分类： politics

A significant diplomatic dispute has emerged within the Caribbean Community (CARICOM) following contentious remarks by Trinidad and Tobago’s Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, who characterized the regional bloc as “unreliable,” “dysfunctional,” and “self-destructive.” The statements have prompted a robust rebuttal from Antigua and Barbuda Prime Minister Gaston Browne, who presented compelling economic data challenging these assertions.

Prime Minister Browne revealed that Trinidad and Tobago generated over US$1.1 billion in foreign exchange from trade with CARICOM nations during 2024 alone. This substantial revenue stream comprised approximately US$784.7 million in domestic exports and US$501.3 million in re-exports to fellow member states. The figures position CARICOM as Trinidad’s second-largest export market, surpassed only by the United States.

The economic relationship has proven remarkably advantageous for Trinidad, which has consistently maintained the largest merchandise trade surplus within CARICOM since the organization’s establishment in 1973. This unique position makes Trinidad the only member state to sustain a net positive trade balance with the community throughout its five-decade history.

Browne emphasized that this favorable economic outcome has been facilitated by the Common External Tariff (CET) framework, under which CARICOM states apply protective tariffs on extra-regional imports to support Trinidad’s manufacturing sector. In 2024, member nations collectively sacrificed approximately US$142.7 million in potential customs revenue by sourcing goods from Trinidad under CET protection—an economic concession borne by Caribbean consumers in the spirit of regional solidarity.

The 2024 Review of the Economy for Trinidad confirmed these patterns, reporting a trade surplus of $4,915 million with CARICOM countries during the nine-month period ending June 2024, with exports totaling $5,947.5 million from October 2023 through June 2024.

Beyond economic cooperation, Browne highlighted CARICOM’s crucial role in addressing regional security challenges. He noted that Trinidad faces some of the Caribbean’s highest levels of organized crime, and regional cooperation through CARICOM security mechanisms, intelligence sharing, and coordinated law-enforcement initiatives has been essential to the response. Antigua and Barbuda, like other member states, has consistently supported these collective security efforts.

The Antiguan leader framed CARICOM as a partnership rooted in shared history, bloodlines, struggle for independence, and a collective determination that small states are stronger when they act together. While acknowledging each nation’s sovereign right to conduct bilateral relations, Browne asserted that no member should question another’s legitimate engagement with international partners on matters affecting its citizens.

Browne categorically rejected Persad-Bissessar’s claim that Antiguan leaders had “bad-mouthed” the United States, stating that no evidence exists to support this assertion. He highlighted Antigua and Barbuda’s record of close collaboration with the US, including constructive engagement on security matters, immigration, and consistent cooperation in multilateral forums such as the UN and Organization of American States.

The Prime Minister concluded that respectful dialogue with international partners does not constitute subservience, nor does regional consultation represent disloyalty. This balanced approach, he argued, has served the region well for decades and should not be undermined by divisive rhetoric when facts clearly demonstrate the value of interdependence.

In a significant judicial development, the Trinidad and Tobago Court of Appeal has rejected convicted King’s Counsel Vincent Nelson’s application for conditional leave to appeal his 2019 corruption conviction. The three-judge panel comprising Justices Nolan Bereaux, James Aboud, and Ricky Rahim unanimously dismissed Nelson’s petition on December 19, determining the matter raised no substantive constitutional issues warranting further domestic consideration.

Justice Bereaux, delivering the oral ruling, emphasized that the Director of Public Prosecutions’ decision to prosecute did not violate Nelson’s constitutional rights, noting that all due process safeguards were meticulously observed throughout the plea agreement proceedings. The court characterized Nelson’s application as merely procedural rather than constituting a final appeal against his conviction and sentence.

The ruling follows a July decision where the appellate court found Nelson failed to demonstrate prosecutorial misconduct by the DPP and had substantially delayed filing his appeal. Justice Geoffrey Henderson, in the previous ruling, noted that Nelson—a UK-based tax attorney—voluntarily entered his plea agreement in 2019 and had ample opportunity to disclose any alleged promises or threats during original proceedings.

Nelson pleaded guilty in June 2019 to conspiracy to commit corruption and money laundering charges stemming from a legal-fee kickback scheme. He received a $2.25 million fine in March 2020 after agreeing to testify against former attorney general Anand Ramlogan, SC, and former UNC senator Gerald Ramdeen. Those prosecutions were subsequently discontinued in 2022 when Nelson refused to testify pending resolution of a $95 million civil claim related to an alleged indemnity agreement.

In his appeal arguments, Nelson contended that former attorney general Faris Al-Rawi had promised him immunity, a pardon, and payment of legal fees, leading him to provide self-incriminating statements under false pretenses. The court found these claims unsupported by sworn evidence from the attorney who allegedly conveyed the promises.

The court also highlighted the extraordinary delay in Nelson’s appeal filing—submitted in October 2023, more than four years after conviction and three years after sentencing. Justice Henderson rejected Nelson’s explanations including illness and expectation of pardon as insufficient justification.

Nelson’s legal team, led by Edward Fitzgerald, KC, argued their client acted as a confidential informant and only provided incriminating evidence after receiving assurances of protection. Fitzgerald asserted Nelson received £1 million days after giving his statement, suggesting he was ‘tricked’ by false promises.

DPP representative Ian Benjamin, SC, countered that Nelson was a seasoned barrister who strategically entered the plea agreement and delayed challenging it for leverage. Benjamin emphasized that prosecutorial authority resides solely with the DPP and pardon powers rest with the Mercy Committee, not the attorney general.

Nelson has not yet paid the imposed $2.25 million fine and intends to seek special leave from the London-based Privy Council—TT’s final appellate court—following this domestic judicial setback.

A scathing editorial letter has exposed a deepening political crisis in Trinidad and Tobago, accusing Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s administration of compromising national sovereignty and facilitating US military operations against Venezuela. The critique characterizes the government’s recent denials regarding involvement in Venezuelan oil tanker blockades as “facetious and duplicitous” amid compelling evidence of collaboration.

According to the analysis, the Persad-Bissessar government has systematically supported US military escalation since September through multiple consequential actions. These include granting US military forces access to Trinidadian airspace and territory for logistical operations, effectively breaking with decades of non-aligned foreign policy tradition. The government has additionally permitted the establishment of US radar systems in Tobago capable of tracking and targeting missiles, transforming the nation from neutral observer to active participant in regional conflict.

The most severe allegations involve complicity in approximately 100 extrajudicial killings resulting from US attacks on vessels in Caribbean and Pacific waters. International condemnation of these actions potentially exposes Trinidad and Tobago officials to prosecution before the International Criminal Court for alleged war crimes.

Despite prime ministerial assertions of pursuing “TT-first” policies, evidence suggests both domestic and foreign policy are being dictated by US interests. This sovereignty surrender has potentially made the nation a legitimate military target in the US-Venezuela conflict while compromising citizen safety and economic stability. The editorial concludes with an urgent call for public opposition to these developments and demands restoration of Trinidad and Tobago’s independent status and the Caribbean’s peace zone designation.

A significant political dispute has emerged in Tobago regarding the impact of a US military radar installation on the island’s tourism industry. Minority Leader Kelvon Morris of the Tobago House of Assembly (THA) has declared that the radar system deployed at the ANR Robinson International Airport is substantially undermining Tobago’s tourism sector.

Speaking at the unveiling of the PNM’s political platform on December 21, Morris, who serves as the PNM candidate for Darrel Spring/Whim in the upcoming January 12 THA election, presented concerning statistics showing international tourist arrivals plummeting from 1,988 in January to approximately 828 by May. He highlighted that even a highly anticipated jazz festival in April attracted only 972 visitors, far below projections.

Morris attributed the tourism decline to multiple factors including airlift challenges, seasonal tourism patterns, and inadequate accommodations—issues he claims the ruling Tobago People’s Party (TPP) has failed to address over four years. The situation has been further exacerbated by the recent radar installation, which Morris states has already prompted three cruise ship cancellations and daily cancellations of flight and wedding bookings.

The controversy extends beyond tourism into jurisdictional disputes. THA Chief Secretary and TPP leader Farley Augustine maintains he was never consulted about the radar installation before its implementation in November. Augustine asserts he should hold membership on the National Security Council (NSC), currently chaired by Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar.

Former national security minister Gary Griffith has clarified that NSC membership is restricted to select cabinet ministers, excluding even heads of protective services. The political dynamics are further complicated by the TPP’s two MPs sitting with UNC backbenchers in Parliament, though no formal coalition exists between the parties.

Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar first publicly acknowledged the radar’s existence on November 27, describing it as a Northrop Grumman G/ATOR system designed to enhance surveillance capabilities against narco traffickers and various security threats. At a recent public event, she condemned critics of the US military presence and warned that such criticism could jeopardize the US visas of approximately 350,000 Trinbagonians.

The situation presents a complex intersection of national security priorities, local economic concerns, and international diplomacy that continues to evolve as Tobago approaches critical elections.

A significant diplomatic strain has emerged within the Caribbean Community (Caricom) as Trinidad and Tobago’s Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar publicly dismissed concerns about potential economic repercussions from the regional bloc. This development follows escalating tensions with Antigua and Barbuda Prime Minister Gaston Browne, who previously highlighted Trinidad’s substantial economic benefits from Caricom membership.

Despite Browne’s December 21 Facebook post revealing Trinidad earned approximately US$1.1 billion from Caricom trade—including US$142 million in customs revenue under the Common External Tariff protection—Persad-Bissessar maintained an uncompromising stance. When questioned by Newsday about potential withdrawal from the regional organization, the Prime Minister responded via WhatsApp that “Withdrawal from Caricom has not been discussed by Cabinet” and asserted, “I am not worried about any economic impact.”

The controversy stems from Persad-Bissessar’s apparent alignment with United States anti-narcotics operations targeting Venezuelan leadership, which critics characterize as sidelining Caricom’s zone of peace policy. This position has drawn sharp criticism from political opponents, including Port of Spain North/St Ann’s West MP Stuart Young, who labeled the Prime Minister’s approach as “reckless, unwarranted, dangerous and destructive.”

Former foreign affairs minister and Opposition Senator Dr. Amery Browne emphasized the gravity of questioning Caricom’s integrity, noting the organization comprises 21 member states established in 1973. He warned that unsubstantiated accusations of narco-alignment represent serious allegations against multiple sovereign nations.

In a conciliatory December 22 Facebook post, Prime Minister Browne struck a diplomatic tone, expressing affection for Trinidadian citizens while extending “season’s greetings” to his counterpart, suggesting ongoing efforts to de-escalate tensions within the regional community.