分类: politics

  • Mace fallout intensifies

    Mace fallout intensifies

    The political fallout from a chaotic mace confrontation during last week’s parliamentary sitting in Jamaica deepened dramatically on Tuesday, as House Speaker Juliet Holness publicly called out Opposition Member of Parliament Angela Brown Burke, revealing a pattern of defiance against the presiding officer’s authority that stretches back months. The high-profile clash, which unfolded during debate on the critical National Reconstruction and Resilience Authority (NaRRA) Bill, has thrown a spotlight on long-simmering divisions between the government and opposition inside Gordon House, Jamaica’s parliamentary building.

    Opening Tuesday’s scheduled sitting of the House of Representatives, Holness opened with a lengthy, formal statement addressing the explosive scenes from the prior week, centering her remarks on defending the foundational role of parliamentary discipline and the authority of the institution itself. The Speaker confirmed that Brown Burke, who represents the St Andrew South Western constituency, had already disrupted legislative business during a tense sitting held on March 5 this year. Holness recalled that on that earlier occasion, Brown Burke left her seat and loudly declared, “Yuh waan mi fi behave like a virago? Mi a go behave like a virago.”

    “This was not the first occasion on which conduct of this nature has tested the authority of the Chair by the same member,” Holness told assembled lawmakers. “Restraint was exercised in the hope that the matter would not be repeated. But restraint must never be mistaken for permission, patience must never be mistaken for weakness, and silence must never be mistaken for acceptance.”

    The Tuesday remarks came days after Brown Burke was formally named and suspended from Parliament after grabbing the ceremonial mace — a centuries-old symbol of parliamentary authority — during heated committee-stage debate on the NaRRA Bill. The incident triggered chaotic scenes in the chamber that forced officials to temporarily suspend all proceedings.

    But in an interview with the Jamaica Observer conducted hours after Holness’ Tuesday address, Brown Burke forcefully pushed back against the Speaker’s narrative, rejecting the framing of her actions as an unprovoked breach of protocol. She argued that the confrontation was the end result of months of growing frustration, rooted in what she describes as systemic efforts to sideline and silence opposition lawmakers during parliamentary debates.

    “We haven’t made the case to the Jamaican people. We have sat quietly, we have protested inside of the House, we have spoken to the Speaker, we have spoken to others about the attitude in the House, which prevents individuals on the Opposition side from actually participating in the discussions and in the debate,” Brown Burke said.

    The opposition MP alleged that parliamentary standing orders are enforced inconsistently across government and opposition members, with opposition lawmakers routinely blocked from accessing speaking time during key debates. “What someone on the Government side will get away with, we won’t,” she said, accusing the Speaker of overt partisan bias in how she presides over proceedings. She further claimed that the parliamentary microphone system has been “weaponized” against opposition members, who are often muted or blocked from having their remarks included in the official parliamentary record.

    Brown Burke explained that tensions boiled over during last week’s NaRRA debate after she made three separate attempts to intervene in discussion, only to be intentionally ignored by the Speaker. “On three different occasions I wanted to make a statement to intervene in the discussion… The Speaker looked at me and just turned her head and looked to the other side,” she claimed.

    While she openly acknowledged that grabbing the mace violated formal parliamentary rules, she maintained that her action was a deliberate act of protest against what she called consistent, ongoing disrespect toward opposition representatives. “And so I got up. And, as I put it, I interfaced with the mace. And we know what the standing order says. I’m not pretending that it is sanctioned by the standing orders. Not at all. But it was because of that pushing, that ignoring, that disrespectful behaviour of the Speaker, time and time again,” she said.

    Brown Burke also pushed back against Holness’ recounting of the March 5 “virago” incident, saying her original remarks were misrepresented. “I said, ‘Do I have to behave like a virago for me to be heard?’ That was what I said, and I thought that was an appropriate question. Because I don’t believe that I should have to behave like a virago to be heard,” she told the Observer.

    In her address to parliament, Holness emphasized that the dispute goes far beyond the conduct of a single lawmaker, framing it as a fundamental challenge to the institutional order and authority of Jamaica’s parliament. “The mace is not a decoration. It is not a prop. It is not an object to be used in protest. It is the symbol of the authority of this House,” the Speaker declared.

    She also criticized broader opposition behavior after Brown Burke’s suspension, noting that the opposition leader and other opposition lawmakers staged a standing protest with chants in direct defiance of the Chair’s authority. Holness further revealed that she had previously overlooked “derogatory sotto voce references, slurs, and disrespectful posturing” from a small group of opposition lawmakers, choosing to allow legislative business to proceed rather than escalate conflict.

    Despite the sharp escalation of tensions between the two sides, both Holness and Brown Burke have called for a broader reassessment of the tone and rules of engagement inside Jamaica’s parliament. “Order is not the enemy of democracy. Order is what makes democracy possible,” Holness told lawmakers.

    For her part, Brown Burke said she hopes the high-profile controversy will force the institution to confront and address the systemic inequities that have stoked tension between government and opposition members. “Let’s draw a line. Let’s determine how we interface with each other. But let us stop the hypocrisy,” she said.

  • STATEMENT: OECS congratulations to Prime Minister Gaston Browne on his fourth re-election

    STATEMENT: OECS congratulations to Prime Minister Gaston Browne on his fourth re-election

    The Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS) Commission has officially extended its warmest congratulations to Gaston Browne following his decisive victory to secure a fourth consecutive term as Prime Minister of Antigua and Barbuda.

    This political milestone is far more than a domestic political outcome: it stands as a clear reflection of the Antiguan and Barbudan electorate’s enduring confidence in Browne’s leadership, at a time when the global geopolitical and economic landscape grows increasingly unpredictable. Over his previous tenures in office, Browne has centered his policy agenda on three core priorities: shoring up national fiscal stability, guiding the country’s key tourism sector through a sustained post-pandemic recovery, and advancing aggressive, proactive international economic diplomacy. His track record, OECS notes, exemplifies the pragmatic, adaptable governance that small island developing states must prioritize to navigate modern challenges.

    Beyond Antigua and Barbuda’s national borders, Browne’s renewed mandate carries outsized regional significance. The country is on the cusp of assuming the Chairmanship of the OECS Authority, and Browne’s leadership is expected to be a driving force as the bloc pursues three of its top strategic goals: deeper economic and political integration across member states, enhanced regional self-reliance to reduce dependence on external partners, and more coordinated, strategic engagement with global bodies and international partners.

    In its official statement, the OECS Commission reaffirmed its longstanding commitment to building a close collaborative partnership with Browne and his incoming administration. The bloc aims to work alongside the new government to tackle shared cross-border challenges, strengthen coordinated action among all OECS member states, and amplify the region’s unified voice in global discussions that impact small island states.

    Looking ahead, OECS has extended its well-wishes for Browne’s success throughout his new term, and expressed enthusiasm for his leadership as the bloc works to build a more secure, interconnected, and prosperous future for the entire Eastern Caribbean region.

  • Gonsalves says iWN could soon be called ‘Lie Witness News’

    Gonsalves says iWN could soon be called ‘Lie Witness News’

    A brewing political and media controversy in St. Vincent and the Grenadines erupted this week, as opposition leader Ralph Gonsalves launched a sharp public critique of independent news platform iWitness News during his weekly “Morning Comrade” radio segment on the ruling Unity Labour Party’s (ULP) Star Radio on Monday. At the center of the firestorm is a minor clerical mistake at the state-run Agency for Public Information (API) that opposition figures have framed as a targeted bullying campaign against the agency’s acting head, Nadia Slater. The controversy took a shocking turn early Tuesday, when Slater was reportedly assaulted and injured at her home by an alleged relative, with both she and a 70-year-old aunt hospitalized and a suspect taken into police custody.

    The sequence of events began on April 28, when API published an official advisory for a government press conference that incorrectly labeled Gonsalves, former ULP prime minister, as the sitting prime minister — five months after the New Democratic Party (NDP)’s Godwin Friday defeated the ULP in general elections and assumed office. Gonsalves has characterized the mistake as an entirely innocent, unintentional slip, noting similar mislabeling has happened to other senior politicians transitioning out of office. He pointed out that current Deputy Prime Minister St. Clair Leacock and Education Minister Phillips Jackson both accidentally referred to him as prime minister on the floor of parliament after he left office, and that decades ago, voters and politicians continued to call Sir James Mitchell prime minister for a period after he stepped down following 16 and a half years in office. The misstep was compounded when API sent a correction that accidentally swapped a key word, describing the mislabeling as a “genuine error with malicious intent” instead of the intended “without malicious intent.”

    iWitness News, a news outlet founded in 2006 by Kenton X. Chance, was among the media organizations that covered the typo incident, and later reported that Slater was placed on administrative leave in the wake of what the outlet called a “comedy of errors.” Citing an anonymous source close to the situation, iWitness News questioned why the five-month-old NDP administration had retained Slater in the acting API director role, noting she had openly campaigned for the ULP during the 2025 general election. The source also added that the previous ULP administration itself passed over Slater three times for the permanent director role, appointing external candidates instead even though she was a known ULP supporter.

    During his radio address, Gonsalves argued that political opponents and critical media outlets have blown the minor mistake far out of proportion to harass Slater, framing the sustained scrutiny as a targeted bullying campaign. “It’s not something that you should turn into a matter bigger than it is. The politicians are hounding Nadia. I seeing iWitness News wanting to tie her up, tar and feather her,” Gonsalves told listeners, adding that the swapped word in the correction was itself an obvious secondary typo that is being unfairly exploited. “It can’t be an inadvertent error with malice. It’s clear that’s a typographical mistake, but they’re just stringing it up.”

    Beyond the controversy surrounding Slater, Gonsalves also directly questioned the professional ethics of iWitness News founder Kenton X. Chance, who was appointed St. Vincent and the Grenadines Ambassador to Taiwan, with his term officially starting March 1. Gonsalves raised concerns that Chance continues to own and operate the news outlet from overseas while serving as a sitting government diplomat, arguing this dual role creates an unacceptable conflict of interest. Though Gonsalves acknowledged Chance’s appointment as one of the better diplomatic picks the current NDP government has made and said he holds no personal ill will toward Chance, he argued that running a politically aligned news outlet while serving as a serving diplomat is improper. Gonsalves, who has been a frequent critic of iWitness News’s coverage long before Chance’s diplomatic appointment, claimed the outlet has evolved into a de facto partisan mouthpiece for the ruling NDP, and derided it with a opposition-coined pejorative “Lie Witness News.” He accused the outlet of publishing unprofessional, heavily biased content that frames news stories as partisan editorials filtered through skewed perspectives, and said it is leading the charge against Slater.

    Chance, for his part, has a long public record of commenting on API’s operations dating back to 2010, and in recent years has criticized the agency for shifting toward competing with rather than collaborating with private media, while branding its own content as “superior journalism.” Notably, Gonsalves himself expressed frequent frustration with API’s functioning during his own time as prime minister. Chance and Slater also share personal history, having attended primary school together as classmates in Clare Valley — where Slater’s family is from — before later working alongside each other in media.

    Just hours after Gonsalves’s Monday critique, the controversy shifted dramatically with breaking news that Slater had been assaulted at her home around 3 a.m. Tuesday local time. Police confirmed they have taken a suspect, identified as a relative of Slater, into custody. Both Slater and her 70-year-old aunt, who was also involved in the incident, were transported to a local hospital for medical treatment. Details on the severity of their injuries were not immediately available as of Tuesday morning.

  • Monorath erkent nevenwerk politie, maar waarschuwt voor misbruik tijdens diensttijd

    Monorath erkent nevenwerk politie, maar waarschuwt voor misbruik tijdens diensttijd

    In a press briefing held earlier this week, Suriname’s Minister of Justice and Police Harish Monorath has laid out the stark challenges facing the country’s national police force, including a persistent staffing shortage and widespread exodus of experienced personnel to higher-paying roles abroad, while revealing that authorities quietly tolerate banned side work for officers to help them make ends meet. The comments came during a promotion ceremony Monday at the National Police Training Center, where 205 new recruits were formally elevated to the rank of Extraordinary Police Officer (BAVP).

    Minister Monorath told reporters that for the police force to operate at full effectiveness across the country, its ideal total strength would sit at around 5,000 active officers. As of the latest count, however, the entire corps only numbers just over 2,700 personnel – less than 55% of the workforce needed to fulfill all core public safety mandates. Compounding this gap is a steady brain drain that the department has been unable to reverse: every year, more than 300 trained officers leave the force to take up positions elsewhere, most commonly in neighboring countries or other overseas locations where compensation packages are far more competitive than domestic salaries. Currently, the force can only recruit and train roughly 300 new officers annually to replace departing staff, while around 20 more personnel leave each month in search of better working conditions and higher pay, almost always outside Suriname’s borders. Monorath even noted that a common early warning sign of an officer planning to exit the force is a request for personal leave without objection, as officers prepare to transition to their new roles.

    Addressing longstanding public debates over off-duty work for police and military personnel, Monorath clarified that while formal Dutch Caribbean law explicitly prohibits civil servants from holding secondary employment, the government has maintained a de facto tolerance policy to allow low-paid officers to supplement their incomes. “What people choose to do during their own free time is not something I can comment on or control,” the minister stated. He added that most police officers work rotating shift schedules, and the vast majority hold multiple jobs to cover basic living costs. Many officers take on private security work for gold mining companies, for example, while others travel to the country’s interior to earn extra income. He also refuted recent media reports claiming that Jean ‘Saya’ Mixon, one of his four appointed advisors, received or will receive police security protection, calling the claims completely untrue.

    Public criticism of off-duty security work has grown in recent years, with critics arguing that when police or military personnel work for private third parties – particularly in Suriname’s resource-rich interior, where conflict over gold mining concessions is common – it creates major potential conflicts of interest that undermine public trust in state security institutions. Monorath acknowledged that the line between official duties and personal free time is not always clear cut when it comes to secondary work. However, he stressed that the department will take strict disciplinary action against any civil servant found to be carrying out unauthorized secondary work during their official paid working hours.

  • Column: De adviseurs aan de knoppen

    Column: De adviseurs aan de knoppen

    When we talk about national governance, our attention automatically goes to the president, vice president, and cabinet ministers. These are the public faces of power: they announce policy, sign official documents, and deliver public accountability. But anyone seeking to understand how power actually operates in practice has to look far past the familiar names and faces that dominate daily news cycles. Behind every elected official lies an extensive network of unelected actors, and it is within these behind-the-scenes circles that much of the real decision-making takes place.

    This pattern repeats itself every time a new government takes office. Hundreds of political operatives shift into new positions, as party loyalists who provided unwavering support during election campaigns are rewarded for their service after victory at the polls. Roles are carved up, new positions are created, and influence is locked in for key insiders. This is the very system that current ruling coalition promised to reform, campaigning under the slogan *Tra fas’ de en nyun pasi* (New path, clean path) that pledged full transparency and open governance. Yet time and again, it is not the elected cabinet ministers who shape this network of influence — it is unelected advisors and close confidants. These actors, whether they hold a formal title or not, wield enormous tangible power. They control the placement of candidates for key government positions, regardless of whether those candidates are qualified for the roles they are given. It should come as no surprise, then, that persistent administrative problems continue to fester across the country, such as the ongoing anomaly in Nickerie, where two district commissioners are on the public payroll but only one can actually carry out official duties.

    Those who believe all government policy is developed in formal meeting rooms are only getting half the story. The most influential actors in the President’s Office are widely recognized to be Faisel Abdoelgafoer and Sergio Akiemboto, operating through a tangled web of formal and informal channels that guide decision-making. Too often, unqualified candidates are placed on the boards of state-owned enterprises, a pattern that has led to a string of high-profile blunders in recent years. One of the most recent missteps involved Minister Harish Monorath and the Saya project, yet the minister faced no consequences for the incident. He escaped unscathed largely because he enjoys the unwavering backing of coalition leader and ABOP party chief Ronnie Brunswijk. Brunswijk not only maintains firm control over his own party but also holds the entire governing coalition in a chokehold, blocking action to address longstanding issues at state-owned firms Grassalco and EBS.

    In many cases, key decisions are drafted, adjusted, and finalized long before they ever appear on the agenda for an official government vote. Just as banks are required to know not just their customers but the full network of connections around them, the public deserves to examine the full network of people that surround the nation’s top elected leaders. That is where private interests intersect with public policy, that is where backroom deals are struck, and that is where the overall direction of the country is ultimately set. Across every administration, there are advisors and holders of key positions who prioritize advancing their own personal agendas over the public good. Candidates are placed in roles not to challenge bad decisions or offer independent perspective, but simply to carry out the orders handed down from insiders. This creates a system where formal responsibility is visible to the public, but actual influence remains diffuse and hidden from view.

    To date, the current administration has yet to present a clear, unified policy agenda for the country, thanks in large part to bitter infighting over competing interests within the coalition — disputes that are particularly intense in the housing development sector. The ongoing conflict over the country’s Fisheries Inspection Institute remains unresolved, while state-owned water utility Canawaima has been mired in quiet dysfunction for months.

    It is long past time for the public to stop only looking at the “display window” of formal government, while blunders and mismanagement pile up behind closed doors. The real work of governance happens far from the public eye: in rooms with no press cameras, in unrecorded phone calls, in informal agreements that are never written down but still shape policy and outcomes. As long as we pretend that only elected officials set the direction of government, we are only fooling ourselves. Power does not only reside in formal job titles. It lives in access, in access, in personal connections, in who you can call and who calls you back. The critical question for Suriname is not who holds the top formal offices — it is who is really pulling the strings.

  • GVO tegen daders na strafklacht tegen ex-minister Ramadhin om verdwenen goederen

    GVO tegen daders na strafklacht tegen ex-minister Ramadhin om verdwenen goederen

    A new judicial probe has been opened into allegations of financial and administrative misconduct surrounding the former administration of Suriname’s Ministry of Public Health, centering on millions of dollars in missing equipment and rule-breaking procurement practices ahead of this year’s general elections.

    The Public Prosecution Service confirmed in an official letter to current Health Minister André Misiekaba that a Gerechtelijk Vooronderzoek (GVO, or judicial preliminary investigation) has been launched, following a criminal complaint submitted by the ministry itself. The investigation initially names “unknown perpetrators” but targets Amar Ramadhin, who led the health portfolio from 2020 through 2025 before the recent election cycle. Misiekaba has publicly verified the launch of the probe to local outlet Starnieuws.

    At the core of the investigation are two key issues: hundreds of pieces of medical and office equipment purchased with grant funding from the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) that cannot be located, and 900,000 Surinamese dollars worth of late-term procurement that violated all mandatory public financial regulations.

    Ministry officials say internal reviews and a third-party audit uncovered massive gaps in record-keeping for the IDB-funded equipment, which was earmarked for public health system upgrades. Complete distribution logs do not exist: key records were lost when ministry computers crashed, and only a small fraction of the equipment can be traced through installation records held by the department’s IT division. The IDB, which provided the grant to support the country’s public health modernization, has formally requested clarification from the Surinamese government following its own audit queries into the whereabouts of the donated assets.

    The second set of irregularities centers on SRD 900,000 in procurement completed in late April 2025, just weeks before Suriname’s national elections. According to Minister Misiekaba, these purchases bypassed all required public procurement protocols: mandatory steps including soliciting multiple competitive bids and sign-off from the ministry’s internal audit division were entirely skipped.

    Even more concerning, ministry leadership says the supplier has sent a formal demand for payment of the outstanding invoice for these goods, but a large share of the purchased items cannot be found anywhere within the ministry’s inventory. Shockingly, the ministry’s own director has stated he had no advance knowledge of these transactions, raising questions about unauthorized off-the-books spending.

    Misiekaba defended the ministry’s decision to file the criminal complaint that triggered the GVO, saying there was no other viable path forward to address the irregularities. “There was no other choice than to file a criminal complaint,” he told Starnieuws. The ministry has already taken internal disciplinary action in response to the findings: the acting director of administrative services has been replaced and placed on paid administrative leave pending the outcome of the investigation, while multiple other officials connected to the procurement have been reassigned to other roles. The ministry’s internal audit division has formally stated it was never consulted on the questionable purchases, as would be required under national public finance rules.

  • ONA partners with Haitian influencer Ariana Milagro Lafond

    ONA partners with Haitian influencer Ariana Milagro Lafond

    In a landmark ceremony held on May 2, 2026, Haiti’s National Old Age Insurance Office (ONA) formally launched a transformative partnership with one of Haiti’s most prominent digital creators, Ariana Milagro Lafond, who boasts over 16 million followers on TikTok. The announcement was made official by ONA Director General Lovely François, marking a pivotal shift in how the state social security institution engages with the Haitian public.

    This collaboration kicks off a new chapter for ONA’s institutional work, merging the agency’s core social security mandate with modern digital communication strategies tailored to connect with young Haitians. The event was filled with moments that underscored the institution’s commitment to systemic change: updating its public image, forging stronger, more relatable bonds with the population, and reaffirming its foundational mission of ensuring all Haitian workers can access a dignified, financially stable retirement.

    Through this partnership, ONA is explicitly acknowledging the power, talent and widespread impact of Haiti’s engaged, creative generation of change-makers. Lafond will serve as a critical bridge between the state institution and the country’s large, digitally active youth demographic. The collaboration carries a clear underlying principle, however: with great influence comes the responsibility to guide, lift up, and serve the public good.

    Under the leadership of François, the partnership is rooted in a broader, long-term vision for ONA: building a more modern, accessible institution that meets citizens where they are, while expanding public social education across the country. The ceremony also doubled as a celebration of Haitian youth excellence, delivering a unifying message to the next generation: “We see you, we recognize your talent, and we encourage you to continue excelling in what you do best.”

    Beyond the new collaboration, ONA used the event to reaffirm its three core commitments: building sustained connections between the institution and young Haitians, growing a national culture of proactive social security planning, and encouraging every working Haitian to take active steps toward building a dignified, secure future. In closing, the agency delivered a resonant re framing of youth’s role in Haiti: “Haitian youth are not a challenge to be contained, but a force to be supported, a resource to be valued, and a future to be built together.”

  • UDP Loses Key Cayo Figure Figueroa at Critical Moment

    UDP Loses Key Cayo Figure Figueroa at Critical Moment

    Belize’s main opposition United Democratic Party (UDP) is grappling with a damaging setback just months ahead of critical municipal elections, after one of its most high-profile and effective representatives in the key Cayo North constituency announced his immediate departure. Dr. Omar Figueroa, a former area representative for Cayo North and the UDP’s appointed caretaker for the district, confirmed his exit in a statement that blamed unrelenting internal party attacks on his personal reputation as the core reason for stepping down.

    The timing of Figueroa’s resignation could hardly be worse for the UDP, with municipal contests across the country scheduled to take place in less than a year, and the official voter transfer period for the election opening just two months from now. For the UDP, Cayo North has long stood as one of its most reliable and strategically important voting blocs in the hotly contested San Ignacio–Santa Elena municipal race. It is also the only municipality the party has managed to hold onto since 2021, making the stability of its local organization make-or-break for the party’s electoral prospects.

    Figueroa was far more than a recognizable local name for the UDP. Over his tenure, he built a reputation as a vocal, unflinching watchdog for electoral integrity in the district. In recent months, he took bold action over persistent allegations of voter registration irregularities across Cayo, bringing a formal legal challenge to what he described as coordinated efforts by political operatives to register ineligible voters who do not actually reside within the district boundaries. While improper cross-district voter registration is a longstanding issue across Belize’s political landscape, political observers note that Figueroa’s willingness to confront the practice head-on had already led to measurable reductions in irregular registrations locally.

    His sudden exit creates a significant leadership gap in the UDP’s most critical remaining electoral stronghold. Party strategists now face the steep challenge of rebuilding local organizational capacity and voter outreach just as the election season gets underway, all while addressing the underlying internal divisions that led to Figueroa’s departure. The resignation has also sparked renewed public scrutiny of the UDP’s internal unity, a key asset that political analysts say will be essential for the party to mount a competitive challenge to the ruling party across the country next year. With cohesion already a point of tension in recent years, Figueroa’s departure leaves the UDP facing a much steeper uphill battle to hold onto its last remaining municipal seat.

  • Almost Half a Year Later, No Ombudsman

    Almost Half a Year Later, No Ombudsman

    Nearly half a year has passed since the term of Belize’s last Ombudsman expired, and the critical government office tasked with protecting ordinary citizens from official misconduct remains unstaffed, leaving residents without a dedicated channel to pursue grievances against abuses of power.

    Created as an independent accountability body, Belize’s Office of the Ombudsman serves a core public function: it offers free, confidential support to any citizen seeking to file complaints against government officials and power holders for corruption, abusive treatment, and unfair treatment. For many Belizeans, the office acts as a last line of defense when they face injustice at the hands of state institutions.

    The most recent person to hold the post was retired Major Gilbert Swaso, who began his three-year tenure in January 2023. His contract officially came to an end in December 2025, with little public notice surrounding its expiration. In the five months that have followed, the Ombudsman position has sat completely vacant, with no permanent appointee named to fill the role.

    In March 2026, Belize’s Prime Minister addressed questions from reporters about the delayed appointment process, confirming that a parliamentary House committee had been tasked with drafting updated terms of reference for the role. Once that work was completed, the Prime Minister said, the vacancy would be publicly advertised to begin the search for a new Ombudsman.

    More than one month has passed since that update, however, and no public posting for the position has been released. As the vacancy drags on, local observers and residents are growing increasingly concerned: when a Belizean citizen experiences corruption, abuse of power, or injustice at the hands of people in positions of authority, there is now no dedicated independent official they can turn to for help.

    This report is a transcript of an evening television newscast published online on May 4, 2026.

  • FLASH : 46% increase in the minimum wage for subcontracting in Haiti

    FLASH : 46% increase in the minimum wage for subcontracting in Haiti

    In a major policy announcement aimed at addressing longstanding worker grievances and easing cost-of-living pressures, Haiti’s Ministry of Economy and Finance has unveiled a sweeping set of economic measures, headlined by a near-46% increase to the daily minimum wage for workers in the country’s critical subcontracting sector. The announcement was made public by Minister Serge Gabriel Collin during a May 4, 2026 press conference hosted at the headquarters of Haiti’s Economic and Social Assistance Fund (FAES).

    Prior to this adjustment, the daily minimum wage for Segment F subcontracting workers — a category that includes the country’s large textile manufacturing workforce — has remained frozen at 685 gourdes per day since 2022. Under the new ruling, that baseline will rise to 1,000 gourdes per day, a jump of just under 46%. The adjustment comes after months of advocacy from textile workers, who had originally called for a far steeper increase, pushing for a daily minimum wage set between 2,500 and 3,000 gourdes.

    Minister Collin emphasized that the wage hike for subcontracting workers is only the first step in a broader, phased strategy to update minimum wage standards across all Haitian economic sectors. The government’s approach prioritizes a gradual rollout to avoid destabilizing Haiti’s fragile macroeconomic balance, he explained, balancing the urgent need to improve working people’s quality of life with the need to sustain overall economic stability.

    Beyond minimum wage reform, the administration has moved to address another major pain point for domestic businesses: high energy costs. Recognizing the private sector’s central role in driving job creation and national wealth generation, Haitian officials have opened negotiations to bring down energy prices, with a specific focus on expanding access to affordable renewable energy. As a first concrete step, electricity rates for industrial operators in the Caracol Industrial Park will drop from 30 cents per kilowatt-hour to 21 cents per kilowatt-hour starting in January 2027.

    To further bolster household purchasing power and strengthen the country’s social safety net, Minister Collin also announced direct targeted financial assistance for eligible workers. A total fund of 625 million gourdes will be distributed over the final five months of the 2025-2026 Haitian fiscal year, with resources earmarked for expanded social protection programs and direct support to offset rising consumer costs.