标签: Suriname

苏里南

  • Twintig personen geëerd met Maroon Legacy-Wi Rutu Award

    Twintig personen geëerd met Maroon Legacy-Wi Rutu Award

    Suriname’s Department of Regional Development has celebrated the contributions of Maroon communities to national society by honoring 20 outstanding individuals of Maroon descent with the inaugural Maroon Legacy-Wi Rutu Award. The recognition ceremony marked the conclusion of a series of events held for Maroon Legacy Month, a new national commemorative initiative launched earlier in October.

    The award program spotlights individuals who have demonstrated long-term commitment to advancing Maroon communities and broader Surinamese society across a diverse range of sectors. Honorees work in fields spanning music, visual arts, cultural preservation, mining, fashion and beauty, education, governance, and law. Among the distinguished recipients is former Surinamese vice president and prominent public figure Ronnie Brunswijk, who was unable to attend the award ceremony held on the final day of the accompanying Maroon Trade Fair. Assembly member Ronny Asabina, who received an award for his own contributions to the community, accepted Brunswijk’s honor on his behalf, confirming he will deliver the award personally during a scheduled meeting with Brunswijk the same day.

    Leo Atomang, chair of the Stichting 10 oktober 1760 foundation, was the first honoree to receive his award during the public ceremony. Not all 20 recipients were able to attend the event in person. Leading Surinamese visual artist Marcel Pinas, popular musician Prince Koloni, and academic Ine Apapoe were among those absent. Apapoe made history in September 2026 as the first Surinamese scholar appointed to the prestigious Prince Claus Chair in Equality and Development at Utrecht University in the Netherlands, where her research focuses on inclusive governance and tribal community rights.

    The commemorative Maroon Legacy Month was officially launched by the Department of Regional Development on a Friday earlier in October at the Congress Hall in Paramaribo. Following the launch, a two-day Maroon Trade Fair was organized at Roelie’s Event Venue in Wanica District, giving Maroon entrepreneurs and artisans a platform to showcase, promote, and sell their handcrafted goods, local products, and professional services to attendees. Event organizers reported strong sales throughout the fair, marking the event as a commercial and cultural success for participating community members.

    The Maroon people of Suriname are descendants of enslaved West Africans who escaped colonial plantations starting in the 17th century, establishing independent communities in the country’s interior. The creation of Maroon Legacy Month and the Maroon Legacy-Wi Rutu Award marks a growing formal recognition of the Maroon community’s unique cultural heritage and decades of contributions to national social, economic, and political development in Suriname.

  • Regering wil zich beter wapenen tegen olie-incidenten

    Regering wil zich beter wapenen tegen olie-incidenten

    Suriname’s government has outlined a series of policy priorities for its growing offshore oil and gas sector, centered on upgrading disaster preparedness for potential oil spill incidents and tightening environmental safeguards in its 2027 national financial plan.

    Released on October 5, the plan lays out the government’s broader agenda for the upcoming year, overseen by the country’s Ministry of Oil, Gas and Environment. This government body carries dual responsibilities: regulating and monitoring the nation’s oil and gas extraction activities, while also leading work on environmental protection, climate action and sustainable development.

    A top priority flagged in the document is strengthening readiness to respond to unexpected oil-related incidents, as the country continues to expand its offshore oil development. To support this goal, the government plans to boost institutional capacity across the sector and upskill workers in both the oil and gas industry and environmental management agencies, building a more robust foundation to handle the rapid growth of offshore projects. Beyond disaster preparedness, the plan mandates tighter safety, environmental and quality standards for the sector, alongside more rigorous regulatory oversight to enforce these rules.

    However, the fiscal plan does not include key details about the disaster preparedness initiative: it does not outline specific measures to be implemented, disclose the total budget allocated to the program, or clarify the division of response responsibilities across government agencies in the event of a major incident.
    Alongside advancing oil sector development, the government is also pushing to speed up Suriname’s energy transition. The plan allocates resources to new research into renewable energy sources, and sets a goal of expanding international partnerships and attracting foreign investment to support both energy transition and sustainable resource development.

    On the environmental front, the plan lays out core priorities including sustainable management of chemicals, water resources and industrial waste, climate change mitigation, and biodiversity conservation. It also includes provisions for the rehabilitation of ecosystems degraded by past industrial activity. Through clearer regulatory standards and stricter enforcement of environmental rules, the government says it aims to preserve and strengthen Suriname’s standing as a High Forest Low Deforestation nation, protecting its vast intact forest ecosystems while developing its natural resource reserves.

  • Brazilië naar tweede ronde: Bolsonaro troeft Lula af

    Brazilië naar tweede ronde: Bolsonaro troeft Lula af

    Brazil’s 2026 presidential election has advanced to a decisive second round scheduled for October 25, after a stunning first-round outcome that upended pre-election polling expectations and set the stage for a high-stakes ideological clash between Latin America’s largest economy’s left and right factions.

    Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, 45-year-old political heir to imprisoned former president Jair Bolsonaro, finished first in Sunday’s first round of voting, beating sitting President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva but falling well short of the absolute majority required to win outright. With 99% of ballot boxes counted, Brazil’s Superior Electoral Tribunal (TSE) recorded Flávio Bolsonaro capturing roughly 47.2% of valid votes, equal to around 55.9 million total votes, while Lula followed closely with 45% of valid votes, or 53.4 million. Final results are expected to shift only marginally as the final ballots are tallied, and TSE has formally confirmed that no candidate secured an absolute win, triggering the three-week campaign period leading to the runoff.

    The result marked a major upset for pre-election forecasts, which had consistently placed Lula ahead of Flávio Bolsonaro by a margin of around three percentage points. In the early hours of vote counting, Flávio Bolsonaro even briefly neared and surpassed the 50% threshold needed for an outright win, but his lead shrank dramatically as more ballots from Lula’s stronghold regions were added to the tally.

    For Flávio Bolsonaro, the first-round finish represents a critical breakthrough for the Bolsonaro political dynasty. Handpicked by his father as the family’s leading political successor, Flávio successfully unified the fragmented Brazilian right-wing electorate behind his campaign, outperforming a slate of rival right-wing candidates who attempted to position themselves as centrist alternatives to both Lula and the Bolsonaro movement. The Bolsonaro family name remains a powerful mobilizing force for Brazilian conservatives, and Flávio’s result far outstripped the expectations set by final pre-election polls.

    Flávio Bolsonaro campaigned on a platform centered on public security, accelerated economic growth, and a hardline crackdown on organized criminal groups, which he has called for designating as terrorist organizations. He has also explicitly positioned himself as a pro-Washington candidate, emphasizing the need for stronger economic and strategic strategic agreements with the Trump administration in the United States, highlighting Brazil’s central role in global markets for critical and rare minerals. A core campaign promise for Flávio has also been to politically rehabilitate his father and clear a path for his return to Brazilian politics. Jair Bolsonaro is currently serving a 27-year prison sentence following his conviction for orchestrating an attempted coup to overturn the result of the 2022 presidential election.

    For 80-year-old Lula, who is running for a fourth non-consecutive presidential term in what is his seventh national presidential campaign, the close result confirms his status as one of the most influential political figures in modern Brazilian history, but also exposes weaknesses in his incumbent support. Lula’s campaign has centered on his popular social welfare legacy, particularly the Bolsa Família anti-poverty program, and his argument that Brazil must maintain an independent foreign policy free from U.S. influence. His administration has however faced sustained criticism over persistently high cost of living, rising violent crime, ballooning public debt, and new corruption controversies that have eroded his support among undecided voters.

    The narrow gap between the two top candidates makes the October 25 runoff one of the most unpredictable national elections in recent Brazilian history. Both candidates will now spend the next three weeks courting supporters of the minor first-round candidates, who collectively captured a substantial share of the electorate. None of the minor candidates, including psychiatrist and writer Augusto Cury, center-right candidate Renan Santos, former Goiás governor Ronaldo Caiado, and miner entrepreneur Romeu Zema, came close to challenging the two frontrunners. The support of moderate right-wing voters, particularly those who backed Caiado, is expected to be decisive. Caiado has already announced he will hold internal consultations with his party leadership before endorsing either candidate, leaving his base in play for both campaigns.

    Beyond the ideological divide between left and right, the election is being shaped by two core pocketbook and security issues that dominate Brazilian voters’ concerns. Organized crime and violent crime top the list of voter priorities: Flávio has positioned himself as the candidate of hardline security crackdowns, while Lula has advocated for a broader approach that combines social investment with state-led crime reduction. On the economic front, while some macroeconomic indicators have improved under Lula’s current term, millions of Brazilian households still struggle with high inflation, household debt, and economic uncertainty. Public debt and modest growth projections also remain major challenges that will face the next administration regardless of the outcome.

    Foreign interference has also emerged as a highly charged campaign issue. The Lula administration has repeatedly warned against U.S. meddling in Brazil’s election process, after the Trump administration openly endorsed Jair and Flávio Bolsonaro, imposed trade measures and sanctions on Brazilian officials that strained bilateral relations, and refused to accept Jair Bolsonaro’s 2022 conviction. The United States has repeatedly denied any claims of interference in the election. Brazilian security officials shared intelligence about suspected foreign interference attempts with global partners ahead of Sunday’s vote, but TSE and international election observers from the Organization of American States have confirmed that voting proceeded in an orderly, secure manner, with no concrete evidence of manipulation of the electronic voting system. This confirmation is particularly significant following the 2022 election, when Jair Bolsonaro repeatedly spread baseless claims that undermined public trust in Brazil’s electronic voting infrastructure. TSE’s voting system, which publishes precinct-level results for public verification, operated smoothly and quickly throughout the counting process, observers confirmed.

    Sunday’s vote was not limited to the presidency: 159 million eligible Brazilian voters also cast ballots for state governors, all 513 members of the Chamber of Deputies, two-thirds of the 81-seat Senate, and state legislative assemblies. The composition of the next Congress will play a critical role in the next president’s ability to pass policy, as a president without a parliamentary majority will be forced to negotiate with non-aligned, pragmatic parties to advance legislation. Analysts note that a strong right-wing showing in Congress would give Flávio Bolsonaro far more room to implement his economic and security policy agenda if he wins the runoff.

    The election outcome is being closely watched by global powers, as Brazil’s geopolitical and economic position carries major global ramifications. As Latin America’s largest economy and a key member of the BRICS bloc, a major global commodity exporter, and a central player in climate change and global trade negotiations, Brazil’s foreign policy shift could reshape regional and global power dynamics. Under Lula, Brazil has deepened its economic and diplomatic ties with China, while Flávio Bolsonaro has openly advocated for a closer alignment with Washington. A Flávio Bolsonaro victory would likely shift Brazil’s foreign policy toward the United States, while a Lula re-election would cement Brazil’s course of an independent foreign policy that prioritizes ties with China and other non-Western powers.

    The first round result makes clear that the runoff will be a direct referendum on two vastly different visions for Brazil’s future: Lula’s progressive social agenda and sovereign foreign policy against the Bolsonaro family’s conservative nationalist project. With neither candidate able to secure an outright win, the election will ultimately be decided by which candidate can win over the majority of voters who supported minor candidates in the first round. After an upset first round that defied all expectations, Brazil’s political future remains far from certain as the nation heads into three weeks of intense campaigning ahead of the October 25 decision.

  • Column: Twee woorden, meer niet 2.0

    Column: Twee woorden, meer niet 2.0

    On an ordinary October evening, a personal reflection took an unexpected turn that would reshape how I understand human connection. I had just finished drafting a short column about the power of care, and sent copies to two friends: one living in Sri Lanka, who once shared photos of Badulla’s temples with me years ago, and another who I met during a media project in Beijing, now based in Afghanistan. For years, we have stayed in touch, and I have often tried to encourage him to keep going amid the constant uncertainty and instability that defines life in his home country. I only expected a quick note of approval, maybe a simple “well written” or a thumbs-up in reply. What I received instead was a reflection that has stayed with me every day since.

    In his message, he told me he had been reading my column while watching a documentary exploring the relationship between humans and the natural world. One segment of the film stuck with him: a new rehabilitation program that gives prisoners the responsibility of caring for vulnerable living creatures, from small animals to reptiles like turtles. The rules of the program are simple: inmates spend time with the animals, tend to their needs, and build a quiet, low-stakes bond with another living being. The results of the program were staggering: the documentary reported that incidents of violent clashes between inmates had dropped dramatically since the initiative launched. My friend was not surprised by this outcome. He connected the story of the prison program to one of the longest-running scientific studies in modern history, the Harvard Study of Adult Development, which launched back in 1938.

    After nearly 90 years of ongoing research tracking participants across generations, the study reached a clear, profound conclusion: happiness is the foundational key to long-term health, and caring for other people is the foundational key to lasting happiness. Study participants who prioritized looking after the people they loved consistently scored the highest on measures of happiness and life satisfaction, far outperforming peers who prioritized wealth, fame or career success. He closed his note by writing, “Your big heart is a clear example of that. and thanks for sharing this.”

    I read his message over and over again. What touched me most deeply was not the kind compliment, but the quiet image of the prisoner stroking a turtle. There was nothing dramatic about the act: just a human being taking a few minutes to care for a small, vulnerable creature that asks for nothing in return. Violence in the prison did not drop because harsher punishments were introduced, or because new restrictive rules were put in place. It dropped because inmates had something outside of themselves to care for.

    This image brought me back to the core idea I had written about in my original column: care begins with truly seeing another person, and the next step is sharing that care, whether through a text message, a handwritten note, an unspoken prayer, or a small gesture that takes only a minute of effort. My friend demonstrated this truth perfectly in practice. Living in Afghanistan, where showing care for people outside your immediate circle is not a given, and where sharing personal thoughts can even put you at risk, he still took the time to watch a documentary, see the connection to my work, and share that insight with me. He did it not because he had to, but because he understands that love only becomes real when it is shared.

    Out of curiosity, I looked up the Harvard Study of Adult Development for myself, not because I doubted my friend’s words, but because I wanted to understand the full scope of the research. In 1938, researchers in Boston launched the study by recruiting a cohort of young men, then tracked their lives decade after decade, eventually following their spouses and children as well. For generations of researchers, the core questions remained the same: Who do you share your life with? Who do you care for? What makes you feel whole? Time and time again, the answer that rose to the top was not fame, not wealth, not professional success. It was connection. People who consistently cared for others lived longer, had better physical and mental health, and reported far higher levels of happiness than their peers. This is not because caring for others is a “good deed” that gets rewarded; it is because the act of caring itself sustains you.

    This reflection made me think of all the people I keep in touch with, even those who live thousands of miles away, even those who often go weeks without replying to my messages. I do not focus on the things I leave undone; I focus on the small things I keep doing: sending that text even when it feels inconvenient, saying that silent prayer even when I do not know if it will reach the person it is for. Caring feels like spreading a warm blanket out for someone, even if they do not pick it up right away. Sharing is something I keep doing, even if an answer never comes. When my friend writes that my big heart is an example of this principle, I do not know if I can claim that. But I know he means it, and that those words carry far more weight coming from a place where simple gestures of connection are not a given.

    I cannot stop thinking about that turtle in the prison. It is just an animal that exists, asks for nothing, demands nothing. But giving an inmate the chance to care for it changes everything. For a person who may have spent years only thinking of their own survival, only focused on getting through the day without falling apart, suddenly having something outside of themselves to care for shifts everything. And as a result, violence goes down. If this simple approach can work inside the walls of a prison, why can it not work in a neighborhood? In a family? Across an entire divided country?

    I think of my friend in Sri Lanka sending me photos of a Badulla temple. I think of my friend in Afghanistan sharing the story of the turtle. I think of all the people I miss, who I keep texting even when replies never come. All of them show me that another way of living is possible. One sends a photo of a temple. The other sends a story about a turtle. Both are saying the same thing: I thought of you. I wanted to share this with you. I did it not because I had to, but because I could. And that is enough. Two small thoughts, that is all it takes.

    I will never know if the prisoner who strokes that turtle will ever find out that his small gesture traveled through a documentary, through a message from Afghanistan, through a column in Suriname, to land with me. He almost certainly never will. But that does not matter. Some things do not need to be known. You only need to keep doing the small good that is in front of you: spread the blanket, send the text, stroke the turtle.

  • Jogi achter Noersalim: ‘Rijstsector belangrijker dan politiek belang’

    Jogi achter Noersalim: ‘Rijstsector belangrijker dan politiek belang’

    A political controversy over a contested shipment of rice imported from Guyana has rocked Suriname’s agricultural sector, with ruling party parliamentarian Mahinder Jogi publicly standing firm in support of Agriculture, Livestock and Fisheries Minister Mike Noersalim’s handling of the case.

    The dispute centers on a shipment imported by local rice processor B. Ramadhin, a company that has been publicly linked to Jogi’s party, the VHP. But Jogi, in an interview with local outlet Starnieuws, emphasized that these political connections should have zero bearing on how the investigation and regulatory process moves forward. “This is not a partisan political issue. This is about the future of the entire rice sector, which is foundational to our country’s economy and livelihoods,” he stated.

    Jogi’s comments come amid growing public speculation that high-ranking government officials have attempted to exert political pressure to force the release of the disputed shipment, after Minister Noersalim confirmed that the required import protocols were not properly followed, and that he would not back down from enforcing regulatory rules. Jogi explicitly praised the minister for refusing outside interference, noting “I am glad the minister has made clear that no one should pressure him to cut corners. I only hope that no improper influence manages to sway the final outcome.”

    Highlighting the stakes of the dispute, Jogi warned that putting private or political interests ahead of the thousands of Surinamese rice farmers who depend on a stable, fair local market would carry irreversible long-term consequences. “Generations of Surinamese families have invested their lives, their work, and all their resources into this sector. If we make the wrong choice here, all of that blood, sweat, and entrepreneurship could be lost,” he said. Jogi added that the government has a core responsibility to prioritize the collective good of the sector over the commercial interests of one or two connected operators.

    To resolve the dispute transparently and prevent future legal challenges, Jogi called for a coordinated multi-agency response, rather than leaving the issue solely with the Ministry of Agriculture. He proposed that the Ministry of Finance, Planning and Economic Affairs also participate in the investigation, with involvement from justice and law enforcement authorities if necessary. Jogi also stressed that the case must follow full due legal process from the start to avoid future court orders that would force the release of the shipment after the fact.

    Beyond the import controversy, Jogi also addressed ongoing market conditions for local rice farmers, noting that current increases in farmgate paddy prices represent a long-overdue win for producers. As of October 2024, farmers are receiving more than 700 Surinamese dollars per bale of wet paddy, a sharp jump from the 400 to 500 Surinamese dollars per bale that farmers were forced to accept in previous growing seasons.

    The higher price point finally delivers some financial relief for farmers who have operated under strained conditions for years, Jogi explained, making it all the more critical to protect this progress from being undermined by unregulated cheap imports. He warned that allowing underpriced foreign rice to enter the local market would push down local paddy prices and erode the recent gains farmers have made, calling this outcome a serious threat to the entire sector.

    In closing, Jogi emphasized that any policy decision around rice imports cannot only center the commercial interests of importers and processors. Farmers, he said, are an essential link in the rice supply chain, and policy must guarantee they can earn enough to cover their production costs and sustain their operations long-term.

  • Regering wil US$ 30 miljoen lenen voor aanpak afvalprobleem

    Regering wil US$ 30 miljoen lenen voor aanpak afvalprobleem

    Suriname’s government is advancing plans to secure a $30 million foreign loan from France’s development agency for nationwide waste management upgrades in 2027, while openly acknowledging that the country’s primary landfill, Ornamibo, fails to meet basic international industry standards. The proposed project includes major rehabilitation work on the existing Ornamibo site and development of a new, internationally certified landfill to address the country’s growing waste crisis.

    The proposed financing comes from the Agence Française de Développement (AFD), France’s official development agency. According to Suriname’s national state debt planning documents, the loan is still in the early application phase, and no final agreement has been signed between the two parties. The country’s annual Financial Year Plan outlines the urgent need for systemic waste management reform, citing demographic and economic data showing that waste generation has risen steadily across the country.

    Data included in the plan shows that between 2019 and 2025, the average resident of Suriname generated approximately one kilogram of municipal solid waste per day. The Ornamibo landfill currently receives around 200,000 cubic meters of waste annually, and the plan projects this volume will continue to grow as urbanization accelerates, the national population expands, and consumer spending rises. Ornamibo currently processes all household and commercial waste from four Surinamese districts: Paramaribo, Wanica, Commewijne and Para. A second smaller landfill serves the Nickerie district to meet local waste disposal needs.

    Beyond the confirmed failure of Ornamibo to meet minimum international operational standards, government planners also note additional risks from the site’s location directly adjacent to the Paramaribo River, raising concerns about potential leaching of contaminants into local water supplies. For 2027, the Ministry of Public Works and Spatial Planning has identified comprehensive waste management reform as a top policy priority. While rehabilitation of Ornamibo and construction of a new certified landfill are confirmed as core project components, the official Financial Year Plan does not yet include a concrete timeline, final site selection, or detailed implementation budget for the new facility.

    Official government documents do not explicitly confirm that the full $30 million AFD loan will be allocated exclusively to the Ornamibo upgrades and new landfill development. The state debt plan only lists the broad purpose of the funding as “waste management,” meaning no definitive commitments on specific allocation breakdowns have been finalized at this stage.

  • SLM stapt over op Boeing 777 voor vluchten naar Amsterdam

    SLM stapt over op Boeing 777 voor vluchten naar Amsterdam

    Starting October 4, Surinam Airways (SLM) has launched a new era of operations on its key Paramaribo-Amsterdam route, transitioning its service to a new strategic partnership with U.S.-based Eastern Airlines. This shift brings an end to the carrier’s nearly two-year collaboration with Universal Sky Carrier (USC), which wrapped up formally on October 2.

    The most notable change brought by the new partnership is the replacement of the four-engine Airbus A340-600 that previously served the mid-Atlantic route with a twin-engine Boeing 777-200ER. SLM expects this aircraft swap to deliver significant reductions in fuel consumption and other ongoing operational expenses, making the transatlantic connection far more cost-efficient and operationally sustainable for the airline.

    SLM and Eastern Airlines have entered into a two-year damp lease agreement for the route, a structure that divides operational responsibilities between the two carriers. Under the terms of the deal, Eastern Airlines provides the aircraft, all cockpit crew, and full technical maintenance for the jet. Cabin crew are drawn from both Eastern Airlines and SLM, with a group of SLM cabin staff already completing specialized training from Eastern Airlines to ensure they can integrate seamlessly into operations and maintain consistent service standards for passengers.

    The Boeing 777-200ER currently in service is designated as a temporary bridging aircraft, per SLM’s announcements. Starting in December 2024, a new Boeing 777-200ER from Eastern Airlines will be deployed on the route, fully repainted in SLM’s signature livery to match the carrier’s branding. The jet is configured with two cabins: business class and economy class, matching the service layout offered on the previous aircraft.

    SLM officials emphasized that the new partnership is designed to bring greater operational stability and cost effectiveness to the critical air link between Suriname and the Netherlands, one of the airline’s most important international routes. In a statement accompanying the launch of the new service, the carrier also extended its gratitude to USC for the close collaboration over the past 22 months, acknowledging the partnership’s role in maintaining the route during that period.

  • ‘Betrouwbare elektriciteit vraagt om meer dan nieuwe centrales’

    ‘Betrouwbare elektriciteit vraagt om meer dan nieuwe centrales’

    For months, energy sector analysts in Suriname have pushed for expanding electricity generation capacity across the country’s national EPAR grid, backing proposals including a new thermal power station in Bruynzeel and large-scale solar energy paired with battery energy storage systems (BESS). While these capital investments are widely recognized as critical to meeting growing domestic power demand, one veteran industry expert argues that new generation alone will not solve the country’s persistent blackout crisis.

    Samuel Mehairjan, a master’s-qualified electrical power engineer with 38 years of experience across generation, transmission, distribution and system management in the power sector, warns that even with new power plants and solar parks connected to the grid, EPAR will remain vulnerable to rotational loadshedding without three core upgrades: centralized grid management, adequate operating reserves, and a skilled, supported workforce. As more distributed generation sources come online, the need for coordinated real-time grid control becomes ever more urgent, Mehairjan explains.

    Power demand fluctuates continuously throughout the day, solar output varies with weather conditions, and generators can fail unexpectedly at any time. For this reason, state utility NV EBS needs constant, real-time visibility into three key metrics: current grid load, available generation capacity, and the volume of fast-acting reserves that can be deployed within milliseconds to offset unexpected shifts. To address this gap, Mehairjan is calling on NV EBS to urgently launch a feasibility study for a modern central Load Dispatch and Coordination Center.

    Existing SCADA systems and generator control infrastructure already in place across EPAR provide a solid foundation for this upgrade, Mehairjan notes. Adding a dedicated energy management system would leverage real-time data and demand forecasts to support grid operators in deploying generation resources more effectively. Commercial platforms such as Wärtsilä’s GEMS and ETAP’s Power Plant Controllers (EPPC) serve as proven examples of this technology, with individual plant and substation controllers designed to communicate seamlessly with the central grid management system.

    This project is far more than just a software purchase, Mehairjan emphasizes. NV EBS also needs to formalize clear operational protocols: defining authority for controlling individual power plants, mandating minimum reserve requirements that must be maintained at all times, and outlining contingency plans for communication or equipment outages. While accurate demand forecasts help plan for hours and days ahead, real-time grid data is the only reliable guide for moment-to-moment operations. When implemented correctly, this coordinated system also allows for more cost-efficient deployment of generation capacity without compromising supply reliability.

    Critics often blame rising consumer demand for frequent blackouts, but Mehairjan argues that it is NV EBS’s core responsibility to forecast demand, plan for adequate generation and reserves, and clearly communicate to the public when loadshedding cannot be avoided. With improved data measurement, forecasting and planning, the utility can pinpoint root causes of outages and address them systematically. The end goal, Mehairjan says, should be to fully eliminate loadshedding from Suriname’s energy system, rather than accepting it as an unavoidable condition dependent on individual decision-making.

    Battery energy storage systems (BESS) have a major role to play in supporting this transition, Mehairjan confirms. When sudden shifts in demand or generation occur, purpose-built batteries can quickly inject or absorb power to stabilize the grid, supporting frequency and voltage regulation while buying time to bring additional generation resources online. However, he cautions that batteries are not a silver bullet: they cannot prevent every outage and do not solve structural gaps in overall generation capacity.

    As an example, a 50 MW/100 MWh BESS can deliver full power for roughly two hours, and whether this sizing is appropriate for EPAR can only be determined through a full technical and economic grid study. Preliminary cost estimates of $8 million for grid control infrastructure and $75–80 million for a 50 MW/100 MWh BESS should only be treated as rough benchmarks, Mehairjan says. A reliable cost projection requires a full detailed project plan that accounts for grid connection, safety systems, construction, maintenance, staff training and all other related costs. Districts such as Nickerie will also require separate assessments to determine their unique control and storage needs.

    Above all other infrastructure investments, the most critical investment Suriname can make is in its energy workforce, Mehairjan argues. Grid operators, technicians and engineers require comprehensive ongoing training, regular practice with emergency outage scenarios, and access to clear protocols, high-quality tools and spare parts. Policymakers and utility leadership must listen to the technical insights frontline workers provide, ensure safe working conditions, adequate staffing, fair compensation and clear pathways for professional growth. Even the most advanced power plant cannot deliver the reliable power Suriname needs without skilled workers who feel valued in their roles, Mehairjan stresses, adding that political actors should not drive competent, trusted workers out of the energy system.

    NV EBS leadership also carries clear responsibility for this transformation. As a public utility providing an essential 24/7 service, the company requires leaders who understand the technical implications of their decisions, plan proactively for long-term needs, and give technical professionals the autonomy they need to do their work effectively. Regular consultation with generation providers including Staatsolie, frontline workers and their representative bodies is essential to align plans for new capacity, scheduled maintenance and projected demand well in advance.

    Mehairjan’s closing call to action is clear: Suriname must expand generation capacity while simultaneously modernizing EPAR’s grid control and operational management. He urges NV EBS to take centralized leadership of the project, starting immediately with a comprehensive grid study and a concrete implementation plan. Only through this integrated approach can new capital investments deliver the predictable, reliable electricity supply that Suriname’s population and economy need.

  • Meer grasbranden terwijl brandweer kampt met tekort aan materieel

    Meer grasbranden terwijl brandweer kampt met tekort aan materieel

    A growing public safety crisis is unfolding in Suriname, where the national fire service is confronting an unprecedented spike in wildgrass fires just as a significant share of its critical firefighting equipment remains out of service due to mechanical failures. With overlapping fire emergencies becoming increasingly common, officials have implemented a new triage protocol that prioritizes structure fires and incidents threatening human life over uncontained grass blazes. Minister of Justice and Safety Harish Monorath is issuing an urgent warning that extreme caution with open flames is non-negotiable through the coming months of October and November, when fire risk will remain at elevated levels.

    According to official statements from the Ministry of Justice and Safety, persistent unseasonal heat, intense direct solar radiation, and prolonged drought conditions have created a tinder-dry landscape that increases both the likelihood of ignition and the speed at which fires can spread. Officials specifically cite the ongoing El Niño weather phenomenon as a key driver of these abnormal drought and heat conditions. In recent weeks, the number of reported grass fires has jumped sharply, with multiple incidents spreading rapidly from open vegetation to residential homes and other built structures, forcing firefighters to respond to multiple large blazes simultaneously across affected regions.

    Compounding the challenge of the rising fire risk, the fire service’s operational capacity is already stretched to breaking point. Both staffing and equipment are in limited supply, with a number of core firefighting trucks currently non-operational due to unrepaired defects. Ministry officials confirmed they have now allocated emergency funding to repair salvageable vehicles, with replacement parts set to be sourced from international suppliers. Longer-term, the government is also moving forward with plans to expand the fire service’s fleet with additional new firefighting vehicles. However, the official announcement did not disclose how many vehicles are currently out of service, nor how many new units will be purchased to address the gap.

    Under the new prioritization framework rolled out to manage overlapping incidents, fire response teams are required to triage calls based on immediate risk to life and property. Structure fires and incidents where human life is endangered will always be dispatched to first before grass fire responses. Even with this policy in place, ministry officials stress that grass fires remain an inherently major hazard: under dry, windy conditions, flames can expand across hundreds of acres in mere hours, putting entire communities at risk.

    One community is facing particular scrutiny from officials: Ornamibo, which has already seen multiple major grass fires break out in a short span of time. The Ministry of Justice and Safety is now partnering with the Ministry of Public Works, Spatial Planning and Public Green Space to develop targeted long-term measures to reduce fire risk in the area.

    In a public appeal, the government is urgently urging local communities to refrain from burning waste, clippings, or any other combustible material in open air through October and November. Officials also advise residents against storing flammable vegetation and materials in close proximity to homes and other buildings, to reduce the risk of accidental spread.

    Minister Monorath closed his statement by expressing public appreciation for the nation’s firefighters, noting that personnel continue to carry out their daily duties faithfully despite limited resources and extreme, sustained work pressure. He emphasized that preventing catastrophic fire events is not solely the responsibility of emergency services – it requires shared action and caution from every member of society.

  • Brazilië op scherp; Lula of Bolsonaro

    Brazilië op scherp; Lula of Bolsonaro

    On October 4, Brazilian voters head to the polls for an election that carries stakes far beyond just naming the country’s next president for the coming four-year term. What is unfolding in the world’s fifth-largest democracy is nothing less than a showdown over the future of its democratic institutions, national trajectory and competing interpretations of its recent history, with a razor-tight contest that almost all analysts predict will require a second runoff round.

    Brazil enters one of its most consequential national elections in decades at a moment of deep political polarization, mixed economic signals and renewed national debate over the rule of law. Alongside the presidency, voters will also select an entirely new National Congress, shaping the balance of power in Brasilia for the next administration regardless of who takes the top job.

    The two frontrunners represent starkly opposing ideological and political camps. On the left is incumbent President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, 80, leader of the Workers’ Party (PT), who is seeking an unprecedented fourth non-consecutive term. Challenging him is Senator Flávio Bolsonaro, 45, the eldest son of former far-right President Jair Bolsonaro and the candidate of the right-wing Liberal Party, running to carry forward his father’s political legacy.

    The ideological divide between the two candidates was on full display during final campaign rallies over the weekend. Lula drew an estimated 150,000 supporters to a gathering in São Paulo, framing the election as a clear choice between upholding democratic governance and what he described as a return to authoritarian barbarism. Flávio Bolsonaro, meanwhile, held a motorcade campaign through Rio de Janeiro, striking a confident tone that he could secure an outright victory in the first round.

    Polling, however, points overwhelmingly to a second round, scheduled for October 25. Under Brazilian electoral rules, a candidate must win a majority of valid votes to claim victory in the first round; if no candidate hits that threshold, the top two contenders advance to a runoff. The latest polling data shows Lula holding a narrow lead in the first round, but not enough to cross the 50% majority threshold. A recent Datafolha poll puts Lula at 45% of valid votes, with Flávio Bolsonaro close behind at 40%. In a simulated runoff, the gap shrinks to just three points – 48% for Lula, 45% for Flávio Bolsonaro – within the poll’s margin of error, and a significant share of voters still report they may change their preference before voting closes. That makes the final outcome highly unpredictable, even heading into election day.

    For Lula, the 2026 election is as much a defense of his political legacy as it is a campaign for a new term. He first served as president from 2003 to 2010, and returned to the Planalto Palace in 2023 after narrowly defeating Jair Bolsonaro in the 2022 election, making his career almost synonymous with the modern history of Brazil’s left-wing movement. Lula’s campaign points to falling poverty rates, near-historic low unemployment and steady economic growth during his third term, with independent analysis showing extreme poverty dropping sharply between 2022 and 2024.

    Still, Lula’s economic record is not uniformly positive. For many ordinary Brazilians, daily cost-of-living remains a persistent strain. A recent Quaest survey found that a large share of the population believes wage gains have not kept pace with rising living costs, while inflation, public debt and a wide budget deficit remain key political vulnerabilities for the incumbent. This mismatch between solid macroeconomic indicators and household financial stress is one of the biggest challenges Lula’s campaign has had to address. To counter this, Lula has added a second core message: Brazil must chart its own independent course, rather than letting Washington dictate its domestic and foreign policy.

    For Flávio Bolsonaro, the candidacy is about more than winning the presidency – it is a mission to preserve and advance the far-right political movement his father built. Jair Bolsonaro was convicted over his role in the 2022 attempted coup to overturn his election loss to Lula, turning the former president into a polarizing symbol of the battle between his movement and Brazil’s judiciary. Flávio has positioned himself explicitly as the heir to that movement, defending his father as a victim of political persecution and pledging a fierce crackdown on violent crime – a strategy designed to exploit one of Lula’s key weak points with voters.

    Issue polling bears out this contrast: a recent Quaest survey found that 31% of voters rank violent crime as their top concern, followed by corruption at 20% and the economy at 19%. Voters consistently rate Flávio Bolsonaro more favorably than Lula on crime, corruption and inflation, while Lula holds clear advantages on poverty reduction, inequality, healthcare and foreign policy. Flávio’s campaign has leaned into this simple framing: Lula represents the corrupt, elitist status quo, while Bolsonaro represents real change for working Brazilians.

    Flávio is not without his own political baggage, however. A wide-ranging corruption investigation involving disgraced fallen banker Daniel Vorcaro has ensnared politicians, business leaders and institutions across the political spectrum, and Flávio has been drawn in over financial ties connected to a documentary about his father, *Dark Horse*. The scandal has also spilled over to Brazil’s Supreme Court, with influential justice Alexandre de Moraes – who led the legal cases against Jair Bolsonaro – facing growing political scrutiny over his own connections to the case.

    For Flávio, this works to his political advantage: it lets him amplify his narrative that his family is being persecuted by biased, corrupt institutions that already target conservatives. The scandal does not break cleanly along left-right lines, though: associates of Lula also had ties to Vorcaro, making it impossible to frame as a simple case of right versus wrong.

    What makes this election most unusual is the outsized influence of a candidate who is not even on the ballot: Jair Bolsonaro. The former president remains the undisputed symbolic center of Brazil’s far right, and Flávio’s entire campaign centers on framing his father as a political martyr for the movement. Jair Bolsonaro’s conviction itself is a core flashpoint in the election: for Lula and his supporters, it proves that Brazil’s democratic institutions are strong enough to withstand anti-democratic attacks, while for Bolsonaro loyalists, it is proof the judiciary has become irredeemably politicized. A Flávio victory would immediately raise urgent questions about whether the new administration would move to overturn Jair Bolsonaro’s conviction and reshape the Brazilian justice system.

    A second non-candidate looms large over the election as well: former U.S. President Donald Trump. The question of U.S.-Brazil relations has become an increasingly central campaign issue, after Trump publicly harshly criticized the conviction of Jair Bolsonaro and the U.S. has applied growing diplomatic pressure on Brazil. In recent days, the issue has escalated dramatically: the Brazilian government is investigating allegations of foreign interference in the election, following reports of U.S. financial support to groups and initiatives opposing the Lula administration and Brazilian judiciary. Brazil’s attorney general has warned that foreign meddling in the country’s democratic institutions will not be tolerated, and the temporary suspension of some U.S. consular services in Brazil has sparked further political backlash. Lula’s campaign has asked Brazil’s electoral tribunal to include these developments in its ongoing investigation into foreign interference.

    This escalation means the election carries global as well as domestic stakes. A Lula victory would almost certainly see Brazil continue its current policy of diplomatic independence from Washington, while a Flávio Bolsonaro win would likely lead to much closer alignment between Brasilia and a second Trump U.S. administration.

    It would be a mistake to frame this election as just a rerun of the 2022 Lula-Bolsonaro matchup. Brazil has shifted significantly in four years: the Bolsonaro movement retains a large, loyal base but Jair Bolsonaro is no longer the candidate, while an 80-year-old Lula must convince voters his agenda still offers the best path forward to address inequality and poverty. Brazilian politics has also grown more fragmented, with multiple minor candidates in the race and concurrent elections for Congress and state governorships that will shape the balance of power in Brasilia regardless of who wins the presidency.

    At its core, the election turns on three fundamental questions for Brazil: Can Lula turn the economic and social progress of his third term into enough voter enthusiasm to secure a fourth term? Can Flávio Bolsonaro convert widespread voter anger over crime, corruption and cost-of-living struggles into a new right-wing majority? And most importantly: Can Brazil pull back from deep political polarization without triggering a new direct confrontation between the executive, opposition and judiciary?

    The odds that Brazil will name a president outright on October 4 remain very low. Polling suggests Lula will finish first, but without a majority, with Flávio Bolsonaro close enough to force a runoff. In a second round, the race is effectively a dead heat, meaning voters who support minor candidates on October 4 will hold the decisive balance of power, as will undecided voters who do not strongly support either frontrunner.

    That makes October 4 not an endpoint, but a first round of selection. The real battle – between two political movements, two competing economic visions and two opposing interpretations of Brazilian democracy – will only truly begin after the first round votes are counted. Brazil is choosing a new direction on Sunday, but it may not be until October 25 that the country learns just how sharp that turn will be.