分类： politics

The United National Congress (UNC), having secured a decisive victory in last April’s general election with a 29-12 parliamentary majority, followed by a clean sweep of all 15 seats in the January 12 Tobago House of Assembly election by its Tobago allies, now faces mounting criticism over its administrative practices. Despite this commanding mandate, concerns have emerged regarding the apparent conflation of party and state functions.

Over the past month, multiple government ministers have chosen to deliver official policy announcements from the UNC’s party headquarters in Chaguanas rather than from government offices. This practice, while common when the party was in opposition, has raised eyebrows now that the UNC holds governmental power. The briefings have featured prominent cabinet members including Foreign Affairs Minister Sean Sobers, Housing Minister David Lee, Transport Minister Eli Zakour, and several others, all speaking from party premises flanked by both national and party flags.

Journalists have reported difficulties in accessing these events, with many briefings announced merely as online occurrences without clear venue information until the last moment. Notably, only a January 14 briefing by Attorney General John Jeremie and Minister of Lands Saddam Hosein was conducted at an appropriate government ministry.

When questioned about this blending of party and government functions, UNC Public Relations Officer Dr. Kirk Meighoo offered a straightforward defense: ‘Our members form the government and that is government policy. The UNC forms the government. We were voted in by the majority and that is how democracy works.’

However, editorial analysis suggests that if the previous administration had similarly conducted government business from PNM headquarters, the UNC would have undoubtedly criticized such practices. The current approach raises important questions about institutional separation between governing party and state apparatus, with advocates emphasizing that utilizing proper government offices for official announcements would better serve democratic norms and transparency in Trinidad and Tobago.

The recent electoral triumph of a Tobago-based political party in the Tobago House of Assembly (THA) elections has created a pivotal moment for advancing the island’s long-standing pursuit of genuine internal self-government. This development comes after decades of unfulfilled promises and political maneuvering that have repeatedly raised and dashed the hopes of Tobagonians.

Audley Graham, in a compelling editorial submission, argues that any legitimate legislative arrangement must fundamentally treat the Tobagonian people with fairness, dignity, and respect. This necessitates establishing frameworks that enable Tobago to generate its own revenue, develop critical infrastructure, and exercise substantial control over local resources.

Rather than initiating new legislative drafts, Graham recommends that Chief Secretary Farley Augustine appoint a dedicated secretary for devolution and governance matters. This official should synthesize existing proposals dating back to the Seemungal draft of the 1970s through the most recent bill from the Rowley administration, creating a robust legislative document that reflects Tobago’s aspirations.

The editorial highlights how successive central governments—both PNM and UNC administrations—have consistently demonstrated insufficient political will to facilitate authentic self-government for Tobago. These administrations have typically employed token approaches that disregard the unique intersectional identity of Tobagonians within the unitary state of Trinidad and Tobago.

Graham points to Tobago’s proven governance capabilities, noting that key architects of the nation’s early independence era—including Doddridge Alleyne, Eugenio Moore, Victor Bruce, and ANR Robinson—hailed from Tobago. The current practice of delaying tactics, such as appointing joint select committees under the guise of bipartisan cooperation, only serves the self-interest and neo-colonial ambitions of Trinidad-based parties.

The prolonged denial of Tobago’s self-determination aspirations not only harms Tobagonians economically and psychologically but also weakens the nation’s overall economic potential. Graham warns that continued delays risk hardening the resolve of minority elements who might advocate for secession—an outcome beneficial to no party, least of all Tobago itself.

With the people of Tobago having clearly expressed their political will through the ballot box, the editorial concludes that their democratic voice must now be respected through concrete action toward meaningful self-governance.

In a forceful parliamentary address on January 16, Opposition Leader Pennelope Beckles issued a stark warning to Trinidad and Tobago’s ruling United National Congress (UNC) government, asserting that citizens are approaching a breaking point over unfulfilled election commitments. The Arima Member of Parliament delivered her critique alongside Opposition Chief Whip Marvin Gonzales during a press conference that highlighted growing discontent with the administration.

Beckles directed pointed remarks toward Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, challenging the government’s assumption that its 26-seat majority in the House of Representatives grants unlimited authority. “Don’t feel because you have 26 seats that you can do to the people as you feel!” she declared, emphasizing that electoral strength does not equate to unchecked power.

The opposition leader accused the UNC of systematically misleading voters during the April 28 general election through empty promises that remain undelivered. She specifically cited assurances about job security for CEPEP and URP workers that allegedly vanished post-election, characterizing the government as fundamentally unconcerned with citizen welfare.

Economic indicators reveal troubling trends, according to Beckles. She referenced reports from major fast-food chains like KFC noting decreased consumer spending, alongside numerous business closures contradicting government claims of presenting “the best budget ever.” Notable casualties include MovieTowne Tobago, Nutrien, Proman, D Bocas, Woodside, and RIK on Queen Street, Port of Spain, plus numerous small bars forced to shut down after liquor license fees skyrocketed from $1,500 to $9,000—a move Beckles described as “absolute wickedness.”

The opposition leader questioned the government’s highly publicized national recruitment drive, demanding transparency about actual employment numbers generated. She further highlighted a 70% increase in natural gas prices and general inflation as evidence of deteriorating economic conditions.

Beckles condemned the government’s tendency to blame the previous People’s National Movement (PNM) administration when facing difficulties, noting that even salary and pension delays are attributed to the opposition. She concluded by promising that a future PNM government would immediately review what she termed “foolish measures” implemented by the current administration.

In a landmark constitutional judgment, High Court Justice Westmin James has delivered a scathing rebuke of a sitting Prime Minister’s administrative conduct, ruling that prolonged silence on appointment recommendations constituted an unconstitutional violation of a senior public officer’s rights.

The court upheld the constitutional claim brought by retired public service director John Edwards against the Attorney General, finding that the Prime Minister’s repeated failure to respond to Public Service Commission (PSC) consultations effectively created an illegal “de facto veto” that blocked Edwards’ career advancement unjustly.

Evidence presented to the court revealed that between 2010 and 2013, Edwards received multiple recommendations from the PSC to act as Deputy Permanent Secretary. However, the Prime Minister failed to respond to three separate consultation requests in 2012 while approving other officers’ appointments within normal timeframes. This selective administrative silence continued until August 2013, when approval finally came—coinciding exactly with Edwards’ commencement of pre-retirement leave, rendering the authorization practically useless.

Justice James determined that this conduct violated Sections 4(b) and 4(d) of the Constitution, pertaining to protection of the law and equality of treatment by public authorities. The ruling emphasized that while Section 121 grants the Prime Minister appointment veto power, this authority must be exercised rationally, independently, and without unreasonable delay.

The court awarded Edwards $250,000 in damages—$100,000 as compensatory damages for distress and inconvenience, and $150,000 as vindicatory damages to underscore the seriousness of the constitutional breaches and deter future similar conduct by public authorities.

Significantly, the judge rejected the State’s arguments regarding delay in filing the claim, accepting Edwards’ explanation that he only discovered the true reason for his non-appointment through Freedom of Information Act disclosures in 2022. The court recognized the case’s broader implications for constitutional governance and accountability, noting that permitting such administrative silence would enable executives to circumvent legal requirements and undermine independent constitutional bodies like the PSC.

The judgment establishes crucial precedent regarding ministerial accountability and the limits of executive power, asserting that administrative silence cannot serve as an indirect veto mechanism without transparency or justification.