A hantavirus outbreak on a commercial cruise ship has triggered an emergency response that has spilled into public controversy, as three passengers have been evacuated for medical care while local communities push back against the vessel’s planned itinerary. The incident unfolded after the virus was detected aboard the ship, prompting health authorities to order the immediate evacuation of the three affected individuals to onshore medical facilities for monitoring and treatment.
作者: admin
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World Court hears PNC, PPP govts had floated returning parts of Essequibo to Venezuela
On Monday, May 2026, Venezuela presented new archival evidence to the United Nations’ highest judicial body, the International Court of Justice (ICJ), as part of its ongoing argument that the 1966 Geneva Agreement remains the sole valid framework for bilateral negotiation of its long-running border dispute with Guyana over the resource-rich Essequibo region.
Leading Venezuela’s presentation of this evidence, international law professor Andreas Zimmermann told the court that Guyana itself had twice, across different ruling administrations, floated proposals to cede partial control of disputed Essequibo territory to Venezuela during past bilateral talks.
The first documented proposal emerged in 1977, when Guyana was governed by the People’s National Congress (PNC) under Prime Minister Forbes Burnham. During closed-door bilateral negotiations held under the Port of Spain Protocol, a subsidiary agreement to the 1966 Geneva framework, Guyana’s foreign minister tabled a formal proposal to adjust the existing border at Punta Playa, Zimmermann told the court. The proposed change would shift the current border’s orientation from the northwest to the northeast, effectively transferring the affected territory to Venezuelan control.
“This development confirms that, during bilateral talks conducted under both the Port of Spain Protocol and the Geneva Agreement, Guyana was willing to pursue creative, mutually acceptable solutions and relinquish de facto control over territory that the 1899 Arbitral Award had supposedly assigned to British Guiana,” Zimmermann told the ICJ.
Decades later, during the 1990s when Guyana was led by the People’s Progressive Party Civic (PPPC) administration, further talks explored even more flexible frameworks for resolving the dispute, the professor added. In 1995, joint discussions between the two countries included serious consideration of returning partial control of the disputed territory to Venezuela, as well as an innovative proposal for a reverse lease arrangement that would have Venezuela hold sovereignty over some areas while Guyana retained day-to-day operational control.
Zimmermann also cited a 1998 letter written by then-Guyanese President Janet Jagan that reaffirmed the core purpose of the UN Secretary-General’s Good Officer mediation process – a process established under the Geneva Agreement – which Jagan explicitly noted was to “explore all avenues that would lead to the settlement of the border controversy” rather than simply debating the legal validity of the 1899 award.
The professor added that high-level talks exploring practical solutions date back even further: between 1970 and 1975, Venezuelan President Carlos Andrés Pérez and Prime Minister Burnham held extensive, detailed discussions on the border dispute and mapped out multiple potential pathways to a compromise. Those talks culminated in a 1976 proposal from Burnham himself to resolve the long-running disagreement through expanded cross-border economic cooperation, with Burnham quoted as saying: “I would propose that there should be signed an accord which would lay at rest the border question.”
Based on this long paper trail of past negotiations and proposals, Zimmermann argued, Guyana has long implicitly recognized that the Geneva Agreement is the proper instrument to resolve the substantive border dispute between the two nations, rather than treating the 1899 Arbitral Award as a final, unchallengeable settlement. The core mandate of Article 4 of the Geneva Agreement, he reminded the court, requires parties to pursue a practical, mutually acceptable solution to the full dispute, which aligns directly with the past actions of successive Guyanese governments.
The ICJ is currently holding hearings this week and next to consider the merits of the case, which centers on the legal validity of the 1899 Arbitral Award. Guyana has long maintained that the 1899 award represents a full, final and binding settlement of the border with Venezuela, and is expected to deliver its rebuttal to Venezuela’s latest arguments in the coming days.
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Guyana houdt voet bij stuk bij afwijzen Chinese vissersschepen
GEORGETOWN, GUYANA – In a move that underscores growing regional sensitivity around foreign commercial fishing activity, Guyana’s agricultural authorities have formally denied a permit request from Chinese seafood firm Grandeast Seafood Inc. to operate six of its own fishing vessels in local waters. Guyana’s Minister of Agriculture Zulfikar Mustapha confirmed the rejection publicly on Monday, adding that no ongoing negotiations are underway to reverse the decision and grant approval at a later date.
Grandeast Seafood, a subsidiary of China-based Hong Dong Fisheries Co., Ltd., has operated a fish and shrimp processing facility in Guyana since July 2018. The company poured roughly $20 million into building the modern plant, which boasts a total annual processing capacity of 5,000 to 6,000 metric tons of finfish and 10,000 to 12,000 metric tons of shrimp. However, the facility has consistently operated far below full capacity due to inconsistent local supply of raw seafood. Since opening, the plant has only processed an average of 2,500 metric tons of finfish and 700 metric tons of shrimp annually, creating lost production and revenue for the firm. To fix this persistent supply gap, Grandeast Seafood submitted its permit application to operate six company-owned fishing vessels last year, which has now been turned down.
In its application, the Chinese firm emphasized that all six vessels would operate strictly in compliance with Guyana’s existing fisheries laws, and would not disrupt the livelihoods of local small-scale fishermen. The company also argued that operating its own vessels would create new skilled job opportunities and training programs for local crew members, delivering tangible economic benefits to Guyana’s coastal communities.
The permit rejection has drawn close attention from neighboring Suriname, a country with its own sizable fishing industry that has struggled for years with unregulated foreign fishing in its territorial waters. Suriname’s authorities have repeatedly intercepted Chinese fishing vessels conducting illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing in Suriname’s claimed maritime territory over the past decade. These repeated incidents have already prompted the country to ramp up maritime patrols, strengthen enforcement measures, and hold high-level diplomatic talks with Chinese officials to address the issue of overexploitation of shared regional fish stocks.
Suriname has repeatedly stated that it remains fully committed to upholding the integrity of its maritime borders, protecting domestic fishing grounds for local operators, and ensuring long-term sustainable fishing practices across the region. The outcome of Grandeast Seafood’s permit application in Guyana is widely viewed as a key indicator of how Caribbean South American nations will approach foreign investment in their fishing sectors moving forward, balancing potential economic gains against concerns over resource sovereignty and local livelihood protection.







