作者: admin

  • Het vlees verandert…

    Het vlees verandert…

    Global meat production and consumption continue to climb year over year, but beneath this broad growth lies a dramatic, underrecognized reshuffling of the world’s protein market. A growing divergence is emerging between different livestock sectors: beef cattle are becoming increasingly scarce, driving up beef prices, while chicken production — which can scale far faster to meet shifting demand — has emerged as the primary engine of growth for the global meat industry, with pork occupying a middle ground between the two. This shift is not a traditional meat crisis that leaves grocery shelves empty, but a quiet, structural reordering that is changing what consumers around the world find on their plates. To understand the future of meat, analysts say we must look beyond consumer demand to the fundamentals of supply across the value chain: livestock herd sizes, feed and water availability, disease risk, and the biological timeline required to bring new generations of animals to market. For beef, this timeline has become a fundamental economic constraint.

    The global beef market is still recovering from a period of widespread herd reduction across major producing nations. Persistent drought, sky-high production costs, and thin profit margins have pushed farmers to slaughter cattle earlier than planned, shrinking overall supply. When prices began to rise in response, a unique paradox emerged: a rancher can either sell a heifer today for a high price, or keep it to breed for future calves — and calves take years to reach slaughter weight. This means that high prices can actually make beef production less flexible in the short term, prolonging supply shortages.

    The OECD and Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) project that global beef prices will peak in real terms in 2026, before declining gradually as major producers rebuild their herds. But due to cattle’s long biological production cycle, this recovery is unfolding slowly, turning time itself into a defining economic factor. Unlike factories that can add production capacity in months or poultry producers that can ramp up output in weeks, beef ranchers cannot speed up their production timeline to match sudden shifts in demand.

    Compounding tight supply is sustained demand growth from Asia, led by China, which remains a dominant force in global meat markets. The latest OECD-FAO forecast projects that China’s beef imports will grow by 500,000 tons by 2035, even as its domestic pork sector stabilizes. This ongoing demand means the already tight global beef market cannot count on a quick return to pre-shortage conditions, as China continues to compete for available supplies on global markets when domestic production lags behind demand.

    At the same time, China is working to protect its own domestic beef sector: in January 2026, it imposed a 55% tariff on beef imports exceeding set quotas from major suppliers including Brazil. By June 2026, Brazil had already used 98.5% of its allotted quota, and in September, Brazil announced it would access unused Uruguayan quotas to gain extra access to the Chinese market. This development makes clear that global meat trade is increasingly shaped by trade policy, not just basic supply and demand dynamics.

    To add another layer of uncertainty for the beef sector, animal disease has emerged as a new threat to global supply chains. In June 2026, the United States confirmed its first-ever domestic case of New World screwworm in cattle in Texas. The parasitic worm lays eggs in open wounds, and its larvae feed on living animal tissue, capable of causing severe economic damage to livestock herds. The impact quickly extended beyond the small number of infected animals: the U.S. initially closed all cattle border crossings with Mexico before beginning a phased reopening. By late August, the Douglas, Arizona border crossing reopened under new strict inspection and safety protocols, and as of September, restricted infection zones remain in place in Texas, with the U.S. Department of Agriculture monitoring the situation closely. The outbreak highlights just how vulnerable modern meat supply chains are: an epidemic does not need to kill millions of animals to cause widespread economic disruption. Even limited restrictions on livestock movement can disrupt regional markets, shift prices, and reshape global trade flows.

    Against this backdrop of beef supply constraints, poultry has a decisive competitive advantage: speed. Unlike cattle, which require years to reach market weight, chickens mature in weeks, allowing poultry producers to adjust output much faster in response to shifting prices and demand. This advantage has made poultry the fastest growing segment of global food supplies.

    According to OECD-FAO projections, global total meat consumption will grow by roughly 12% by 2035. The vast majority of this growth will come from poultry: chicken and other poultry consumption is expected to rise by 29 million tons, a roughly 20% increase, accounting for around two-thirds of all additional meat consumption over the next decade. By comparison, beef consumption is projected to grow by just 8% over the same period. This gap creates a built-in buffer for the global meat market: as beef becomes more expensive, consumers do not need to cut back on protein intake — they can simply switch to chicken. This dynamic makes the overall meat market more resilient, while permanently shifting the composition of protein consumed around the world.

    Europe offers a clear preview of how this sectoral shift plays out in practice. The European Union expects total meat production to decline over the next decade, with beef and pork facing the most intense downward pressure, while poultry output expands. Multiple factors are driving this shift: high production costs, changing consumer habits, environmental policies, demographic shifts, and the simple reality that chicken is far cheaper and more efficient to produce than beef. Importantly, this shift does not mean that millions of Europeans are becoming vegetarian. Instead, diets are changing primarily because one type of meat has become relatively more expensive than another — a more powerful driver of dietary change than most public discussions of food choice acknowledge.

    Despite poultry’s growing role as a buffer for global protein supplies, it is not a risk-free solution. Poultry production is heavily dependent on feed supplies, which are tied to volatile global grain and oilseed markets. Energy prices, fertilizer costs, drought, geopolitical conflict, and trade restrictions can all push up chicken prices over time. Animal disease also remains a persistent structural risk for the sector: the OECD-FAO highlights highly pathogenic avian influenza, African swine fever, and foot-and-mouth disease as ongoing threats that can disrupt production, trade, and pricing. The key difference, however, is that poultry producers can scale back up much faster after a disease outbreak than cattle ranchers, a major advantage for consumers. This speed also comes with a tradeoff: the poultry sector is far more dependent on an interconnected, large-scale system of feed supplies, livestock production, slaughterhouses, transport, and export markets, making it vulnerable to systemic disruptions across the supply chain.

    This shifting dynamic has redefined the core challenge facing the global meat industry. It is no longer simply a question of whether the world can produce enough meat — it is whether the industry can deliver the right meat, quickly enough, to where it is needed. A drought in a major beef-producing region can impact meat prices for years. A single disease outbreak can close a national border within days. A rise in soy prices can eventually reach consumers through higher feed costs. An import tariff can permanently redirect a major trade route. As one sector comes under pressure, another steps in to fill the gap.

    Overall, the OECD-FAO projects that global total meat production will rise by around 12% between 2026 and 2035, reaching roughly 412 million tons. This means the world will not face a broad shortage of meat, but the composition of that production will change dramatically: more poultry, relatively less beef and pork, with larger geographic shifts across producing regions. The geographic center of production is also shifting: most new demand will come from middle-income countries, while Asia will account for more than half of all new production, with Southeast Asia alone making up 39% of global growth in meat consumption by 2035.

    At its core, this shift reflects a forced flexibility for the global meat industry that is here to stay. Where beef runs up against hard biological, land, and climate limits, chicken can adjust far faster to meet demand. Where Europe reduces beef and pork output, poultry can absorb much of the remaining consumer demand. Where China requires more meat imports, global trade flows reorient to meet that need. Where disease or climate disrupts production in one region, other regions expand output to fill the gap.

    For consumers around the world, this means meat will remain widely available, but the type of meat on offer will continue to change. The core question for the future of the industry is not just how much meat the world can produce — it is what type of meat the world can afford, economically, environmentally, and biologically. And with that question, the next great shift in what we eat is already underway.

  • U.S. Proposal Says Services for Transferred Migrants Would Come at No Cost to Antigua and Barbuda

    U.S. Proposal Says Services for Transferred Migrants Would Come at No Cost to Antigua and Barbuda

    Negotiations between the United States and Antigua and Barbuda over a proposed framework for transferring third-country nationals removed from U.S. territory remain ongoing, with no final deal reached as both sides table differing proposals centered on financial accountability. The discussions trace back to a bilateral memorandum of understanding signed in Washington last December 2025, which laid the groundwork for potential relocation arrangements.

    On Sunday, the government of Antigua and Barbuda publicly released Washington’s draft operating procedures alongside its own formal counter-proposal, bringing transparency to the closed-door negotiations. Under the U.S. draft plan, all services delivered to transferred individuals would come at no direct cost to the Antigua and Barbuda government. The U.S. proposal clarifies that the draft framework itself does not obligate financial resources from either signatory government, but notes that Washington will explore existing eligible foreign assistance funding to support the initiative, consistent with U.S. domestic laws and regulatory requirements.

    The United States also plans to directly compensate a qualified international organization for delivering core services to relocated people, a structure designed to keep Antigua and Barbuda’s public finances free of associated costs. Under the proposed arrangement, Antigua and Barbuda’s primary role would be to coordinate with the contracted international organization, streamline entry for the organization’s staff, and enable on-the-ground service operations.

    Notably, the U.S. draft does not outline a specific dollar amount for potential assistance nor lock in a binding formal financial commitment from the United States. In response, Antigua and Barbuda has put forward a counter-proposal that prioritizes stronger financial protections for the small Caribbean nation. The Antiguan and Barbudan government insists that all financial and operational logistics must be finalized to guarantee that costs stemming from the transfer and ongoing residence of third-country nationals do not fall on local taxpayers.

    Antigua and Barbuda’s counter-proposal also suggests the International Organization for Migration could take on a supporting role, contingent on the organization agreeing to terms and negotiating mutually acceptable arrangements with the local government. The proposed arrangement would apply to a narrow subset of third-country nationals: individuals who have received final or expedited removal orders from the U.S. and hold medical clearance to travel. Exclusions from the program are clearly defined, including most individuals with criminal convictions (beyond immigration violations), unaccompanied minors under 18, and any citizens of Antigua and Barbuda.

    Antigua and Barbuda’s government has emphasized repeatedly that the documents released Sunday are draft negotiating texts, not a finalized agreement. In the coming days, Attorney General and Minister of Legal Affairs Sir Steadroy Benjamin is expected to table both proposals for review by the country’s House of Representatives.

  • Antigua and Barbuda Warns IWC Quorum Changes Could Sideline Small Island States

    Antigua and Barbuda Warns IWC Quorum Changes Could Sideline Small Island States

    As the International Whaling Commission (IWC) convenes its 70th plenary meeting in Hobart, Tasmania, to mark its 80th anniversary, a fierce debate over proposed changes to core decision-making quorum rules has emerged, with Antigua and Barbuda leading opposition over fears the reforms would marginalize vulnerable Small Island Developing States (SIDS).

    The five-day meeting, which kicked off on September 28, brings together member state representatives and observer groups to tackle a wide policy agenda, from whale population surveys to new conservation and management frameworks. On the opening day, IWC leadership tabled two draft proposals to revise the body’s existing quorum requirement, which currently stands at a fixed 45 of the commission’s 88 total member states. Officials formed a cross-state drafting group to explore merging the two options into a unified proposal, but Antigua and Barbuda has already rejected both frameworks in their current forms.

    The first option would redefine a quorum as a simple majority of members physically present at a meeting. Antigua and Barbuda’s IWC Commissioner Ambassador Daven Joseph argues this approach is fundamentally flawed, noting that a quorum should be tied to the commission’s full membership, not just the subset of countries that can afford to attend in-person gatherings. In the delegation’s official statement, representatives stressed: “Quorum must reflect 88, not who can afford airfare,” pointing out that SIDS regularly face crippling financial and logistical barriers to sending delegations to international meetings held far from their shores.

    To illustrate the risk of this proposal, Joseph’s team laid out a hypothetical scenario: if only 50 of 88 member states attend a meeting, a majority-of-present quorum would drop to just 26 countries — less than one-third of the IWC’s full membership. That would allow a small minority of the commission to advance binding decisions, effectively disenfranchising dozens of states that cannot afford to attend. The delegation also notes that quorum must be maintained for the entire duration of the decision-making process, not just confirmed at the opening of a meeting, a safeguard missing from the first proposal. Antigua and Barbuda further draws a comparison to other global fisheries governance bodies, such as the International Commission for the Conservation of Atlantic Tunas, which ties quorum requirements to total membership rather than meeting attendance.

    The second proposal under consideration would set a quorum as a majority of contracting governments that have accredited or registered a delegation ahead of the meeting. While Antigua and Barbuda acknowledges this framework is an improvement over the first option, it still carries significant flaws that make it unacceptable in its current form. Key unresolved questions include whether a country that registers a delegation online but ultimately cannot afford to send representatives in person would count toward the quorum, and whether states facing financial barriers to accreditation would be effectively excluded from quorum calculations entirely. Unlike the current fixed threshold, this proposal would create a fluctuating quorum that changes from meeting to meeting: in a scenario where only 60 member states register for a meeting, the quorum would drop to just 31, 14 members below the current requirement, the delegation calculates.

    Instead of advancing either of the two current proposals, Antigua and Barbuda has put forward an alternative path forward: the establishment of a dedicated inclusive working group to re-examine the quorum issue from scratch. The Caribbean nation calls for the working group to include representatives from SIDS, coastal states, and all geographical regions, to build a consensus-backed reform that does not marginalize vulnerable nations. Antigua and Barbuda’s proposal retains the current fixed 45-member quorum threshold as a temporary safeguard, adds requirements for the IWC chair to confirm quorum is maintained before key votes on resolutions, rule changes and schedule amendments, and calls for a higher two-thirds majority threshold specifically for amendments to the IWC’s rules of procedure.

    Joseph’s delegation emphasizes that all quorum reform must prioritize broad, inclusive representation rather than enabling narrow decision-making by a small subset of members. “Efficiency at 80 years must be balanced efficiency – not efficiency achieved by excluding members,” the statement reads. Antigua and Barbuda has offered to chair or co-chair the proposed working group, and is calling for the current 45-member rule to remain in place until a broadly supported reform can be agreed upon by the full membership.

  • LETTER: Demand For Fairness And Proper Treatment Of Crossing Guards

    LETTER: Demand For Fairness And Proper Treatment Of Crossing Guards

    Across school districts, a group of school crossing guards has submitted an open letter to the Minister of Education, calling for urgent reforms to unfair working conditions that have been overlooked for far too long. The frontline safety workers, who protect child pedestrians at primary and secondary school crossings every school day, are pushing for two core changes: location-specific scheduling aligned to actual school hours, and a meaningful wage increase that reflects the risks and importance of their role.

    Currently, all crossing guards are bound to a uniform one-size-fits-all shift schedule, requiring attendance from 7:00 a.m. to 9:15 a.m. and 1:30 p.m. to 3:30 p.m. regardless of the schools they are assigned to. This rigid structure ignores the stark differences in opening and dismissal times between primary and secondary institutions: most secondary schools start classes as early as 7:45 a.m., meaning the bulk of student morning traffic clears long before the 9:15 a.m. end of the mandatory shift. For primary schools, which typically start closer to 9:00 a.m., the early 7:00 a.m. start of the uniform shift requires guards to report for duty hours before any students begin arriving.

    The crossing guards have put forward evidence-based, flexible adjustments that would match shift times to actual student traffic patterns. For secondary school posts, they propose shifts of 7:00 a.m. to 8:30 a.m. and 1:30 p.m. to 2:30 p.m., adjusted for local traffic volumes where needed. For primary school crossings, the proposed schedule of 8:00 a.m. to 9:15 a.m. and 2:30 p.m. to 3:30 p.m. would align coverage with when students actually need protection, eliminating redundant unpaid standing time.

    Beyond inefficient scheduling, the letter also highlights a problematic power dynamic: a small number of guards assigned to one school tier have been allowed to influence or dictate shift terms for all guards, even though primary and secondary school operations are entirely separate. This has resulted in mandatory idle time for many guards, who are forced to stay at posts with no student crossings simply to comply with rules written for a different school schedule. The workers emphasize that this is not a request to cut working hours, but to align working time with actual public safety needs.

    The second core demand addresses longstanding inadequate compensation. Crossing guards note that their role places them in constant proximity to moving traffic on busy roads, requiring constant alertness and carrying inherent risks to their own safety to protect children and other pedestrians. Despite this critical public responsibility, wages have stagnated, forcing many guards to take on second jobs just to cover basic living costs.

    While the workers explicitly recognize the value of work done by teachers and other education staff, they argue that their own contribution to student safety is no less important. Every worker supporting children’s education and well-being deserves to feel their work is recognized and fairly compensated, they say.

    In addition to adjusted scheduling and wage reform, the crossing guards are calling for three key procedural changes: full consultation with guard representatives before any changes to working conditions, clear official guidelines to prevent any single group of guards from setting terms for all other workers, and formal formal recognition of the unique risks and responsibilities tied to the role.

    The letter closes with a powerful reminder that crossing guards are core members of the school safety ecosystem, showing up to their posts in rain, extreme heat, heavy traffic, and other challenging conditions to fulfill their responsibility to protect children. They are not invisible workers, the letter stresses, and they deserve fair treatment, dignity, respect, and pay that matches the importance of their life-saving work.

    The crossing guards have called on the Ministry of Education to take their concerns seriously, meet with elected worker representatives to discuss the demands, and deliver meaningful policy changes that advance fairness for all frontline crossing safety staff.

  • Pringle Raises Concern Over Use of Hard Drugs Among Young People

    Pringle Raises Concern Over Use of Hard Drugs Among Young People

    As debate unfolds in Antigua and Barbuda’s parliament over the proposed Firearms (Amendment) Bill 2026 — legislation crafted to ramp up penalties for a wide spectrum of firearm-related offenses — opposition leader Jamale Pringle has pushed beyond the narrow scope of the bill, sounding the alarm over rising hard drug abuse among the nation’s youth and calling for a holistic, root-cause focused approach to tackling the country’s crime crisis.

    While Pringle has openly backed aggressive action against individuals involved in gun-related criminal activity, he has pushed back against the narrative that harsher prison sentences alone can resolve Antigua and Barbuda’s persistent crime challenges. In his address to lawmakers, the opposition leader emphasized that long-term crime reduction demands targeted investment in prevention programs, offender rehabilitation, and systemic improvements to the social conditions that push vulnerable young people toward violence and illegal activity.

    “Too many youngsters are using hard drugs at a tender age,” Pringle told parliament, urging legislators to expand their scope of inquiry to examine the direct link between early hard drug experimentation and the growing rates of declining mental health among the nation’s youth. “We must look at also the effects, the cause and effect why so many young people are losing their mental health,” he said, characterizing the overlapping crises of youth substance abuse and mental illness as an increasingly “serious, serious situation.”

    Beyond his calls to address youth substance use and mental health, Pringle argued that the proposed firearms amendment should not stand alone as the government’s full response to gun crime. Instead, he said, the legislation must be embedded within a comprehensive national crime strategy that tackles systemic drivers of violence from multiple angles. As part of that broader strategy, he called for expanded investment in community resources and youth-focused facilities, which would give young people engaging alternatives to gathering on street corners — environments he says greatly increase the risk of exposure to crime and violent activity.

    Pringle also raised critical questions about resource allocation for local law enforcement, pointing out that stricter penalties are meaningless without the capacity to identify and apprehend offenders. “If you cannot catch the criminal, this bill serves no purpose,” he stated. To improve enforcement outcomes, he proposed the creation of a specialized firearm tracing unit within the Royal Police Force of Antigua and Barbuda. This unit would be tasked with tracing recovered weapons back through their supply chains to their original sources, allowing authorities to crack down on illegal arms trafficking at the border — an approach Pringle says is far more effective than focusing solely on punishment after crimes have been committed.

    The opposition leader also added prison system reform to his list of urgent priorities, calling for a “total reform” of the current correctional system that shifts its core focus from punishment to rehabilitation. He highlighted a critical failure of the current system: “Persons who enter the prison comes out worse than how they’re going in.”

    Across all his remarks, Pringle maintained a consistent throughline: the Firearms (Amendment) Bill 2026 should serve as one component of a coordinated national crime strategy, not the government’s final solution to gun-related violence. His warnings about youth hard drug use and mental health were not off-topic, but rather a core part of his broader argument: cutting crime requires policymakers to both strengthen penalties for convicted offenders and address the underlying social and public health conditions that drive young people toward crime in the first place.

  • New York University honours Sir Hilary

    New York University honours Sir Hilary

    One of the Caribbean’s most prominent academic leaders has earned a new high-profile international appointment, cementing his legacy as a leading voice on global Black and colonial history. New York University (NYU) has officially selected Professor Sir Hilary Beckles, Vice-Chancellor of The University of the West Indies (UWI), to serve as its Distinguished Scholar for the 2026-2027 academic term. The appointment will place Beckles in residence at NYU’s Center for the Study of Africa and the African Diaspora (CSAAD), an institution led by preeminent scholar Professor Michael Gomez that is globally recognized for its cutting-edge research on African and diaspora studies.

    In response to the honor, Beckles expressed deep gratitude for the opportunity, noting that the appointment carries personal as well as professional meaning. “This is a valued expression of fellowship, especially as the Centre is renowned for its outstanding scholarship and research,” Beckles said. He recalled that 32 years prior, in 1994, he held a visiting scholar position at NYU’s Center for Latin American and Caribbean Studies, a role later filled by the legendary Barbadian poet and scholar Kamau Brathwaite. “Being back at NYU after 32 years, now among leading scholars of African history, will be special,” he added.

    During his tenure as Distinguished Scholar, Beckles will deliver a landmark public lecture at NYU’s Silver Center, Hemmerdinger Hall in New York City on October 13, 2026, at 5:30 p.m. Titled “The Economics of Wealth Creation: Why Enslaved Black Women Were the Financial Core of the Slavery Business Model,” the lecture will unpack the understudied role of enslaved Black women as foundational capital that fueled transatlantic chattel slavery. More details about the event and registration information are available on CSAAD’s official website at the link published by UWI.

    This latest appointment extends a long line of international accolades that recognize Beckles’ decades of impactful scholarship and academic leadership. In 2022, he was named Honorary International Historian of the Year by the Association of American Historians, and he currently holds the title of Chancellor’s Distinguished Professor-at-Large at Cornell University. Beyond honoring Beckles’ individual contributions, the sequence of global recognitions also elevates the international standing of The University of the West Indies, highlighting the institution’s longstanding commitment to academic excellence, cross-border collaborative research, and critical public scholarly dialogue.

    Founded in 1948 as a small university college affiliated with the University of London in Jamaica, UWI opened its doors with just 33 medical students. Over the past 75 years, it has grown into a leading global higher education institution that serves nearly 50,000 students across five physical campuses: Mona in Jamaica, St. Augustine in Trinidad and Tobago, Cave Hill in Barbados, Five Islands in Antigua and Barbuda, and its flexible Global Campus. It also maintains a network of international research and academic centers in partnership with leading universities across North America, Latin America, Asia, Africa, and Europe.

    Today, UWI offers more than 1,000 academic programs spanning certificate, diploma, undergraduate, and postgraduate levels across a wide range of disciplines, including the creative arts, food and agriculture, engineering, education, law, medical sciences, technology, social sciences, and sports. As the Caribbean region’s premier higher education institution, it hosts the largest concentration of regional academic expertise, with a core mission to address pressing challenges facing the Caribbean and the wider global community.

    Since 2018, UWI’s growing global reputation has been validated by consistent inclusion in the Times Higher Education (THE) annual world university rankings. It holds the distinction of being the only English-speaking Caribbean institution featured across four of THE’s most prestigious ranking lists: the overall World University Rankings, which evaluates more than 2,000 leading research-focused universities globally; the Golden Age University Rankings, which recognizes institutions founded between 50 and 80 years ago; the Latin America and Caribbean Rankings, which focuses on regional higher education excellence; and the Impact Rankings, which assesses universities based on their progress toward the United Nations’ Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

    This growing global recognition has also enabled UWI to launch new innovative academic initiatives, including the International School for Development Justice (ISDJ), a global online graduate business school designed to train the next generation of leaders to advance equitable sustainable development. As an SDG-focused institution consistently ranked among the world’s top universities for impact, UWI continues to expand its global reach while advancing its core mission of improving quality of life across the Caribbean. More information about the institution can be found on its official website at www.uwi.edu.

  • Ambassador Calls for Revival of Workers’ Voice as Digital Labour News Platform

    Ambassador Calls for Revival of Workers’ Voice as Digital Labour News Platform

    At the 87th Annual Delegates’ Conference of the Antigua Trades and Labour Union, Ambassador Dr. Clarence E. Pilgrim has put forward a compelling call to bring back a cornerstone of the country’s labor movement: the iconic *Workers’ Voice* publication, reimagined for today’s digital age.

    In his keynote feature address to assembled union delegates, Pilgrim walked attendees through the deep historical legacy of the original *Workers’ Voice*, emphasizing that its impact stretched far beyond simply updating members on internal union business. For decades, the publication filled a critical gap in public access to relevant information, served as a free educational resource for working people, and consistently encouraged readers to engage critically with issues affecting their working lives and broader communities.

    One of the publication’s most beloved and remembered features, Pilgrim recalled, was its popular “Question Box” column. Though the column often carried a sharp, spicy satirical edge that stirred conversation, it played an indispensable role: it gave voice to the questions that countless working people were already asking privately, but had few public spaces to raise openly.

    Pilgrim also shared a vivid anecdote of the publication’s grassroots roots, recalling how early activists including Ms. Shervington and her closest friend dedicated countless hours to distributing *Workers’ Voice* door-to-door across communities on foot, building a loyal readership one copy at a time.

    While the original print publication has long been absent from the national labor landscape, Pilgrim argues that the core need it filled remains as urgent today as it was decades ago. “The technology has changed. The need for a workers’ voice has not,” he told delegates.

    Under his proposal, the revived *Workers’ Voice* would not be a return to the print model of the past, but a fully modern digital platform tailored to 21st century workers’ needs. Pilgrim outlined a broad range of content for the new outlet, including up-to-date labor news, interactive workplace education modules, accessible financial literacy resources, evidence-based occupational health guidance, deep dives into labor history, original podcasts, and curated commentary from working people across Antigua and Barbuda. He also added that the iconic “Question Box” could be reintroduced as a popular interactive feature for the digital iteration, adapting its core mission to modern social media and digital engagement tools.

    The push to revive *Workers’ Voice* is not an isolated proposal, but rather a central part of Pilgrim’s broader vision for the evolution of modern trade unionism. He argued that today’s unions must move beyond their traditional core role of defending workers in employment disputes and workplace conflicts. To remain relevant and serve their members effectively, Pilgrim said, unions must take an active role in supporting workers’ holistic development across five key areas: economic, technological, social, intellectual, and civic. For Pilgrim, the mission of a 21st century union is clear: it should “not only defend the worker at work” but also “help develop the worker for life.”

  • Column: Goudroof onder het oog van de overheid

    Column: Goudroof onder het oog van de overheid

    Suriname sits on vast untapped gold reserves, but what the nation lacks is any meaningful oversight of its gold mining industry. What unfolds across large swathes of the country’s interior can no longer be dismissed as a handful of small-scale artisanal prospectors testing their luck with basic tools. Today, illegal mining operates as a full-fledged professional industry, utilizing heavy machinery, clearing permanent access roads, moving massive volumes of earth, and deploying toxic chemical processing agents. This level of operation requires significant capital, coordinated logistics, and structured organization — leading to one unavoidable core question: who is backing these illegal activities, and where do the billions in proceeds end up?

    Recent developments involving Rosebel Gold Mines (RGM), a project majority-owned by China’s Zijin Mining, have pushed this question to the top of the national agenda. RGM confirms it has been alerting the Surinamese government to unauthorised mining activity on two of its concession areas since January 2020. The company now estimates the illicit operation has grown into one of the largest gold mining projects in the entire country, with total damages to RGM, state oil firm Staatsolie, and the Surinamese government adding up to roughly US$138.3 million. The scale of the operation makes clear that fundamental, years-long failures in regulatory oversight and enforcement have allowed the crisis to escalate.

    This reality raises a cascade of urgent unanswered questions: How could an illegal enterprise grow to such massive size while authorities were aware of its existence? Who are the principal operators behind the mines? How many tons of gold have already been extracted from Surinamese soil? Where has that gold been smuggled or sold, and how much revenue has the national treasury lost in unpaid taxes and royalties? RGM itself has an obligation to provide full transparency to the public. If the firm can calculate a damage figure as specific as US$138.3 million, it must also explain what estimates of illicit gold production that total is based on, and how it arrived at those production numbers, given that it never granted permission for the activity to occur.

    It is long past time to abandon the fiction that political interests and the Surinamese gold sector operate in separate spheres. Vice President Ronnie Brunswijk holds verifiable large-scale financial interests in the gold industry, while simultaneously carrying political responsibility for regulating the sector as part of the sitting government tasked with bringing order to gold mining. Under that same government, the Ministry of Natural Resources has been led by ABOP party minister David Abiamofo, who has retained his position through successive administrations.

    Back in September 2020, the government established a new Commission for the Ordering of the Small-Scale Gold Sector, tasked with cracking down on illegality, addressing widespread environmental damage, and ensuring the state captured a fair share of gold revenue. Six years later, the government is once again announcing plans for sector reform — a repetition that alone demands a full, independent audit of what has actually been achieved from all the prior commissions, development projects, international donor support, training programs, and public funds poured into past reform efforts. As recently as 2022, the government confirmed it held a full master planning document for gold sector reform, complete with a concrete action plan. The public still has no clear update on what progress has been made on that framework today.

    President Jennifer Simons has publicly acknowledged that all prior sector regulation systems have failed. In response, her administration has temporarily suspended the issuance, renewal, and transfer of new mining concessions and announced it will adopt a completely new regulatory approach. This is a necessary first step, but the government now must follow through on its promises with tangible action, without exception for powerful or well-connected figures. That means launching full investigations into the overlapping political and business interests that shape the sector, targeting not just the low-level workers operating excavators, but also permit holders, concession owners, financial backers, gold buyers, and export actors. It also means uncovering who knew about the illegal operations and which public officials had a duty to intervene but failed to act.

    The environmental harm caused by unregulated mining can no longer be treated as an afterthought, either. RGM has confirmed that testing found traces of cyanide at the illegal mining sites, and for years public health and environmental advocates have raised unanswered questions about the use of Jin Chan mercury-based gold processing products. A 2018 research report by Glenn Geerlings and Tirzah Karsowidjojo focused specifically on Jin Chan use in Suriname, and that full document must be made public and subjected to independent review. The public deserves to know exactly what the research found, what its formal conclusions were, and how those findings were used (or ignored) by regulators.

    Veteran environmental activist Erlan Sleur has been sounding the alarm on these issues for years. His recent visit to the Pelin Bergi mining area, alongside DNA party parliamentarians Rabin Parmessar and Michael Marengo and independent journalists, has reignited public scrutiny of large-scale unregulated mining and the suspected illegal use of toxic chemicals. The parliamentary delegation has already called for an immediate halt to activity at the site and an independent public investigation, and this momentum for accountability must not be lost.

    The path forward is clear: authorities must launch full investigations into all mining concessions, audit all active permits, identify the true beneficial owners of all mining operations, map the full volume of gold production and cross-border financial flows, and test for illegal toxic chemical use. Where it is confirmed that gold has been extracted illegally and revenue has been withheld from the state, the government must move quickly to recover all lost funds.

    At its core, this crisis is about control of a national resource: the gold extracted from Suriname’s soil belongs to the Surinamese people. Its wealth should be used to advance inclusive national development, not disappear into a system that enriches a small connected elite while leaving the general public to cope with toxic environmental pollution and billions in lost public revenue. True sector reform is not just about creating another new bureaucratic commission. It means finally answering the critical questions: who is mining Suriname’s gold, who is profiting from it, who looked the other way for years, and who will be held accountable for the harm done. Where the state has been robbed of revenue, that money must be returned. Where the environment has been damaged, those responsible must pay for full remediation. Where laws have been broken, law enforcement must act without favor.

    Suriname cannot afford to accept yet another half-hearted attempt at “reform” while tons of national gold disappear and the public is left holding the bill for the damage. The gold is in our ground, the harm stays in our country, so the profits cannot be allowed to vanish into the pockets of a tiny few. The era of looking the other way must end now.

  • Nieuwe rechters moeten werkdruk rechterlijke macht verlichten

    Nieuwe rechters moeten werkdruk rechterlijke macht verlichten

    On September 29, the Court of Justice of Suriname welcomed 15 newly trained judges in a formal swearing-in ceremony led by President Jennifer Simons, marking one of the largest single expansions of the country’s judicial bench in recent history. Court President Iwan Rasoelbaks described the addition as a landmark step to strengthen the nation’s judiciary, bringing the total number of sitting judges at the court to 45. The new appointees will be formally installed as substitute members on October 23, and will begin handling civil and criminal cases from the courtroom bench as scheduled starting in the new judicial term that opens on October 1.

  • PM Friday to testify in court Tuesday; Canadian citizenship trial continues (+video)

    PM Friday to testify in court Tuesday; Canadian citizenship trial continues (+video)

    A landmark constitutional trial over parliamentary eligibility for dual citizens in Saint Vincent and the Grenadines (SVG) reached a key milestone on September 28, with Prime Minister Godwin Friday poised to take the witness stand the following morning to present his testimony and respond to cross-examination from the petitioners’ legal team.

    The day’s proceedings at the Kingstown High Court brought a critical virtual appearance from 40-year-veteran Canadian legal expert Joel Goberman, who joined the hearing from Italy to walk the court through the legal framework, procedural requirements, and core meaning of the Canadian citizenship oath. The consolidated high-stakes trial revolves around Section 26(1)(a) of SVG’s constitution, which addresses how dual nationality impacts a lawmaker’s eligibility to hold parliamentary office. The entire day of argument unfolded as a backdrop to a personal milestone for the prime minister, who turned 67 inside the Kingstown courtroom.

    At the heart of the legal dispute is a core question: does holding dual citizenship count as an acknowledgement of allegiance to a foreign power, a status that would disqualify an individual from serving in SVG’s parliament? Goberman’s expert testimony, which came after extensive questioning over the detailed report he submitted to the court, covered everything from the administrative steps for naturalization to the legal standing of the oath of allegiance required for new Canadian citizens.

    Speaking to local outlet iWitness News after the court adjourned for the afternoon, lead defense counsel Anand Ramlogan — a former Attorney General of Trinidad and Tobago — outlined why Goberman’s testimony carries major weight for the defense. Under SVG’s election rules, candidates must hold Commonwealth citizenship to qualify for office, and Canada is a full member of the Commonwealth bloc. Ramlogan emphasized that Goberman’s evidence confirms the Canadian citizenship oath is a symbolic commitment to a system of government that aligns closely with SVG’s own constitutional framework and shared values across the Commonwealth Caribbean.

    Ramlogan also pushed back on the timing of the challenge, noting that Prime Minister Friday has never hidden his dual citizenship status throughout his decades-long career as a sitting member of parliament. The eligibility objection was never raised in prior elections, he pointed out, even as Friday served multiple terms in office. It only emerged after Friday led his party to an overwhelming electoral victory that elevated him to the prime ministership. Ramlogan argued the challenge is a politically motivated push led by the opposition, framed as a legal objection, calling the timing surprising after years of public knowledge about Friday’s dual citizenship.

    The defense lead also marked the occasion of Friday’s birthday, publicly extending well wishes and praising the prime minister for choosing to spend the day observing court proceedings rather than celebrating, a move Ramlogan called the ultimate demonstration of commitment to SVG’s constitution and the rule of law.

    For his part, Prime Minister Friday told reporters that while the constitutional challenge has dragged on longer than many expected, his legal team has remained fully prepared. He noted proceedings wrapped up earlier than forecast on September 28, leaving him a small window of time to mark his birthday, and pushed back on claims from the petitioners’ side that the defense was growing anxious as cross-examination intensified.

    “We are confident about our case, we have been from the very start, and this trial is proceeding exactly as we expected it would,” Friday said, adding that his team respects the court’s process and any final ruling the court may issue.

    The legal challenge itself dates back to SVG’s November 2020 general election, where defeated candidates from the incumbent Unity Labour Party (ULP) filed election petitions challenging the victory of New Democratic Party (NDP) candidates in two constituencies: East Kingstown and the Northern Grenadines. The petitions ask the court to remove the elected NDP lawmakers from office entirely on the grounds of their dual citizenship status.

    The legal teams on both sides bring together senior regional and local counsel: Stuart Young, SC, leads the legal team for petitioners Carlos Williams and Luke Browne, alongside local attorney Kay Bacchus-Baptiste. For the defense, Anand Ramlogan, SC, leads the team representing Prime Minister Friday and MP Fitzgerald Bramble, with support from local attorneys Shirlan “Zita” Barnwell, Zhinga Horne-Edwards, Samantha Robertson, and Gabrielle Myers.

    When the trial resumes on the morning of September 29, Friday will take the stand to open the defense’s full case, and will face cross-examination from the petitioners’ legal team. Another expert witness is also scheduled to appear on the same day, and the landmark constitutional trial is set to continue.