标签： Trinidad and Tobago

In a significant judicial ruling, High Court Justice Karen Reid has rejected the habeas corpus petition filed on behalf of Kevin Mills, a customs clerk from La Horquetta currently held under a preventative detention order (PDO). The decision, delivered during a January 21 hearing, reinforces the government’s controversial emergency powers amid ongoing security concerns.

Mills was initially detained on December 13, 2025, under a PDO authorized by Homeland Security Minister Roger Alexander. The order alleges Mills’ involvement in facilitating “brazen and well-orchestrated attacks” against civilians and law enforcement personnel. According to police intelligence assessments, Mills and associates from the La Retreat Gang were planning additional shootings and homicides that would constitute a severe threat to public safety.

Legal representative Nestor Dinnoo-Alloy mounted a multifaceted challenge against the detention’s legality. The defense contended that the government failed to publish the PDO notice in the Gazette within the mandated seven-day window stipulated by the Emergency Powers Regulations 2025. Documentation indicated the notice only appeared on December 25—12 days after the order’s issuance—which Dinnoo-Alloy argued rendered the detention unlawful.

Additional arguments highlighted that Mills was already on bail for unrelated ammunition possession charges, questioning the justification for preventive detention under these circumstances. Concerns were also raised regarding the extended duration of Mills’ confinement without formal charges.

Representing the state, Senior Counsel Anand Ramlogan characterized the habeas corpus application as “fundamentally flawed.” Ramlogan asserted that although Gazette publication occurred later than technically required, the PDO had been properly served to Mills within the statutory timeframe, preserving its legal validity. He emphasized that service—not publication—represented the critical legal requirement, noting there was no challenge against the minister’s fundamental authority to issue such orders.

Ramlogan further observed that Mills had already pursued alternative recourse through the Emergency Powers Review Tribunal, with judgment pending just one day prior to the habeas corpus hearing. He additionally contextualized the publication delay within the framework of the Christmas holiday period and existing legal precedents.

Senior Counsel Ian Benjamin, representing the Commissioner of Prisons, aligned with these arguments and described the application as an abuse of judicial process.

Justice Reid’s dismissal continues a pattern of unsuccessful legal challenges against preventive detentions during the ongoing state of emergency. Previous petitions from Isaiah Greenidge and Rajaee Ali were similarly rejected by Justices Devindra Rampersad and Frank Seepersad in October and July 2025 respectively.

The state of emergency remains in effect and is currently scheduled to expire on January 31, unless further extended by government authorities.

In a significant parliamentary development, Independent Senator Michael Simon de la Bastide has called upon the Trinidad and Tobago government to employ persuasive dialogue rather than derogatory language to secure support for the Law Reform (Zones of Special Operations) Bill, 2026. The proposed legislation, which passed the House of Representatives on January 16, is currently under detailed scrutiny in the Senate, where deliberations began on January 20 and are set to continue.

The bill grants Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, in her capacity as National Security Council chair, the authority—following consultations with police and military leadership—to designate specific high-crime regions as Zones of Special Operations (ZOSOs) for periods up to 180 days. The bill requires a three-fifths majority in the Senate, translating to 19 votes. With the government holding 15 seats, the opposition 6, and independent senators 9, the support of the latter group is crucial.

Senator de la Bastide, along with fellow Independent Senator Anthony Vieira, expressed a conditional willingness to back the bill but voiced strong objections to the hostile rhetoric directed at non-aligned senators. De la Bastide emphasized that independent senators are open to constructive pre-debate discussions, potential amendments, and compromises. He criticized the government’s approach of hurling insults and making partisan assumptions, stating that such tactics could deter qualified individuals from accepting future appointments as independent senators.

Both senators acknowledged the necessity of innovative measures to address Trinidad and Tobago’s persistent crime challenges. However, they highlighted concerns about the potential stigmatization of communities labeled as ZOSOs, the risk of normalizing military involvement in civilian policing, and the importance of ensuring that expanded security powers align with constitutional principles and human rights protections.

Vieira underscored that independent senators are constitutionally mandated to ask difficult questions, particularly when legislation involves expanding state authority. He rejected characterizations of their critiques as ‘shallow’ or ‘vapid,’ framing them instead as essential exercises of independent judgment in a healthy democracy.

The ongoing debate reflects deeper tensions regarding governance, legislative process, and the balance between security needs and democratic safeguards in Trinidad and Tobago.

The Trinidadian government has significantly intensified its initiative to resolve longstanding land tenure issues for former employees of the defunct Caroni (1975) Ltd., with a recent distribution event in Couva marking a major milestone in this ongoing effort.

On January 21, Land and Legal Affairs Minister Saddam Hosein presided over the distribution of land leases to 250 beneficiaries at the Dennis P Ramdhan Complex in McBean Village. This event represents the third such distribution ceremony conducted within nine months by the administration led by Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar, who assumed office in April of last year.

Minister Hosein emphasized the administration’s commitment to fulfilling campaign promises, noting that nearly 600 leases have been distributed since taking office—a achievement he contrasted with the previous 22 years of inaction. Despite this progress, Hosein acknowledged that substantial work remains, with approximately 3,000 residential leases and 1,751 agricultural plots still awaiting distribution, alongside necessary remedial land works.

The historical context traces back to 2003 when Caroni (1975) Ltd. was shuttered under a PNM administration. Subsequent legal battles ensued as the state failed to honor voluntary separation packages, culminating in a court ruling that affirmed workers’ entitlement to land leases. The previous administration appealed this decision, but Persad-Bissessar’s government dropped the appeal upon assuming power.

In a related development, Hosein revealed that the government has agreed to a $130 million compensation package for former private sugarcane farmers as final settlement for transition payments following the sugar industry’s 2007 collapse. The payment structure involves three tranches—$27 million, $75 million, and $28 million—with only the first installment paid during the People’s Partnership administration in July 2015.

Hosein further alleged that European Union funds totaling 8 million euros ($63.55 million), intended for worker compensation during the PNM’s tenure, were diverted from their designated purpose. He characterized these actions as both unlawful and unethical during a press conference at the UNC Headquarters.

Public Utilities Minister Barry Padarath, who also addressed attendees, praised Persad-Bissessar’s leadership and commended Hosein’s determined efforts to resolve what he described as a “legacy matter languishing for years under previous administrations.”

Among the recipients was 75-year-old Allan Manichand, a former mechanic with 35 years of service who plans to bequeath the land to relatives, and 69-year-old Roshad Ali, who expressed satisfaction at finally receiving his due entitlement after years of waiting.

In a striking political confrontation, Mickela Panday, prominent opposition figure, has publicly denounced Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar for her vehement criticism of independent senators regarding the contentious Law Reform (Zones of Special Operations) Bill, 2026. The legislative battle centers on a security bill that would empower the Prime Minister, as National Security Council chair, to designate special security zones for up to 180 days in consultation with police and military leadership.

The parliamentary mathematics reveals the government’s challenge: the bill requires 19 votes in the Senate for passage, yet the ruling party controls only 15 seats against the opposition’s 6 and independents’ 9. This arithmetic has intensified the political stakes, prompting Persad-Bissessar’s reported characterization of independent senators as ‘shameless,’ ‘bootlickers,’ and individuals who ‘had no courage to contest any election.’

Panday’s rebuttal presents a constitutional defense of the Senate’s structure, noting that all senators—government, opposition, and independent—hold appointed rather than elected positions. She highlights the constitutional provisions whereby government and opposition senators are appointed by the President on advice of the Prime Minister and Opposition Leader respectively, while nine independents are appointed without consultation with either office.

The critique extends beyond procedural matters to fundamental democratic principles. Panday warns that attacking oversight institutions and treating constitutional roles as obstacles represents the ‘early stages of a creeping dictatorship.’ She challenges the Prime Minister to pursue formal constitutional reform rather than condemn appointment mechanisms while simultaneously relying on them, noting her late father, former Prime Minister Basdeo Panday, long advocated for constitutional modernization.

The Senate debate, which began January 20th and continues through January 23rd, has thus evolved from a legislative discussion into a broader examination of democratic governance and the proper role of appointed officials in a parliamentary system.

The recent electoral triumph of a Tobago-based political party in the Tobago House of Assembly (THA) elections has created a pivotal moment for advancing the island’s long-standing pursuit of genuine internal self-government. This development comes after decades of unfulfilled promises and political maneuvering that have repeatedly raised and dashed the hopes of Tobagonians.

Audley Graham, in a compelling editorial submission, argues that any legitimate legislative arrangement must fundamentally treat the Tobagonian people with fairness, dignity, and respect. This necessitates establishing frameworks that enable Tobago to generate its own revenue, develop critical infrastructure, and exercise substantial control over local resources.

Rather than initiating new legislative drafts, Graham recommends that Chief Secretary Farley Augustine appoint a dedicated secretary for devolution and governance matters. This official should synthesize existing proposals dating back to the Seemungal draft of the 1970s through the most recent bill from the Rowley administration, creating a robust legislative document that reflects Tobago’s aspirations.

The editorial highlights how successive central governments—both PNM and UNC administrations—have consistently demonstrated insufficient political will to facilitate authentic self-government for Tobago. These administrations have typically employed token approaches that disregard the unique intersectional identity of Tobagonians within the unitary state of Trinidad and Tobago.

Graham points to Tobago’s proven governance capabilities, noting that key architects of the nation’s early independence era—including Doddridge Alleyne, Eugenio Moore, Victor Bruce, and ANR Robinson—hailed from Tobago. The current practice of delaying tactics, such as appointing joint select committees under the guise of bipartisan cooperation, only serves the self-interest and neo-colonial ambitions of Trinidad-based parties.

The prolonged denial of Tobago’s self-determination aspirations not only harms Tobagonians economically and psychologically but also weakens the nation’s overall economic potential. Graham warns that continued delays risk hardening the resolve of minority elements who might advocate for secession—an outcome beneficial to no party, least of all Tobago itself.

With the people of Tobago having clearly expressed their political will through the ballot box, the editorial concludes that their democratic voice must now be respected through concrete action toward meaningful self-governance.