作者： admin

During the October 22 session of the Standing Finance Committee, Homeland Security Minister Roger Alexander repeatedly invoked ‘national security interests’ to avoid answering questions, raising concerns about transparency and accountability. This approach, while not unprecedented, reached new heights as Alexander dismissed inquiries on topics ranging from police vehicle leasing to minor equipment purchases, labeling them as state secrets. For instance, when MP Keith Scotland questioned the use of drones detailed in the budget, Alexander accused him of revealing ‘national security information.’ Similarly, a $2.5 million allocation for a new unit was deemed ‘operative and covert,’ with Alexander refusing further discussion. This pattern of deflection drew criticism from opposition MPs, who accused the minister of overusing national security as a shield. The situation highlighted Alexander’s struggle to balance operational security with parliamentary accountability, a challenge exacerbated by his recent additional responsibility for prisons in the Prime Minister’s portfolio reshuffle. Critics argue that Alexander, a former TV host and controversial police officer, appears more adept at the operational aspects of security policy than navigating the complexities of parliamentary scrutiny. The PNM’s criticism of Alexander’s lack of transparency also drew scrutiny, given their own history of invoking secrecy during their tenure. The episode underscores the need for greater clarity and oversight in how national security concerns are addressed in parliamentary proceedings.

In Trinidad and Tobago, cronyism and nepotism have long been pervasive issues, deeply embedded in both the private and public sectors. The practice of leveraging personal connections to secure opportunities has become a defining characteristic of the nation’s professional and political landscape. This ‘contactocracy,’ as it is often termed, perpetuates a cycle where governance and societal progress are hindered by favoritism rather than meritocracy. A recent revelation by Legal Affairs Minister Saddam Hosein has brought this issue to the forefront. Hosein disclosed that a well-known blogger received payments exceeding $3.3 million between 2017 and 2025 through a company registered in her name. Despite the company’s claim of ‘over 25 years of experience in communications and media consultancy,’ it had only been operational for three weeks when it was awarded the contract by the Ministry of Finance in 2017. The blogger defended her eligibility, asserting her competence as a digital marketing strategist. While government contracts with private entities are not inherently problematic, the lack of transparency and merit-based selection processes raises significant concerns. The absence of a verifiable digital footprint for the work allegedly performed further fuels skepticism. This case underscores a broader issue: the prioritization of connections over qualifications in state contracts. Such practices not only erode public trust but also perpetuate inefficiencies and inequities in governance. The narrative of ‘eat-ah-food’—a colloquial term for benefiting from state resources—often overshadows legitimate contributions, as seen in the author’s own experiences. Despite delivering impactful campaigns for state organizations like Cepep and the Ministry of Health, the author faced accusations of cronyism when appointed to the EMA board. This highlights the politicization of public service and the need for systemic reform to ensure fairness and accountability in governance.

As he celebrated his 76th birthday, former Trinidad and Tobago Prime Minister Dr. Keith Rowley expressed his support for a joint statement by ten former Caricom leaders, urging the Caribbean region to remain a zone of peace. The statement comes amid growing concerns over the United States’ military presence in the region and recent deadly maritime strikes targeting alleged drug traffickers off Venezuela’s coast, which have reportedly claimed the lives of Venezuelans and two Trinidad and Tobago nationals. Rowley criticized Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s decision not to endorse the statement, labeling it as ‘reckless’ and a ‘dangerous dereliction of duty.’ He emphasized Trinidad and Tobago’s historical leadership in regional unity and expressed disappointment in the current government’s stance. The joint statement, signed by former leaders from Antigua and Barbuda, Belize, Barbados, Dominica, Grenada, Guyana, Jamaica, and St. Lucia, calls for a reduction in military buildup to preserve peace and stability. It also reaffirms the region’s commitment to sovereignty and the rule of law, as established during the 1972 Chaguaramas meeting. The appeal coincides with the scheduled arrival of the USS Gravely, a U.S. warship, in Port of Spain for military exercises, raising concerns among international relations experts about potential U.S. intentions to influence Venezuelan politics.