Carib Scope

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  • Phillip questions ‘differing’ police response to protests

    Phillip questions ‘differing’ police response to protests

    Trinidadian social and political activist Alyssa Phillip has ignited a public debate over law enforcement impartiality after leveling accusations of inconsistent policing against the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service (TTPS) in recent days. Her claims, shared across multiple social media posts between Wednesday and this weekend, center on starkly different police responses to separate public gatherings held in the same area on the same day, laying bare growing public concerns over unequal application of the law in the country’s protest space.

    The core of Phillip’s critique stems from a peaceful unity walk organized by the Peace Foundation TT on Piccadilly Street in Port of Spain, which was halted by police before it could get underway. She opened her series of posts with the cryptic line: “Monkey really know which tree to climb,” a direct reference to what she frames as the TTPS’ selective enforcement against groups aligned with the opposition protest movement. During the planned walk, Phillip says, popular social media influencer and recording artist Mouttxt, born Nicholas Mouttet, was barred from speaking to reporters by on-scene officers, who cited a lack of official permission for public address. Just moments earlier, however, Fuad Abu Bakr – a prominent local businessman and leader of the political party New National Vision – conducted an on-camera interview in the exact same area without any pushback or intervention from police.

    Phillip went on to contrast the TTPS’ aggressive response to the peace walk with another event that same day: a PNM (People’s National Movement) candlelight vigil held in San Juan, where no police orders to disperse or crowd control measures were implemented at all. “They run home everybody that came to the peaceful walk like dogs…go home!” she wrote in a passionate on-platform statement, emphasizing that the contrast could not be ignored. Crucially, Phillip clarified that she was not arguing any gathering should have been broken up; rather, her goal is to highlight that unequal treatment is being meted out to citizens based on their political ties and public standing. “All citizens have a right to speak out regardless of political affiliation or public profile,” she maintained.

    Beyond the selective treatment of gatherings, Phillip also addressed a separate recent incident involving the arrest of a young man who has attended multiple events tied to the protest movement she helps coordinate. Some online actors have attempted to tie allegedly inflammatory comments made by the young man to the broader movement, but Phillip rejected that broad brush characterization. She identified herself, her mother Camille Caresquero, and Mariah Walcott as the lead organizers of the “19 Bullets, 19 Protests” campaign, which advocates for greater government accountability, transparency, and judicial reform. The arrested man’s personal views do not reflect the positions of the campaign’s organizers, supporters, or core demands, she stressed.

    While she acknowledged that every person holds a right to their own individual opinions, Phillip added that she regretted the young man had chosen to frame his views in a way that was neither respectful nor responsible. She reaffirmed that the “19 Bullets, 19 Protests” movement remains strictly committed to peaceful, lawful advocacy, and that the actions of one individual will not distract supporters from the core issues that brought them together.

    Phillip also expanded her critique to broader, systemic issues of unequal enforcement of public order laws across Trinidad and Tobago. She noted that many citizens have long observed offensive, abusive, racial, and inflammatory comments directed at political leaders and public figures on social media that have not resulted in any enforcement action, reinforcing public perceptions that different standards apply to different groups based on their connections. Phillip stressed she is not endorsing that harmful rhetoric, but argued that the double standard in enforcement cannot be overlooked.

    In a direct rebuke of the TTPS’ approach to protest management, Phillip said: “The TTPS would better serve the public by leading with empathy and understanding rather than ego and defensiveness.”

    Looking ahead, Phillip used her social media reach to promote the movement’s next action: “Protest #18,” a nationwide stay-at-home protest scheduled for today. She encouraged the general public to review educational materials about the movement’s goals shared online, including explanatory videos and social media content accessible via scannable QR codes. For members of the public who are unable to stay home and must report to work on the day of the action, Phillip urged them to wear white clothing and share photos of their participation on social media using the hashtag #Protest18.

    This public statement comes just one week after Phillip and her mother were arrested during a protest held outside the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP). The pair appeared before Magistrate Indira Ramnarine Misir-Gosine at the Port of Spain Magistrates’ Court this Monday, where both pleaded not guilty to the two charges stemming from the demonstration.

  • Gonsalves says ULP will make swift political comeback

    Gonsalves says ULP will make swift political comeback

    KINGSTOWN, St. Vincent – Just months after suffering a landslide electoral defeat that ended a quarter-century of incumbency, the leader of St. Vincent and the Grenadines’ main opposition Unity Labour Party (ULP) Ralph Gonsalves is already positioning his party for a rapid return to national office, citing a burgeoning governance crisis that has eroded public trust in the ruling New Democratic Party (NDP) administration.

    In a wide-ranging interview broadcast on local radio, the former prime minister outlined what he frames as an undeniable “Labour resurgence” across the country, fueled by growing public discontent with the NDP’s first term in office. Gonsalves argued that the current government has overseen a rapid deterioration of national conditions that touches every sector of Vincentian life, from economic stability and public safety to core government administration.

    He accused the sitting administration of operating on unresponsive “autopilot”, claiming its leaders fail to grasp the full scope of the crises they have allowed to unfold, and lack the strategic vision to address the complex challenges facing the small island nation. “The present administration has no knowledge of how to proceed” on key issues impacting ordinary Vincentians, Gonsalves told radio listeners.

    The ULP leader highlighted a recent well-attended national council meeting that drew large participation from public sector workers, including teachers and police personnel, as proof of the growing momentum behind the opposition. He described the turnout as a demonstration of “the might and influence of the labour family”, noting that the display of grassroots support has left the current NDP government “dazed and frightened”.

    Gonsalves went further, claiming that even long-time staunch supporters of the NDP now privately predict the current administration will be limited to a single term, with some suggesting it could collapse and leave office ahead of the end of its scheduled mandate. He called on the ruling party to take accountability for its missteps, saying, “Grown men and women need to stand up when they’ve made mistakes and say ‘I made a mistake.’”

    For Vincentians disillusioned with the current government, Gonsalves asserted, “The only option available is the Unity Labour Party.” He added that growing numbers of citizens are reaching out directly to party headquarters and contacting him personally for guidance, a trend he says reflects eroding confidence in the NDP. Reaffirming the ULP’s deep roots in Vincentian politics, he said the party is ready to provide the decisive, competent leadership that is currently missing from national governance.

    Addressing the everyday concerns of working people, Gonsalves gave a direct assurance: “Labour has your back.” He urged ULP supporters to remain united, arguing that the ruling government’s attempts at “fear-mongering” and intimidation of civil servants who align with the opposition will ultimately fail. As public frustration grows, he noted, “people are getting less afraid” to openly associate with the Unity Labour Party, blunting the administration’s efforts to slow the opposition’s growing momentum.

    While Gonsalves remains actively engaged in regional and international affairs through his longstanding work with regional organizations, he made clear that his top priority right now is advancing the local resurgence of the ULP. Though he stopped short of predicting an exact timeline for a return to power, admitting he cannot know who will hold the prime minister’s office 12 months from now, he said mounting disarray within the NDP administration makes a swift ULP comeback far more likely than not.

    The ULP was ousted from power in a historic November 2025 election, losing by a lopsided 14-1 margin after 25 consecutive years leading the country. That defeat marked one of the most dramatic electoral upsets in Vincentian politics since 1989, when the NDP won all 15 parliamentary seats in another historic landslide.

  • Hermanos Martínez Tamayo Pre-University Institute: A Distinctive, Innovative, and Demanding Educational Model

    Hermanos Martínez Tamayo Pre-University Institute: A Distinctive, Innovative, and Demanding Educational Model

    On Thursday, June 5, 2026, Cuban President and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez undertook an official visit to the unique Hermanos Martínez Tamayo Vocational Pre-University Institute, operated by the country’s Ministry of the Interior (Minint) in Havana’s Playa municipality. He was joined on the visit by Lázaro Alberto Álvarez Casas, Minint Minister, Army Corps General and member of the Communist Party Political Bureau.

    The visit came at the direct request of a student from the institute, who raised the invitation during a previous public event where the two leaders crossed paths. During an open, heartfelt exchange with students, graduates, faculty and institutional leadership, Díaz-Canel offered high praise for the institute’s educational framework, labeling it a “distinct, innovative, and demanding educational model” that aligns with the revolutionary vision first laid out by Fidel Castro during the development of the Battle of Ideas initiative.

    Díaz-Canel told attendees he was particularly impressed by the institute’s ability to maintain its high standards of operation for decades, including through the ongoing challenging period that has strained educational systems across Cuba. He noted that the Ministry of the Interior, already widely recognized by the Cuban people for its critical public service, has extra reason to take pride in hosting such an exceptional educational institution.

    Commenting on the institute’s well-maintained, orderly and welcoming campus, the president emphasized that holistic education extends far beyond textbook curriculum. Physical environments that nurture and inspire the spirit, he explained, are a core component of meaningful learning that prepares young people for public life.

    Throughout the conversation, which preceded a guided tour of the institute’s classrooms and research laboratories, Díaz-Canel stressed the ongoing importance of fostering critical thinking, revolutionary commitment, and well-rounded personal development to prepare young Cubans to contribute to the country’s socialist construction project as engaged, responsible citizens. After hearing personal accounts from students, professional insights from graduates, and reflections from teaching staff, the president noted that the visit offered a critical morale boost amid the country’s current complex context, which has been shaped by persistent external aggression from the United States. “Talking with you, seeing your willingness, your commitment, your training, and the way you express yourselves, also reaffirms the feelings of appreciation one has for this institution. This strengthens us greatly and also gives us a lot of energy,” he stressed.

    Díaz-Canel extended an invitation to students to join the Community Youth Network, a new grassroots initiative that organizes Cuban youth for neighborhood-focused public service work. He also urged attendees to prioritize rigorous study, deep exploration of history and science, and independent inquiry, explaining that these practices build the knowledge and critical perspective needed to make thoughtful, informed decisions that benefit the nation. The conversation also included open discussion of the severe economic and social strain placed on Cuba by the United States’ long-running suffocating embargo policy.

    In comments to reporters following the visit, institute director Colonel Vivian Sabuquet Larrondo outlined the institution’s 22-year legacy of public service. As the only pre-university of its kind in Cuba, the school holds a unique mission: training the next generation of Minint officers and personnel, while also preparing graduates who choose to pursue civilian higher education. To date, more than 4,000 young people have graduated from the program, many of whom now serve in the Ministry of the Interior.

    Sabuquet Larrondo explained that the institute delivers a fully holistic education that integrates patriotic formation, military preparation, physical education, cultural programming, athletic opportunities, and cutting-edge instruction in technology and scientific development. Students enter the institution between the ages of 14 and 15, graduate at 17, and learn from a faculty of highly experienced educators who bring strong professional expertise and a deep commitment to core revolutionary values. Beyond academics, the school instills foundational life skills including disciplined coexistence, strong work ethic, solidarity, humanism, and patriotism, with ongoing support from students’ family members. “I think the most important thing is the contribution we have made, not only to the Ministry of the Interior, but also to society,” Sabuquet Larrondo noted.

  • Column: Het rechtmatige onding dat WIPA heet

    Column: Het rechtmatige onding dat WIPA heet

    After hours of heated debate, repeated suspensions, closed-door negotiations, faction caucuses and high-stakes political calculations, Suriname’s National Assembly has formally approved a motion to indict three former ministers — Riad Nurmohamed, Gillmore Hoefdraad and Bronto Somohardjo — clearing the path for full criminal prosecution to move forward.

    While supporters of the decision frame it as a victory for the rule of law, critics have already raised allegations that political motivations drove the outcome. The entire drawn-out process has also thrown a sharp spotlight on the quirky and contradictory structure of Suriname’s Law on the Indictment of Political Office Holders (known locally by its Dutch acronym WIPA), a piece of legislation long debated for its unusual place in the country’s legal order.

    Far from being unconstitutional, the WIPA is explicitly rooted in Article 140 of Suriname’s constitution. Under the terms of the law, the National Assembly (abbreviated DNA in Dutch) is not permitted to rule on the guilt or innocence of the accused officials. Nor is it allowed to weigh in on whether sufficient evidence exists to prove a criminal offense was committed — that responsibility is reserved exclusively for the Public Prosecution Service and ultimately the national courts.

    The DNA’s role under the law is intentionally narrow: parliament is only tasked with determining whether moving forward with prosecution of a sitting or former political officeholder serves the broader public interest. NDP parliamentarian Ebu Jones emphasized during debate that the DNA must also examine whether the proceeding amounts to political retaliation, reminding colleagues that the national legislature is not a court. It cannot determine guilt or judge the strength of evidence, Jones argued — those duties fall squarely to prosecutors and the High Court of Justice.

    Yet that very clarification lays bare the core structural weakness of the WIPA framework. If parliament is barred from assessing guilt or evidence, why is it granted the power to greenlight a criminal case in the first place?

    The explanatory memorandum accompanying the legislation amplifies this inherent tension. It notes that the special carve-out for ministers and senior political officials has nothing to do with the actions the accused are alleged to have committed, and everything to do with the “dignity of the office” they hold. Their unique position in the state structure, the memorandum argues, justifies an extra layer of political consideration before prosecution can proceed.

    At the same time, the same document stresses that the DNA cannot rule on evidence, guilt or whether an act meets the definition of a crime. Parliament’s only job is to assess whether moving forward with prosecution would cause administrative collapse or widespread social unrest.

    This structure effectively builds a political screening process into the pre-trial phase of criminal cases against political officials, even as it explicitly bars political actors from interfering with the substantive legal merits of a case. What was meant to be a purely legal proceeding, in the end, became a high-stakes test of political strength.

    The final vote laid bare deep divisions within Suriname’s six-party ruling coalition, which failed to unite around a single collective position on the indictment. Ultimately, the decision was left to individual assembly members to vote their conscience. While allowing representatives to think and vote independently is not inherently problematic, it underscores just how difficult it is to separate legal decision-making from partisan political interests once politicians are given formal authority over the process.

    Most notably, the vote exposed critical fractures within the NDP, the coalition’s largest party holding 18 parliamentary seats. The party’s numerical advantage did not translate to political unity, with deep internal disagreements leading to a split vote. Even with all of its aligned members voting against the indictments, the NDP lacked the numbers to block the combined 17 votes from the VHP and other coalition members who backed the prosecutor-general’s request for prosecution. As a result, the NDP emerged as the clearest political loser of the vote. Its defeat was not just about the outcome of the indictments: the vote made visible that the party’s 18 seats do not add up to a reliable governing majority, offering unflattering new clarity into the actual balance of power within the ruling coalition that goes far beyond the fates of the three former ministers.

    The PL faction voted against moving forward with indictment for Riad Nurmohamed. For Bronto Somohardjo, one thing remains undeniable: unwavering consistency. From the moment the prosecutor-general first filed the request for indictment, Somohardjo has publicly stated he is fully prepared to answer the allegations against him in court. He did not request political protection, instead calling for a full legal assessment of the claims against him. He stuck to that position through the final vote: he voted in favor of his own indictment, while voting against the motion to indict Nurmohamed.

    This brings the debate back to its core question: why should a national legislature get to decide whether a court can carry out its constitutional duty to hear a case? There are defensible arguments for granting political officeholders a special formal status under the constitution, as Suriname’s founding document does. But the reality remains that ordinary citizens do not need approval from a parliamentary majority before a court can hear their criminal case.

    It is for this reason that the WIPA remains such a peculiar legal construction. It is a legally valid and constitutionally sound law. But it forces politics and law to converge in a space where they ought, by principle, to remain separate. That does not make the WIPA illegal. But it has cemented its decades-long reputation: a legally authorized anomaly in Suriname’s legal order.

  • Somohardjo na goedkeuring vordering: Ik ben op alles voorbereid

    Somohardjo na goedkeuring vordering: Ik ben op alles voorbereid

    On June 5, a key political and legal development unfolded in Suriname, where the country’s national legislature, De Nationale Assemblee (DNA), voted to greenlight prosecution requests from the nation’s prosecutor-general against three former cabinet ministers — a move that clears the way for formal criminal proceedings to move forward under the nation’s law for prosecuting political officeholders.

    Among those facing prosecution is Bronto Somohardjo, a former government minister who currently leads the Pertjajah Luhur (PL) political party. In an extraordinary turn of proceedings, Somohardjo cast his own vote in support of the prosecution request filed against him, a choice he says aligns with his long-held stance rejecting political immunity from legal process.

    In comments to local outlet Starnieuws following the vote, Somohardjo made clear he is fully prepared for the next phase of legal process. “I am ready for any outcome,” he stated. The party leader explained that his vote was a natural extension of his public commitment that he would never seek political protection from investigation or prosecution. “Let no one ever claim that Bronto Somohardjo sought protection or ran from this process. I have shown up, and I am ready to accept whatever consequences come,” he added.

    Somohardjo emphasized that parliamentary approval of the prosecution request does not mark the end of the matter for him. He argued that in a functioning democratic constitutional state, accountability must be required not only of individual politicians, but also of state institutions. He reaffirmed his commitment to continuing advocacy for equal legal protection, government transparency, equal treatment under the law, and universal accountability for all public actors.

    Alongside Somohardjo, DNA approved prosecution requests against two other former ministers: Riad Nurmohamed and Gillmore Hoefdraad. The parliamentary approval meets all requirements laid out in Suriname’s Wet In Staat van Beschuldigingstelling Politieke Ambtsdragers (WIPA), the law governing prosecution of sitting and former political officeholders, and now allows the Public Prosecution Service to move forward with formal criminal procedures.

    DNA Speaker Ashwin Adhin confirmed to Starnieuws that legislative staff are already preparing formal notification of the parliamentary approval to the Public Prosecution Service. Once that notification is received, the prosecution service can advance the process according to statutory guidelines.

    An unusual procedural detail marked Thursday’s vote: the presiding role was not filled by Speaker Adhin, but by assembly member Ivanildo Plein, the first alternate deputy speaker. Adhin had previously announced he would abstain from the vote and leave the chamber ahead of voting. Since DNA rules require all participating members to cast either a yes or no vote with no option to abstain while retaining the chair, Adhin transferred presiding duties to Plein.

    Plein, who also served on the special parliamentary committee that reviewed the prosecution requests, chose to forgo his scheduled speaking slot before the vote. He explained this decision was necessary to keep the proceeding on schedule. If he had taken the floor to speak after Adhin left the chamber, he would have been unable to continue presiding, forcing a delay to the entire vote. Second alternate deputy speaker Rossellie Cotino was absent from the session, while ABOP party faction leader and current Deputy Speaker Ronnie Brunswijk delivered the faction’s address on behalf of his group instead.

    In a formal statement released after the vote, the Public Prosecution Service stressed that parliamentary approval of the prosecution request does not equate to a finding of guilt. Final judgment on the facts of each case and any determination of criminal liability remains the exclusive responsibility of the judiciary. Once ongoing investigations are completed, the cases will be submitted to the Court of Justice in accordance with all applicable legal procedures.

  • LIU Program Paused; Mahler Agrees Funds Should Be Redirected

    LIU Program Paused; Mahler Agrees Funds Should Be Redirected

    In a decision that has sparked debate across Belize’s political landscape, the country’s LIU Employment Program has been temporarily halted, with top government officials backing the move to reallocate millions in spending to broader youth-focused initiatives.

    Pickstock Area Representative Anthony Mahler, who also serves as Belize’s Minister of Youth, has emerged as a key supporter of the pause, arguing that the current program’s resource allocation fails to match the country’s most pressing youth development needs. Mahler explained that taking a temporary break from the initiative creates a critical opportunity for a full cabinet-level review to assess whether the program is delivering meaningful public value.

    Mahler highlighted the stark mismatch in current youth spending to make his case: the government allocates $6 million annually to the LIU program to support just 583 participants, yet the entire national youth budget hovers only between $2.7 million and $3 million. With nearly 70% of Belize’s population under the age of 29, he argued that this lopsided spending leaves millions of talented, ambitious young people across the country without access to the resources they need to succeed.

    Instead of maintaining the current LIU program structure, Mahler is pushing to redirect freed-up funds toward expanded social safety nets for youth and increased access to free education. His priority is extending free public education through secondary school and into sixth form, allowing more young Belizeans to enroll in advanced coursework and build the skills needed for long-term economic mobility.

    Mahler emphasized that he does not oppose the core idea of an LIU program, but said cabinet will need to collaborate on a full reevaluation to reshape the initiative to better serve national youth goals. Prime Minister John Briceño has publicly echoed these sentiments, throwing the weight of the national government behind the pause and planned funding reallocation.

    This report is a transcript of an evening television broadcast from an unspecified Belizean media outlet, covering the latest government action on youth policy programming.

  • Belize’s Sex Offender List to Go Public Under New Proposal

    Belize’s Sex Offender List to Go Public Under New Proposal

    In a swift response to recent public calls for stronger protections against sexual violence, the government of Belize has tabled legislative amendments that would open the country’s existing confidential National Sex Offenders Database to public access. This policy push comes just weeks after Special Envoy Rossana Briceño first formally called for the establishment of a national public sex offender registry, marking a major shift in how the country manages and shares information on convicted sexual offenders.

    Kareem Musa, the Minister of Immigration, Governance and Labor, laid out the full details of the proposed changes to Belize’s Criminal Code in a public briefing. Under the new plan, the amendments would overhaul Section 65 of the existing legislation to add new mandatory requirements for courts and offenders alike. When handing down sentences for convicted sexual offenders, courts will now be legally required to order additional offender support and monitoring measures: court-mandated counseling, medical care, and psychiatric treatment, all designed to reduce recidivism rates and address root causes of reoffending.

    Beyond treatment mandates, the proposal introduces strict residency reporting rules for all registered sexual offenders. Offenders will be prohibited from changing their place of residence without giving advance formal notification to both the Commissioner of Police and the Director of Human Development. They will also be required to comply with any additional public safety conditions the police commissioner deems necessary to protect local communities.

    A core new requirement added under the amended legislation creates a formal mandatory notification system for all convicted sexual offenders. Offenders must submit core identifying and location information to their local district police station, including their full name and residential address. If an offender moves, they are required to file their updated address with authorities within 14 days of leaving their previous residence.

    Under the proposed framework, an offender’s information will remain listed on the public registry for a period of 10 years following conviction. The Briceño administration’s move to advance this proposal so quickly after Briceño’s initial call reflects growing public pressure to improve transparency around sexual offender management and enhance community safety across the country.

    This report is adapted from a transcribed evening television news broadcast from Belize.

  • $47M for Early Childhood and Women’s Empowerment, But Is There a Plan?

    $47M for Early Childhood and Women’s Empowerment, But Is There a Plan?

    A proposed $47 million investment aimed at shaping Belize’s social and economic future is set for a vote in the country’s House of Representatives, and it has already ignited heated debate over transparency and implementation strategy. The Briceño administration has applied for approval to secure the financing package from the World Bank’s International Development Association, with two core policy priorities at the initiative’s center: expanding access to high-quality early childhood development and boosting economic empowerment opportunities for women across the country.

    Under the outlined plan, the funding will be allocated to multiple key initiatives: constructing new preschool facilities to address gaps in early education access, upgrading and strengthening existing early childhood support services, and fostering collaborative partnerships with the private sector to create more accessible, high-quality employment opportunities for women. Government leaders frame the investment as a far-reaching, generational investment in Belize’s human capital, arguing that improving early education and closing gender employment gaps will lay the foundation for long-term inclusive economic growth.

    However, opposition leaders are raising sharp questions about the absence of a clear, detailed implementation roadmap, casting doubt on whether the funding will deliver the lasting, transformative impact the administration has promised. Tracy Panton, leader of Belize’s opposition United Democratic Party (UDP), outlined the core critiques of the proposal ahead of the House vote.

    Panton emphasized that the funding commitment — equivalent to $23.5 million U.S. dollars — represents a substantial expenditure for Belize’s national budget, making transparency around allocation particularly critical. While the proposal references project operations in “targeted areas”, Panton pointed out that the legislation put before lawmakers fails to name specific districts, communities, or regions that will benefit from new preschool classroom construction. Lawmakers are being asked to approve the multi-million dollar allocation with no public information about where funds will be directed or what criteria will be used to prioritize target communities, Panton argued. She specifically noted that she hopes the coastal community of Punta Negra, associated with local advocate Maud McSweeny Taeger, will be included as a beneficiary if the proposal moves forward.

    Panton also drew a contrast with the previous UDP administration’s approach to educational infrastructure investment, noting that the UDP arranged for a comprehensive national educational needs assessment financed by the Caribbean Development Bank (CDB) to ensure all funding allocation decisions were rooted in data and focused on maximum public impact. Despite these concerns, the opposition has confirmed it supports the overall goals of the initiative, and will back the bill in the House vote. In addition to the core IDA financing, the project has already secured an additional $1.2 million U.S. dollars in grant funding to support its implementation.

  • Geneva : Speech by Haitian Minister Nelson at the 114th International Labour Conference (video)

    Geneva : Speech by Haitian Minister Nelson at the 114th International Labour Conference (video)

    GENEVA — On June 4, 2026, Marc-Elie Nelson, Haiti’s Minister of Social Affairs and Labor, delivered a landmark address to delegates gathered at the 114th International Labour Conference, hosted by the International Labour Organization (ILO) in Geneva. During his speech, Nelson laid out a clear vision for deepened collaboration between Haiti and the global labor body, framing targeted cooperation as a critical catalyst to renew systems that deliver inclusive growth, open constructive social dialogue, and expand access to dignified work across the Caribbean nation.

    A central priority of Nelson’s address was a formal call for a strengthened ILO footprint within Haiti, anchored by the establishment of a permanent ILO representative office in the country. He emphasized that the ILO’s decades of specialized global expertise would be transformative for Haiti’s ongoing efforts to update its national labor framework, bringing local legislation into full alignment with internationally recognized labor standards and adapting rules to match the shifting demands of the modern global workforce.

    Nelson also used the platform to highlight the Haitian government’s ongoing domestic progress on worker welfare, specifically pointing to recent policy efforts to raise the national minimum wage and expand social safety net coverage for Haitian working people. These steps, he argued, reflect the administration’s commitment to centering worker well-being in national policy priorities.

    In addition to bilateral cooperation priorities, Nelson offered public praise for ILO Director-General’s recently released report, *A moment of choice: Harnessing artificial intelligence for decent work*. He noted that the report makes a substantial and timely contribution to global conversations about the future of work, and underscored the meaningful opportunities that AI can bring to expanding labor access and improving working conditions when governed responsibly.

    Closing his address, Nelson offered a reflection on what defines a successful nation: “Nations are not measured solely by the size of their economies or the strength of their institutions. They are also measured by how they treat those whose work builds their future.” He concluded by reaffirming that, regardless of political or economic differences between nations, global leaders share a universal core responsibility: to “enable every woman and man to live from their work with dignity, justice, and hope.”

  • PM Briceño Pushes $73M BEL Share Purchase as Strategic Move

    PM Briceño Pushes $73M BEL Share Purchase as Strategic Move

    On June 4, 2026, as public tensions played out in the streets outside Belize’s National Assembly, a high-stakes strategic economic policy debate was unfolding inside the chamber, centered on a transformative proposal from Prime Minister John Briceño’s administration. The government is seeking legislative approval to allocate $73 million from the country’s consolidated revenue fund to acquire a majority stake in Belize Electricity Limited (BEL), the nation’s primary power provider, in a move the prime minister frames as a cornerstone of the government’s broader energy sovereignty agenda.

    Under the terms of the legislation tabled before lawmakers, the government will purchase just over 8.1 million non-voting preferred shares at a price of $9 per share. The share price breaks down into a $2 par value per share and a $7 share premium per security. If approved, the bill will authorize Belize’s Financial Secretary to complete the transaction through a formal subscription deed, which outlines binding pre-conditions that both parties must meet before the acquisition can be finalized.

    Per the deed’s requirements, the Government of Belize must first align all relevant domestic legislation to accommodate the expanded state ownership of the utility. On BEL’s side, the company is required to submit all required corporate documentation, including updated board memoranda, audited annual financial statements, and secure all necessary regulatory approvals from national energy oversight bodies before the transaction closes.

    Prime Minister Briceño emphasized the long-term strategic value of the move during debate on the bill, framing the acquisition as a key step forward for the administration’s core policy goal of expanding domestic national ownership and state influence over Belize’s critical energy infrastructure. “This bill represents another step in the government’s broader policy objective of increasing national ownership and influence within Belize’s electricity sector,” Briceño told lawmakers, noting that greater state control over the power supply will strengthen the country’s energy security and align the utility’s operations more closely with national public interest priorities.

    This report is adapted from a transcript of an original evening television news broadcast.