标签: Suriname

苏里南

  • Rodríguez vertrekt na tien overeenkomsten en afspraken

    Rodríguez vertrekt na tien overeenkomsten en afspraken

    Venezuela’s interim president Delcy Rodríguez has wrapped up an official one-day working visit to Suriname, returning to Caracas on Friday evening after a trip that has deepened ties between the two South American nations. Invited by Suriname’s president Jennifer Simons, Rodríguez and her delegation arrived in Paramaribo, Suriname’s capital, on Thursday evening, kicking off two days of diplomatic engagement.

    On Friday morning, Rodríguez received a formal ceremonial welcome at the Presidential Palace, where the two heads of state and their respective delegations held in-depth bilateral discussions covering a wide range of shared priority areas. By the end of the talks, the two sides had signed nine binding cooperation agreements and one joint statement, laying out a clear roadmap for expanded collaboration across multiple key sectors. The pacts cover agriculture and food security, fisheries and aquaculture, commercial aviation, tourism, oil and gas development, higher education, and specialized professional training.

    One of the most tangible outcomes of the visit centers on the fisheries sector. Rodríguez announced that 200 Venezuelan fishermen from the coastal states of Nueva Esparta and Sucre will be granted official permits to operate in an Atlantic fishing corridor designated and made available by the Surinamese government. Beyond fisheries, the two sides also reached agreements to launch new commercial air routes between the two countries and partner up to advance development of their shared oil and gas industries.

    During the negotiations, officials also addressed an ongoing legal matter involving Venezuela’s state-owned oil giant PDVSA. The issue centers on a third-party execution attachment placed on PDVSA assets located in Suriname, a dispute linked to the Petrocaribe regional energy compensation mechanism. As of the conclusion of Rodríguez’s visit, legal proceedings on this matter are still ongoing, with both sides confirming they will continue diplomatic engagement to find a resolution.

    In a forward-looking proposal, Suriname’s president Simons put forward a plan to convene meetings of the Suriname-Venezuela Political Consultation Mechanism and the Bilateral Joint Commission in the first half of 2027. These established bilateral frameworks are designed to flesh out technical details and drive progress on practical cooperation initiatives outlined during this latest summit.

    The official portion of Rodríguez’s visit concluded with a wreath-laying ceremony at the monument of Simón Bolívar, the iconic Venezuelan independence leader, located on Paramaribo’s Central Church Square. Following the ceremony, Simons hosted an official luncheon for Rodríguez and her entire delegation.

    Speaking at the conclusion of the visit, Rodríguez emphasized that both nations must now move forward with implementing the newly signed agreements to strengthen commercial integration and deepen long-standing bilateral ties. She also extended a formal reciprocal invitation to President Simons to visit Venezuela at a mutually convenient future date, opening the door for continued high-level diplomatic engagement between the two neighbors.

  • ‘Alles veranderde’: De menselijke tol van 25 jaar Amerikaanse oorlogen

    ‘Alles veranderde’: De menselijke tol van 25 jaar Amerikaanse oorlogen

    Twenty-five years have passed since the 9/11 attacks that reshaped global geopolitics, when 19 al-Qaeda hijackers seized four commercial airliners and crashed them into the World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington D.C., killing nearly 3,000 people. What followed that fateful day was a generation of continuous, U.S.-led military conflicts that have left an unrivaled trail of human suffering and economic burden, new data from the Brown University Watson Institute’s Cost of War project confirms. These post-9/11 conflicts have killed an estimated 4.5 to 4.7 million people directly and indirectly, and displaced more than 38 million others across multiple regions of the world.

    Less than one month after the 9/11 attacks, then-U.S. President George W. Bush launched what he dubbed the ‘War on Terror’, beginning with the October 2001 invasion of Afghanistan codenamed Operation Enduring Freedom. The Taliban regime collapsed within weeks, but the conflict dragged on for nearly 20 years across four consecutive U.S. presidencies, making it the longest war in U.S. history. The Cost of War project estimates that 176,000 people died directly from combat in Afghanistan, with hundreds of thousands more killed indirectly by starvation, preventable disease, and untreated injuries. Food insecurity surged from 62 percent before the invasion to 92 percent after, and unexploded ordnance and landmines continue to maim and kill Afghan civilians decades later. In 2021, as the last U.S. troops withdrew, the Taliban retook control of the country, leaving a fractured nation still grappling with the legacy of war.

    Just under two years after the Afghanistan invasion, in March 2003, the U.S. launched its invasion of Iraq, built on the false claim that former Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein possessed weapons of mass destruction. For Iraqis who lived through the invasion, the trauma remains unresolved decades later. ‘Everything changed,’ recalled Omar, an 18-year-old university student in Baghdad at the time of the invasion, in an interview with Al Jazeera. ‘We remember the sound of the bombs; we were so afraid. Some of my friends ignored warnings to stay inside and went to see what was happening when the fighting reached the city. I asked them why they would go. They left, and they never came back. It is still devastating to think about.’ According to project data, 315,000 people died directly from combat in Iraq, with millions more dying indirectly from the collapse of healthcare, food systems, and infrastructure. Today, more than two decades after the invasion, over one million Iraqis remain displaced from their homes.

    Beyond the two large-scale ground wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the U.S. expanded the ‘War on Terror’ into a sprawling network of air and drone strikes across the Middle East, South Asia, and Africa, operating in at least 10 countries over 25 years. Data from the London-based non-profit Airwars, which tracks civilian casualties from military operations, and the Bureau of Investigative Journalism documents the scale of these campaigns: since 2004, the U.S. has carried out 423 strikes in Pakistan that killed an estimated 2,499 to 4,001 people, including between 424 and 966 civilians; at least 186 strikes and raids in Yemen have killed at least 853 people, 158 of them civilians; between 2001 and 2016, 19 to 23 strikes in Somalia killed 188 to 276 people. In 2011, the U.S. led a NATO air campaign under a UN civilian protection mandate to oust former Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, carrying out nearly 9,700 strikes over seven months before Gaddafi was captured and killed by rebels. In 2014, the U.S. launched Operation Inherent Resolve against the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, which relied on heavy air and ground operations that deployed tens of thousands of bombs. While U.S. officials have acknowledged just 1,417 civilian deaths from that campaign, Airwars estimates the true number is between 8,264 and 13,360.

    Across all conflict zones affected by post-9/11 wars, the scale of displacement is unprecedented in modern history, exceeding any other conflict since the start of the 20th century. The Cost of War project estimates that more than 38 million people across Afghanistan, Iraq, Pakistan, Yemen, Somalia, the Philippines, Libya, and Syria have been displaced, either crossing international borders or forced to flee their homes within their own countries. Decades after the initial invasions, displacement continues to uproot communities. Last year alone, Iran and Pakistan forced roughly 2.9 million Afghan refugees to return to Afghanistan, a country still ravaged by conflict and economic collapse. For many Afghans, repeated displacement has become a permanent way of life. Ayesha, a 40-year-old Afghan mother, has spent most of her life moving between Afghanistan and Iran due to repeated conflict. Her family first fled Afghanistan in 1994, returned in 2000, then fled again in 2002 after the U.S. invasion. After living in Iran for 11 years, she and her children were deported back to Afghanistan. ‘I have gone back and forth so many times,’ Ayesha explained. ‘This last time we stayed 11 years, but then the Iranians deported us and kicked my children out of school. We have no home to call our own anymore.’ (Omar and Ayesha are pseudonyms used to protect their privacy.)

    The human cost of the post-9/11 wars extends beyond civilian populations in conflict zones, extending to U.S. and coalition military personnel and veterans who served in the conflicts. Nearly 3,500 coalition troops have been killed in Afghanistan and Iraq, with more than 23,500 wounded. In Afghanistan alone, 2,500 U.S. troops died and 20,000 were wounded before the 2021 withdrawal; in Iraq, 3,481 U.S. troops died and more than 31,000 were wounded. The long-term costs for veterans are staggering, and a public health crisis of mental illness and suicide persists. By 2050, the Cost of War project projects that healthcare and benefits for post-9/11 veterans will cost the U.S. between $2.2 trillion and $2.5 trillion, much of which remains unfunded. ‘Four times as many U.S. service members and veterans have died by suicide as have died in combat during post-9/11 wars,’ said Stephanie Savell, director of the Cost of War project. ‘Veterans return with far higher rates of PTSD and traumatic injury, and are deployed more frequently than in past conflicts. The costs of war are borne by a small segment of the U.S. population, rather than shared by the public as a whole.’

    In total, the U.S. has spent an estimated $5.8 trillion on 25 years of post-9/11 conflicts, with $2.2 trillion more earmarked for future veteran care, bringing the total cost to at least $8 trillion and rising. By 2030, the U.S. will have paid as much in interest on war-related debt as it spent on combat operations themselves, a debt that will be carried by Americans under 25 for decades to come. Public opinion polling shows most Americans oppose endless aggressive foreign wars, and the ongoing conflict in the region remains deeply unpopular with U.S. voters. Savell noted that many voters supported former President Donald Trump in part because he promised to end ‘endless wars’ and campaigned on a platform of peace, but his administration oversaw a sharp expansion of U.S. military violence. ‘That promise has been completely broken since he took office,’ Savell explained. ‘Drone strikes intensified in Somalia and Yemen, rules of engagement were loosened to allow more civilian casualties, and less protection for civilian lives. Beyond launching a new war in Iran, expanded strikes in the Caribbean, U.S. military violence has intensified across the globe.’

  • 200 Venezolaanse vissers krijgen vergunning voor visserij in Surinaamse corridor

    200 Venezolaanse vissers krijgen vergunning voor visserij in Surinaamse corridor

    In a landmark diplomatic development during an official visit to Suriname by Venezuelan acting president Delcy Rodríguez, the two South American nations have signed a sweeping package of cooperation agreements covering key sectors from fisheries to energy, education and connectivity, deepening regional integration between the neighboring countries.

    One of the most notable commitments to come out of the talks is a fisheries access agreement that will grant fishing licenses to 200 Venezuelan fishermen from the coastal states of Nueva Esparta and Sucre, permitting them to operate in an Atlantic fishing corridor designated by Suriname. Rodríguez announced the arrangement following bilateral discussions with Suriname’s president Jennifer Geerlings-Simons, noting that the partnership is structured to deliver mutual economic benefits to both nations. Beyond creating livelihood opportunities for Venezuelan fishermen, Rodríguez explained that the deal will open new export pathways for Suriname’s popular fish species including red snapper and lane snapper to the large U.S. market and other international destinations. At the time of the announcement, no further details were released on the exact terms of access, the size and geographic boundaries of the designated corridor, or the regulatory framework that will govern fishing activity in the area.

    The fisheries deal is just one of 10 total agreements reached during the diplomatic visit, which includes nine formal cooperation documents and one joint statement signed by the two governments.

    In the aviation sector, the two countries have moved forward with concrete plans to reestablish commercial flight connections between their territories, and have agreed to grant fifth freedom rights to airlines from both nations. This regulatory change will allow air carriers to operate routes that pass through each country’s territory, opening up new route options and increasing flexibility for regional air travel. The improved air links are designed to boost bilateral tourism, with both governments committing to bring tour operators closer together and develop joint multi-destination tourism products that draw on the unique attractions of both countries. Rodríguez emphasized that beyond air connectivity, the two nations also need to expand maritime transport links between their coasts, noting that regional connectivity within South America and the Caribbean currently lags behind connections to countries outside the region. The new cooperation agreements are intended to reverse this imbalance and strengthen intra-regional ties.

    Another core pillar of the new bilateral partnership focuses on developing Suriname’s growing oil and gas sector. Venezuela, which has decades of experience in hydrocarbon exploration, production and processing, has offered to share its technical expertise with Suriname, and will provide specialized training programs for workers in Suriname’s emerging oil industry. Rodríguez specifically highlighted Venezuela’s leading energy research institute Intevep and the Venezuelan University of Hydrocarbons as key institutional partners, noting that both organizations hold advanced technological capabilities that can be mobilized to support the cooperation effort.

    Agricultural development and food security have also been prioritized in the new cooperation framework. The two countries have agreed to align their sanitary and phytosanitary regulatory standards to facilitate agricultural trade, exchange knowledge on animal genetics, and collaborate on advancing regenerative agricultural practices that support long-term sustainability.

    In the education sector, Venezuela is opening up new training opportunities for Surinamese students. The Latin American University of Medicine will open its doors to Surinamese students seeking to pursue medical degrees in Venezuela. Additional agreements have been reached for university-level training in hydrocarbons, public health, agriculture and technology, as well as expanded technical and vocational education opportunities for Surinamese learners.

    Looking ahead, the next meeting of the bilateral Mixed Commission between Venezuela and Suriname is scheduled to take place in Suriname during the first quarter of next year. Rodríguez extended a formal invitation to President Simons to visit Venezuela in the near future, and thanked the Surinamese government and people for the humanitarian assistance Suriname provided after the June 24 earthquake that struck Venezuela. She also noted that she has a long history of engagement with Suriname, having previously visited the country in past roles as an energy official and Venezuela’s foreign minister for discussions related to the Petrocaribe energy initiative.

  • Suriname en Venezuela tekenen tien documenten, ook PDVSA-kwestie besproken

    Suriname en Venezuela tekenen tien documenten, ook PDVSA-kwestie besproken

    On September 11, in a landmark gathering marking half a century of diplomatic relations between the two South American nations, Suriname and Venezuela formalized a sweeping new set of bilateral cooperation agreements during an official working visit by Venezuelan President Delcy Rodríguez to Suriname’s capital. The signing ceremony, held at the Presidential Palace following high-level talks between Rodríguez and her Surinamese counterpart President Jennifer Simons, saw the two leaders put pen to paper on nine binding cooperation documents and one joint statement that expand partnership across nearly a dozen key sectors.

    The agreements cover a wide range of mutually beneficial areas including fisheries and aquaculture, agri-food systems and productive alliances, civil aviation, tourism, oil and gas exploration and development, higher education, specialized vocational training, academic exchange, and diplomatic professional development. Throughout the bilateral discussions, senior officials from both administrations placed particular strategic focus on advancing food security, deepening economic integration, and improving cross-border connectivity. Additional topics on the negotiation agenda included livestock development, bilateral trade and investment promotion, energy security, and regional public safety.

    One of the most concrete near-term cooperation priorities discussed is the potential supply of affordable urea fertilizer from Venezuela to Suriname’s domestic agricultural sector. Leaders from both nations emphasized that expanded collaboration in agriculture, livestock, and fisheries will directly strengthen regional food sovereignty, boost domestic production output, and build greater economic resilience for both populations. In her opening remarks during the talks, President Simons noted that while Suriname and Venezuela already share close political and diplomatic ties, it is long past time to bring economic cooperation in line with that strong foundational relationship. “The true measure of our partnership’s success must be tangible, sustainable improvements for the people of both our nations,” Simons stated.

    Alongside new cooperation initiatives, the leaders also addressed a long-standing open dispute related to the Venezuelan state-owned oil giant Petróleos de Venezuela S.A. (PDVSA). The issue centers on a third-party executive attachment order placed on PDVSA assets located in Suriname, which is tied to the Suriname-Venezuela Petrocaribe compensation mechanism. Simons clarified that legal proceedings around the dispute are still ongoing, with no final court ruling issued to date, and asked Rodríguez to share updates on any recent developments from the Venezuelan government side. She reaffirmed Suriname’s commitment to resolving all outstanding bilateral questions through constructive, mutually respectful dialogue.

    To strengthen long-term bilateral engagement, the two nations have agreed to revitalize existing bilateral consultation frameworks. President Simons proposed hosting meetings of the Suriname-Venezuela Political Consultation Mechanism and the Joint Suriname-Venezuela Commission in the first half of 2027, where delegates will work out further details for expanded technical cooperation across all agreed sectors.

    In her response, Rodríguez thanked the government and people of Suriname for the timely humanitarian assistance Suriname provided to Venezuela following the devastating June 24 earthquake that struck the country. She echoed Simons’ focus on agricultural and livestock cooperation, noting that these partnerships are critical to shoring up food security across the entire South American region. For her part, Simons said Suriname is closely monitoring recent political and economic developments in Venezuela and extended wishes for continued stability and inclusive development for the country. Rodríguez extended a formal invitation to Simons for a reciprocal official visit to Venezuela, though no date has been publicly announced for the trip. Wednesday’s meeting marked the first in-person meeting between Rodríguez and Simons since Simons took office as Suriname’s head of state, and comes 50 years after the two nations first established formal diplomatic relations in 1975.

  • Vakbonden MAS, Staatsolie en Luchthavenbeheer veroordelen inmenging en geweld tegen OWOS

    Vakbonden MAS, Staatsolie en Luchthavenbeheer veroordelen inmenging en geweld tegen OWOS

    On September 11, four major trade union organizations in Suriname — the unions of MAS, Staatsolie, Airport Management, and the Forest Management and Supervision Foundation — issued a joint statement affirming their unwavering, unconditional solidarity with the Ogem Workers Organization Suriname (OWOS), as the independent labor movement faces escalating, severe threats to its autonomy.

    Concerns over external interference in OWOS’s internal affairs first emerged ahead of the organization’s recent leadership elections, with multiple sources pointing to unauthorized meddling by the management board of EBS into the union’s internal processes. In their joint statement, the four supporting unions emphasized that employers have no legitimate place in the governing structure of an independent trade union, mirroring the long-standing principle that unions do not interfere in corporate management decision-making. The groups stressed this reciprocal non-interference must be respected by both sides.

    “An independent trade union must be fully free to select its own leadership and advocate for its members’ interests, free from external pressure or improper preferential treatment,” the statement read. The supporting unions also issued a direct warning to workers who have accepted favorable treatment from EBS amid the interference: if OWOS loses its independence, those workers will ultimately pay a heavy price for the concessions they have accepted in the short term.

    Tensions in the conflict escalated dramatically last week when the OWOS union headquarters was targeted in a shooting attack that left one person injured. Authorities have not yet confirmed whether the attack is directly linked to the ongoing leadership election dispute and external interference, but the four supporting unions made clear that all forms of violence and intimidation against labor organizers are completely unacceptable, no matter the context.

    In a forceful rebuke of the escalating threats, the joint statement declared: “Abuse of power, intimidation, threats, and violence must never be used to influence the free choice of workers or undermine the independence of their union.” The unions called on all involved parties to take immediate steps to prevent further escalation, and to allow the rule of law to proceed unimpeded, with a particular focus on tracking down the perpetrators of the shooting attack and holding them fully accountable for their actions.

    Addressing the leadership and members of OWOS directly, the supporting unions offered words of encouragement and resolve: “Do not back down in the face of intimidation. Do not let fear decide who leads your union. We will not respond to violence with violence, but with unwavering resolve and the democratic tools available to us.”

    The statement closed with a stark warning for the entire nation of Suriname: if intimidation succeeds in silencing the independent labor movement, the entire country will face severe consequences. The unified message from the four major unions was clear and uncompromising: Hands off the independent trade union movement!

  • Suriname en Venezuela mikken op samenwerking in landbouw, visserij en energie

    Suriname en Venezuela mikken op samenwerking in landbouw, visserij en energie

    On September 11, diplomatic relations between Suriname and Venezuela entered a new phase of deepened engagement, as acting Venezuelan President Delcy Rodríguez carried out an official working visit to the South American Caribbean nation at the invitation of Surinamese President Jennifer Simons. The visit marks the first in-person meeting between the two heads of state, and centers on expanding cross-border economic partnerships across a range of high-priority sectors. Rodríguez and her delegation arrived in Suriname on the evening of Thursday ahead of the official schedule of meetings and ceremonies. On Friday, she received a formal ceremonial welcome at Suriname’s Presidential Palace, followed by plans to lay a wreath at the monument of Simón Bolívar, the iconic Venezuelan independence leader, located on Kerkplein. Later the same day, Rodríguez held scheduled talks with President Simons to advance bilateral cooperation discussions. According to the Surinamese government, the two countries have identified agriculture, fisheries, and hydrocarbons as core focus areas for expanded collaboration. Additional sectors including cross-border connectivity, tourism, education, and institutional capacity building are also on the negotiating agenda during the visit. Suriname’s top diplomat Melvin Bouva, who serves as Minister of Foreign Affairs, International Trade and Cooperation, noted that the two neighboring nations have long-standing ties and hold extensive complementary strengths that create mutual opportunities for growth through closer partnership. Suriname and Venezuela have maintained formal diplomatic relations for more than 50 years, and this high-level visit is intended to strengthen and deepen the long-standing bilateral connection. During the negotiations, the two sides are working to identify concrete, actionable avenues for expanded cooperation. Beyond individual sector projects, officials are also exploring pathways to scale up broader economic and technical partnerships between the two countries. As of the latest update, no specific projects or binding agreements resulting from the talks have been publicly announced. The Surinamese government has confirmed that any outcomes reached during the visit are expected to set a clear, forward-looking direction for a long-term sustainable and results-driven partnership between the two nations.

  • Climbing Creek – de stille ramp (1)

    Climbing Creek – de stille ramp (1)

    There are some landscapes that embed themselves in your memory the moment you set foot on them. Climbing Creek, a freshwater swamp in Nickerie, Suriname, is one such place — but it is slowly being poisoned by saltwater, a catastrophe caused not by natural climate shift, but by an unregulated man-made canal dug three years ago. I joined a small team of military personnel on a journey into the heart of the swamp to document the damage and meet the team working to undo what has been broken. I’m writing this story not because it is pretty, but because it demands to be told.

    It was early morning when our group gathered at Wageningen’s irrigation canal, the only access point to Climbing Creek. We knew this would not be an ordinary trip, but nothing could prepare us for what we would witness. Fifteen minutes after we arrived, the rumble of an outboard motor cut through the morning air — our boat had arrived. Stowing our backpacks, packed full of water, fruit and sweet buns, we climbed aboard, ready for the journey ahead. Even in these early hours, the tropical sun beat down heavily as our small aluminum craft cut through the canal’s waters.

    The opening stretch of the trip was deceptively beautiful: dense greenery lined both banks, tall drought-stressed trees stood along the water’s edge, and coastal shorebirds foraged for their first meal of the day. Occasionally, fish jumped into our boat by accident, which we gently released back into the water. With four people on board including the skipper, the 15-horsepower engine wove carefully through dense vegetation, the captain working tirelessly to avoid reeds, roots, driftwood and abandoned fishing nets from catching in the propeller — a task that required considerable skill.

    Three bends into the canal, we reached the small dam that normally requires our boat to be hauled across by hand. But the water level in Climbing Creek was far too low to allow through passage. We had no choice but to wait for a second boat to be sent from deeper inside the swamp to pick us up. As we stood on the dam, the full scope of the disaster unfolded before our eyes. As far as 100 meters out, the swamp was exposed, cracked mud stretching to the horizon. Only one small pool of water remained among the reeds, and the surface was literally churning with fish gasping and fighting for survival. In the mud nearby, I watched a silver-grey fish make its last weak tail flicker before succumbing to the conditions.

    The air was thick with the acrid stench of rotting fish and decomposing mud. It was only at that moment that I understood the meaning of those tall, brown dead trees I had seen at the start of our journey. They had not died from drought — they had been poisoned by saltwater.

    Three years ago, a private entrepreneur proposed digging a canal cutting straight through the swamp to connect it to the ocean. The plan was approved by the then-minister of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries, but the real motives for the canal remain unclear. What is undeniable is the catastrophic aftermath: freshwater from the swamp drains out to sea, while salty ocean water flows inland into the wetland. The result has been mass die-offs of freshwater wetland fish, and the widespread death of native vegetation that cannot tolerate high salt levels. What I witnessed on the dam was just a fraction of the full-scale destruction.

    After an hour waiting on the dam, we heard singing drifting across the mudflats. We spotted two soldiers working to bring a small boat to us: one sat in the craft, singing encouragement to the second, who waded through mud up to his thighs, hauling the boat forward over unstable ground as he searched for firmer footing. Eventually, the singing soldier jumped into the mud too, as the final hundred meters to reach us proved nearly impossible. The tide had already begun to recede back to the ocean, and water levels never reached the dam as initially predicted.

    With the help of a third soldier who had joined our group, the two men finally pulled the boat up to the dam, sparing us from having to wade through the thick muck. Immediately, the three soldiers jumped into the irrigation canal to wash off the sticky mud, taking a quick, refreshing break. But the water they bathed in is not ordinary water — it is the water that bears witness to this quiet, unfolding ecological disaster, and I have seen it with my own eyes.

    We loaded our minimal gear and a cooler onto the smaller boat and continued our journey deeper into Climbing Creek. With the boat heavier, the three men pushed it through thick mud, the scorching sun amplifying the rotten stench that hung in the air. Nowhere along the canal was the water more than a meter deep. Reeds hung over the banks, and loose dead vegetation floated freely across the surface. The skipper maneuvered carefully between reed beds, searching for the deepest channels, and often had to lift the propeller to clear debris or avoid collision with sunken logs. We inched forward meter by meter, until the engine suddenly overheated: sediment had clogged the cooling line, and the team could not clear the blockage. The engine cut out, leaving only the rustle of reeds, the gurgle of slow-moving water, and the calls of birds hanging in the air.

    Notably, the area remains remarkably clean, free of plastic pollution and aluminum cans; the only trace of outside human activity so far had been the stray fishing net that caught in our propeller. The stench of rotting fish faded as we moved deeper, and we saw far fewer dead fish floating on the surface. On the muddy bank, the soldiers spotted jaguar tracks — they had seen other big cat signs in the reeds earlier in the day. We transferred to a small rescue dinghy while the team worked to swap out the disabled engine, and after several attempts we managed to get a weak enough cell signal to call our destination camp on the coast and share our location to request assistance. We tied our disabled boat across the canal to take shelter in the shade of two remaining trees on opposite banks, broke out our snacks, and shared water, bananas and sweet buns while we waited. Before long, the backup team arrived in a larger boat carrying a replacement engine, we transferred to the rescue craft, and continued on to the coastal camp.

    Nestled among reeds, dead trees and surviving vegetation, a small basic camp has been set up on an elevated patch of ground in the blazing sun. For 18 days, a handful of military personnel have lived and worked here, on a mission to plant 12,000 mangrove seedlings to begin repairing the damage the entrepreneur’s unregulated canal caused. The saplings, donated by multinational energy firm Total Energies, traveled hundreds of kilometers from the Coronie region to reach the swamp: first by container to the dam, then along the same difficult route we had taken, transported in small batches because the low water levels limit what a single boat can carry, slowing progress to a crawl.

    Seedlings are transported along the irrigation canal to the dam, where they are reloaded onto smaller craft for the final trip into Climbing Creek. Even at the dam, we saw hundreds of already dried-out dead saplings. Poor preparation and poor soil quality for the initial staging killed the young plants before they could even be planted. The soldiers, who have experience with similar mangrove restoration projects and detailed knowledge of mangrove ecology, were able to clearly explain what went wrong, and which remaining saplings still have a chance of survival. They note that better inter-agency communication could have prevented this waste of money, resources and effort. It remains a tragedy that hundreds of dead seedlings are now buried at the mouth of the canal.

    The coastal plain is the final destination for the surviving seedlings; the team hopes a full mangrove forest will establish itself here within a few years, helping to slow saltwater intrusion and restore the wetland ecosystem. The camp is extremely basic, covered by a single tarpaulin divided into sleeping and cooking areas. Drinking water is scarce, because low water levels make resupply runs difficult. Soldiers bathe and do laundry using the brackish canal water. From the camp, the trip to the coastal planting site is even more difficult. For days on end, the men haul saplings to the planting sites, a physically grueling task that relies on primitive wooden sleds to carry small batches of seedlings over dry, exposed ground. Water levels have receded so far that the trip cannot be done by boat, but mangrove roots cannot tolerate being waterlogged during the early planting phase, so the dry, muddy ground is actually the ideal condition for young saplings to take root.

    *Indra Toelsie
    (Conclusion to be published tomorrow)*

  • SPB introduceert voordeelprogramma voor leden

    SPB introduceert voordeelprogramma voor leden

    Paramaribo, Suriname – September 11, 2026 – The Suriname Police Bond (SPB) has announced a sweeping set of new initiatives for its members, including an exclusive discount and installment payment program with local businesses, alongside a full brand refresh that replaces the union’s century-old symbolic rooster with a new lighthouse emblem. The plans were unveiled by SPB Chair Revelino Eijk this Wednesday, as his leadership board officially began its new five-year term of office.

    Multiple key projects for the union and its membership are already in their final completion phases, Eijk confirmed. These include the rollout of updated membership cards, the launch of the new branding, and the implementation of the long-awaited SPB Member Benefit Program. The chair stressed that the exclusive perks are only available to registered SPB members, and do not extend to all staff of the Suriname Police Corps.

    The benefit program delivers substantial savings on everyday and large purchases for union members. Most notably, participants will save up to 60 Surinamese cents per liter on fuel purchases at participating gas stations. Beyond fuel discounts, the union has secured agreements with local retailers and service providers that allow members to purchase electronics, household appliances, and vehicle tires, as well as cover the cost of personal vehicle maintenance and repairs, without upfront payment. All incurred costs will be automatically deducted in incremental installments directly from members’ monthly salaries, eliminating the need for third-party lending and streamlining the repayment process.

    Alongside the new member benefits, the SPB is marking a new era with a complete update to its visual identity, replacing the rooster that has served as the union’s symbolic emblem since its founding in 1919. Eijk explained that while the rooster was long chosen to represent the value of alertness in law enforcement, the bird does occasionally sleep – a gap the new lighthouse emblem is designed to fill. The lighthouse, Eijk noted, stands for unwavering resolve and constant vigilance: it acts as a permanent beacon whose light never stops working, aligning more closely with the core mission of the police union.

    The updated branding will accompany the rollout of new, modernized membership cards for all SPB members. Looking ahead to the full five-year term, Eijk’s leadership board has laid out an ambitious agenda beyond member benefits and branding. A top priority is the development of a national security framework for the Surinamese police force, which will outline formal requirements for safe working environments for officers, establish standardized protocols for emergency and crisis response, and set clear guidelines for the storage of seized evidence and goods. The board also aims to repair and strengthen public trust in the Surinamese police force through targeted image improvement initiatives.

    Additional capital projects on the board’s agenda include the construction of a small flag plaza at the SPB union headquarters, and the renovation of the existing memorial at the Police Training Center. The memorial honors police officers who lost their lives in the line of duty, and the upgrades will ensure their service and sacrifice are properly recognized and remembered by future generations.

  • Peru sluit zich aan bij door VS geleide veiligheidsalliantie ‘Shield of the Americas’

    Peru sluit zich aan bij door VS geleide veiligheidsalliantie ‘Shield of the Americas’

    On September 10, 2026, during a high-profile visit by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio to Lima, Peruvian President Keiko Fujimori formally announced that her country would join the Shield of the Americas, a U.S.-led regional security bloc focused on intelligence sharing and coordinated military counter-narcotics operations against transnational drug cartels. Fujimori, a right-wing leader who took office following recent general elections, confirmed the decision after closed-door bilateral talks with Rubio at the Government Palace in Lima.

    Fujimori emphasized that deepened security cooperation is a critical priority for her administration, which has struggled to contain rising violent crime and previously faced domestic insurgent threats. As a marker of the warming bilateral relationship, Rubio was awarded the Order of the Sun of Peru during his visit, one of the highest civilian honors bestowed by the Peruvian state.

    Officially also named the Americas Counter Cartel Coalition (ACCC), the alliance advocates for a robust military response to transnational criminal organizations, many of which currently wield greater firepower and resources than the national security forces of some Latin American states. Rubio framed the alliance as a defensive bulwark, describing it as a “shield against threats to national sovereignty” and stressing that decisive collective action is required to counter the growing power of cartel networks across the Western Hemisphere.

    Peru holds the unenviable position of the world’s second-largest cocaine producer, behind only Colombia, and has seen a sharp uptick in organized crime in recent years, including widespread extortion rings linked to drug trafficking groups. However, the decision to deepen security ties with the U.S. has ignited widespread concern over the erosion of Peruvian and broader Latin American sovereignty, particularly given the long history of U.S. military and political intervention in the region and Washington’s history of backing controversial right-wing leaders.

    During his public remarks in Lima, Rubio sought to ease these concerns, stating that all U.S. security operations within Peruvian territory would only proceed with the explicit approval of Peruvian national authorities. Even with these assurances, hundreds of protesters gathered in central Lima to demonstrate against the alliance, holding signs and chanting slogans calling for Rubio to leave the country and rejecting the Shield of the Americas initiative.

    Beyond counter-narcotics cooperation, Peru’s accession to the alliance aligns with a broader U.S. geopolitical strategy to counter growing Chinese influence across Latin America. China is currently Peru’s largest bilateral trading partner, and has poured billions of dollars into infrastructure projects across the country, most notably the megascale Chancay port project located just outside Lima — a development that U.S. policymakers have framed as a strategic threat to regional security and U.S. interests.

    Peru occupies an outsize role in both U.S. security and economic strategy in the region, in large part due to its status as the world’s third-largest producer of copper, a critical mineral for global renewable energy and technology supply chains. Earlier this year in January, the U.S. designated Peru as a major non-NATO ally, a status that unlocks preferential defense cooperation and arms access, and approved a potential $1.5 billion arms deal to upgrade Peru’s main naval base at Callao, the country’s largest commercial port.

  • Column: Delcy, Trump en onze olie

    Column: Delcy, Trump en onze olie

    Venezuelan President Delcy Rodríguez’s upcoming official visit to Suriname has sparked a wave of mixed reactions even before she sets foot on Surinamese soil. Some responses have been sharply critical, while others are outright dismissive of the trip. Critics inside and outside Venezuela have pointed to Rodríguez’s long-standing ties to chavismo, the left-wing movement that has shaped Venezuelan politics for decades; yet paradoxically, other factions within Venezuela have already accused her of betraying chavismo’s core principles by seeking closer ties to former U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration.

    This contradiction lays bare a striking new political reality unfolding across northeast South America. A Venezuelan leader hailing from a movement that built its legitimacy for decades in large part on opposition to U.S. influence is now aligning with a U.S. administration that has openly made reasserting American dominance across the Western Hemisphere a core foreign policy goal. Still, framing Rodríguez’s visit in purely binary positive or negative terms oversimplifies the complex context at play. A far more productive approach is to examine the broader regional transformations underway, and where Suriname positions itself amid this shifting landscape.

    Today, the three neighboring countries of the Guiana Shield are emerging as pivotal players in global energy geopolitics. Venezuela holds the world’s largest proven crude oil reserves. Neighboring Guyana has rapidly transformed itself into a major oil exporter in just a handful of years, and Suriname now stands on the cusp of launching its own offshore oil production. For decades, the international community largely viewed these three nations as small, peripheral players on South America’s northeast coast. Now, the energy reserves lying off their shores and beneath their soil have catapulted the region to new centrality in global geopolitics.

    This shift comes as the U.S. Secretary of State is currently touring Latin America, with a core agenda centered on shoring up Washington’s position and influence across the region. The Trump administration has openly articulated its commitment to advancing explicit U.S. interests across the Western Hemisphere, prioritizing not just trade and security, but also countering the growing influence of China, Russia, and Iran in the region. Against this backdrop, Rodríguez’s visit to Suriname has naturally fueled widespread suspicion among local observers.

    Key questions hang over the trip: What are Washington’s actual strategic goals in this resource-rich region? What weight do the oil reserves of Venezuela, Guyana, and soon Suriname hold in the United States’ evolving regional strategy? And how should we interpret the unexpected alignment between Trump and Rodríguez in this broader context? There is no basis to claim without evidence that Trump is actively targeting Suriname’s oil reserves, nor does hosting Rodríguez automatically mean Suriname is aligning against the U.S. or taking sides in a great power geopolitical clash. Still, it is an undeniable reality that public distrust grows in the absence of transparent information from governing bodies.

    This lack of transparency has defined the lead-up to Rodríguez’s visit. Details of the trip were only released shortly before her scheduled arrival, and little public information has been shared about the agenda for talks or any potential agreements that may be signed. This information gap has created fertile ground for rampant speculation – a particularly charged situation in a country on the brink of entering a new petroleum-powered era, where every meeting with a major foreign political actor carries outsized significance.

    For decades, Suriname has been a small nation that attracted relatively little geopolitical attention from global powers. The discovery of commercial oil reserves is set to upend that reality completely. This does not mean Suriname will emerge as a global power overnight, but it does mean that foreign actors will have growing stakes in the country’s political and economic decisions. To navigate this new landscape, Suriname’s government must pursue a mature, independent foreign policy. As a small state, Suriname cannot afford to limit its diplomatic partnerships to a narrow bloc of allies. It must be able to engage openly with Venezuela, maintain productive dialogue with the United States, and build ties with China, Europe, India, Brazil and other global partners when doing so serves Suriname’s national interests.

    Suriname’s leaders must recognize that diplomacy is not a matter of joining an exclusive club of ideological allies. True foreign policy independence means more than just being willing to sit at the negotiating table with every global power – it means entering those talks with a clear understanding of what Suriname hopes to achieve for its own people. When it comes to Rodríguez’s visit, whether she is a committed chavista, a traitor to the movement, a Trump ally or a pragmatic Venezuelan leader is ultimately not the most pressing question for Suriname. That debate is first and foremost for Venezuelans to resolve among themselves. For Suriname, the only question that truly matters is what Suriname wants to gain from the encounter.

    Core national questions remain unanswered for the public: What is Suriname’s long-term vision for its own oil reserves? What role will the government allow foreign oil companies to play in the sector? How can the country avoid a situation where economic dependence on foreign actors mutates into crippling political dependence? And how can Suriname guarantee that decisions about a natural resource that belongs to all Surinamese people are actually made in the best interests of the Surinamese public? Guyana has already demonstrated how quickly oil can transform a small country’s international standing, and Suriname must confront this new reality head-on.

    Observers in the country must guard against both excessive naivety and ungrounded paranoia. Not every U.S. move in the region is part of a plot to seize Suriname’s oil, and not every Venezuelan overture is an attempt to pull Suriname into a competing geopolitical bloc. At the same time, it would be equally naive to pretend that great powers do not act first to advance their own economic and strategic interests. The United States naturally defends its own interests, as does Venezuela, China, Guyana and every other nation. The question for Suriname is: is the country actively and consistently defending its own?

    When it comes to Rodríguez’s visit, the far more important question than which side Suriname is on is what position Suriname wants to claim for itself in a region that has been reemerged as a geopolitical hotspot thanks to its oil wealth. Rodríguez will leave Suriname after her visit, U.S. cabinet officials will come and go, and even Donald Trump will eventually exit the global political stage. But Suriname’s oil reserves will remain a core part of the country’s future for generations. Suriname cannot afford to let other powers outline its future for its oil wealth before the country defines its own goals.