2026