Historical context behind Trinidad and Tobago’s engagement with US, Venezuela

Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar’s position on Trinidad and Tobago’s (TT) involvement in regional security, particularly concerning the escalating tensions with Venezuela, has sparked considerable debate. Critics have labeled her approach as overly aligned with the United States or even “far-fetched.” However, a closer examination reveals that her stance is neither unprecedented nor unreasonable. It is deeply rooted in an 80-year history of strategic cooperation with the US, shared security interests, and a pragmatic assessment of contemporary challenges.

TT’s relationship with the US dates back to the Second World War, when the 1940 Destroyers for Bases Agreement led to the establishment of a US naval base in Chaguaramas and the construction of critical infrastructure, including the Churchill-Roosevelt Highway. These developments not only bolstered the Allied war effort but also laid the groundwork for TT’s modern road network. Although the US presence in Chaguaramas ended in 1963, the two nations have maintained a cooperative partnership through various agreements, such as the Customs Mutual Administrative Agreement and the Caribbean Basin Security Initiative. These frameworks have facilitated information-sharing, law enforcement collaboration, and maritime security, which are vital in combating transnational crime, narcotics, and arms trafficking.

Against this backdrop, Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar’s concerns about Venezuela’s security developments are well-founded. Recent US legal actions against Venezuelan officials, including former intelligence chief Hugo “El Pollo” Carvajal and President Nicolás Maduro, highlight the gravity of the situation. TT is not insulated from the repercussions of Venezuelan instability, as evidenced by the infiltration of the Tren de Aragua gang, now designated a terrorist organization under TT’s Anti-Terrorism Act. This poses a direct threat to national security, border management, and social stability.

When the Prime Minister asserts that any incursion into TT’s territorial waters will be met with force, she is not echoing US rhetoric but reaffirming TT’s sovereignty and right to self-defense. Her engagement with the US on surveillance, intelligence, and counter-narcotics cooperation aligns with the long-standing strategic partnership between the two nations. This pragmatic approach is aimed at safeguarding TT’s people and borders.

However, this cooperation must be balanced with transparency. TT must ensure that its territory is never used as a staging ground for foreign military operations without full sovereign consent. Diplomatic efforts should continue to prioritize peace, dialogue, and regional stability through organizations like Caricom, while simultaneously strengthening TT’s readiness to defend its frontiers.

In essence, TT’s current engagement with the US is neither subservience nor a novelty. It is a continuation of a historical partnership shaped by shared interests, geography, and the need for security in a volatile region. Prime Minister Persad-Bissessar’s approach is not “far-fetched” but a rational extension of TT’s historical trajectory and its responsibility to protect the republic.