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  • PSA rejects CPO proposal

    PSA rejects CPO proposal

    Long-running negotiations over years of unpaid salary arrears for public sector workers and retirees in Trinidad and Tobago have entered a new phase, with the country’s leading public service union rejecting a revised government offer and preparing to table a fresh counter-proposal this week.

    The Public Services Association (PSA), which represents employees across the Civil Service, Statutory Authorities and the Tobago House of Assembly, has been negotiating backlogged salary adjustments for two multi-year periods: 2014 through 2016, and 2017 through 2019. In a major breakthrough for workers, the union secured a 10% total salary increase by December 2025, alongside a landmark consolidation of the Cost of Living Allowance (COLA) and back-adjusted payments owed to retirees. In its official bulletin to members dated May 23, 2026, PSA President Felisha Thomas framed this earlier agreement as a critical win, noting it represented a stark improvement over the previous administration’s offer of just 4% total increase with no COLA consolidation, delivering tangible financial gains for working households across the public sector.

    The current dispute centers on the payment structure for the accumulated arrears, which the government values at an estimated $3.8 billion. In January 2026, the Chief Personnel Officer (CPO), the government’s lead negotiator for public sector pay, put forward an initial proposal: 40% of arrears paid in cash split across three fiscal years, with the remaining 60% issued through non-cash arrangements. The non-cash options included offsets against existing mortgage or rental debts owed to the state-run Housing Development Corporation and Trinidad and Tobago Mortgage Bank, settlement of outstanding personal tax bills, $3,500-worth of executive medical coverage, tuition fee offsets for state-owned higher education institutions, tax exemptions for new and roll-on/roll-off vehicle purchases, and conversion of cash entitlements into additional paid leave. The PSA rejected this initial offer, and put forward an 80% cash counter-proposal at the time, with the remaining 20% held as deferred payment via interest-bearing government bonds. The union also added supplementary demands including full settlement of outstanding debts to public sector medical plans, priority access to state housing, and expanded access to residential and agricultural land across both Trinidad and Tobago.

    During a negotiation session held the Friday before the bulletin’s release, CPO Dr. Daryl Dindial resubmitted a proposal substantially identical to the January framework, adding only a new carveout for retirees: only those with arrears accumulated through 2018 would receive full cash payment, while all later arrears for retirees would be issued via non-cash arrangements. The PSA rejected this revised offer immediately. Union negotiators have continued informal talks with the CPO, floating a range of alternative flexible arrangements, including allowing workers to apply arrears toward existing mortgage obligations, convert cash to extra leave, receive temporary income tax relief, access supermarket and fuel credits, or put arrears toward future pension entitlements.

    Throughout the talks, the PSA has held firm on two core demands: all retirees must receive 100% of their outstanding arrears as full cash payment, and all cash disbursements must be completed no later than March 31, 2027. On Monday, May 25, 2026, the union will submit a formal revised counter-proposal to the CPO, calling for a new structure of 60% of arrears paid in immediate cash, and 40% held as deferred cash, backed by equity stakes in state-owned publicly traded assets on acceptable terms.

    In her message to members, President Thomas reaffirmed the union’s commitment to securing the best possible outcome, recalling the organization’s earlier work to force a better deal than the previous administration’s “shameless and disrespectful 4%” offer, and to protect the COLA consolidation the union won. On the government side, CPO Dr. Dindial has characterized the original 40% cash / 60% non-cash proposal as the administration’s “best and final offer,” and gave the PSA a four-week window to respond to the terms.

  • UNC councillor critical in hospital

    UNC councillor critical in hospital

    A long-serving local government official in Trinidad is fighting for his life in intensive care, following a suspected suicide attempt at his home over the weekend.

    Anil Baliram, who has represented the Freeport/Chickland district for at least 16 years, experienced the medical emergency at his Couva residence early Sunday morning. The Couva Police Station received an urgent distress call just after 8 a.m., and law enforcement officers immediately dispatched to the property to respond.

    Before emergency transport, a family member and emergency medical services paramedics administered life-saving cardiopulmonary resuscitation to stabilize Baliram. He was first rushed to the Couva District Health Facility for urgent initial care, before being transferred to the Intensive Care Unit at the San Fernando General Hospital, where he remains listed in critical condition as of the latest updates. Law enforcement sources have confirmed that investigators are working on the theory that Baliram attempted suicide following the incident.

    Khadijah Ameen, Trinidad’s Minister of Rural Development and Local Government, released an official statement addressing the tragedy in the days following the incident, expressing widespread shock and concern across local government circles. Ameen, who also leads the political opposition United National Congress (UNC), noted that Baliram is one of the UNC’s longest-tenured local government representatives, serving on the Couva/Tabaquite/Talparo Regional Corporation.

    “Today, I received the deeply troubling news surrounding the reported incident involving Anil Baliram,” Ameen wrote in her statement. “My thoughts and prayers are with Councillor Baliram, his loved ones, colleagues, and all those affected by this painful and distressing situation. Many of our councillors have expressed shock and concern, with his colleagues at the Couva Corporation especially distressed by the news. We continue to pray for his strength, healing, and speedy recovery.”

    Ameen used the moment to draw public attention to the often unspoken burdens carried by public servants, who work daily on the frontlines of community service. “Incidents such as this remind us of the emotional, mental, and social pressures many individuals silently carry,” she said. “I urge the national community to approach this matter with compassion, sensitivity, and responsibility, particularly on social media, while medical professionals and the relevant authorities continue their work.”

    She emphasized the critical need for open dialogue and accessible support for people struggling with mental health challenges across the country. “As a nation, we must continue encouraging support systems, empathy, dialogue, and intervention for those facing personal struggles or emotional distress. Seeking help must never be viewed as weakness,” Ameen added. “On behalf of the Ministry of Rural Development and Local Government, I extend sincere prayers and support during this difficult time.”

    As of Tuesday, attempts by local media to reach additional leadership at the Couva/Tabaquite/Talparo Regional Corporation, including chairman Ryan Rampersad and vice-chairman Henry Awong, for comment have not received a response.

    Local health authorities remind any member of the public experiencing suicidal thoughts or who has a loved one in crisis that free 24/7 support is available through the national suicide prevention hotline at 800-COPE (2673).

  • 200 protesters march for Kaia

    200 protesters march for Kaia

    Nearly 200 demonstrators gathered outside the Police Administration Building in downtown Port of Spain on Tuesday, channeling public anger over the fatal police shooting of Joshua Samaroo and demanding the immediate resignations of Police Commissioner Allister Guevarro and Homeland Security Minister Roger Alexander. The peaceful demonstration, part of a coordinated series of protests, was organized to stand in solidarity with Kaia Sealy, Samaroo’s partner who faces manslaughter charges over the January 20 incident that left Samaroo dead from 19 bullet wounds.

    The protest, held at the intersection of Sackville and Edward Streets, was launched just days after the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service (TTPS) announced arrest warrants for Sealy, whom authorities claim opened fire on officers first during a police chase, prompting the fatal return fire that killed Samaroo. Organizers have structured 19 planned demonstrations — one for every bullet that struck Samaroo — making Tuesday’s gathering the 15th in the ongoing campaign for accountability.

    Protesters carried hand-painted placards emblazoned with messages including “We saw the video”, “Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere”, “We demand truth, not cover up”, and “The next Joshua could be you”, chanting refrains of “Shame on the TTPS” and “Hands up, don’t shoot” as they called for criminal charges to be brought against the officers who opened fire instead of Sealy.

    Speaking to the assembled crowd, protest organizer Allysa Phillip alleged that state authorities are actively attempting to shift blame for Samaroo’s death onto Sealy, framing her as a convenient scapegoat to protect officers accused of excessive force. “They want Kaia Sealy to be responsible for their damages,” Phillip told supporters. “The Commissioner of Police said from inception that he would be protecting his officers. This means to me that he will go to any length to defend his officers whether they are right or wrong. This is a dangerous precedent to set. They are fabricating this ridiculous cock and bull story to try to make us believe that Kaia is responsible for Joshua’s death.”

    Phillip also called on Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar to break her public silence on the case and address the growing national unrest over the killing. “To the Commissioner of Police, Sir, you cannot stay in your position. You must step down. And to the Prime Minister of our country, we are sick and tired of hide-and-seek games. You need to address your country. The nation is bleeding,” she said.

    Maria Walcott, a close friend of Sealy, used her speech to push back against a recent Guardian newspaper report that claimed Samaroo’s father, Christopher Samaroo, had reversed his position and acknowledged Sealy may have shot at police. Walcott denounced the article as a deliberate misrepresentation designed to erode public support for the protest, accusing local media outlets of manipulating public opinion instead of reporting accurately.

    “The media is leaving the citizens feeling more manipulated than informed,” Walcott said. “The senior Mr Samaroo is denying all allegations made in that article of saying any claims of Kaia being responsible for Joshua’s death. Such interviews and such words were never said by Mr Samaroo but were somehow publicised for everybody to see. Why is it on the day when the nation decided they are going to come out for what we know is more than an injustice, why are we releasing false information again to sway the people from coming out to fight for what is right?”

    Walcott also condemned how Sealy first learned of the pending charges against her: through public social media posts, rather than official legal notification, at a time when Sealy is still recovering from severe injuries sustained in the shooting and cannot stand or care for herself. Questioning the official police narrative of the incident, she pointed to widely circulated cell phone footage of the shooting that contradicts law enforcement claims.

    “We all saw the video. Let us be reasonable about this,” Walcott said. “My friend cannot stand up for herself, literally because the car was riddled with bullets. Joshua was riddled with 19 bullets. So my question is: if police were receiving fire from Kaia, why is it that all of their attention was directed at Joshua Samaroo? If police were being shot at, do they not receive training that when you exit a vehicle you take cover?”

    She also added allegations of post-shooting mistreatment, claiming officers threw an injured Sealy “like a dog” into the back of a police vehicle, forcing her to lie on top of the wounded Samaroo while she listened to him struggle to breathe.

    After the protest concluded, local outlet the Express reached out to Christopher Samaroo to confirm the claims in the Guardian report. Samaroo said he had not fully read the article and directed all media inquiries to his attorney, Criston J Williams, who confirmed that Samaroo had not reversed his stance that Sealy did not fire at police.

    Williams explained that Samaroo’s original comments were taken out of context: Samaroo simply acknowledged that if the Office of the Director of Public Prosecutions files charges, due process must run its course, and that Sealy remains innocent until proven guilty. “What was stated by Samaroo was taken out of context,” Williams said. “I just think the father understands that if there is a charge, that due process has to take course and she is innocent unless proven guilty.”

  • China stuurt astronaut op jaarlange ruimtemissie, wil maanlanding in 2030

    China stuurt astronaut op jaarlange ruimtemissie, wil maanlanding in 2030

    China has launched a groundbreaking space mission on Sunday, sending three astronauts to its Tiangong Space Station in a step that marks a major milestone toward the country’s goal of achieving a crewed moon landing by 2030. The mission will include a 12-month continuous stay in orbit for one crew member, a new national record for the longest duration of human spaceflight for China, and will enable critical research into how extended space exposure impacts the human body.

    The Shenzhou-23 spacecraft lifted off from the Jiuquan Satellite Launch Center located in Gansu Province, northwestern China. Onboard the craft are mission commander Zhu Yangzhu, pilot Zhang Yuanzhi, and payload specialist Li Ka-ying. A former Hong Kong police inspector, Li makes history as the first astronaut from Hong Kong to take part in any Chinese space mission. The team waved to onlookers at an official farewell ceremony shortly before launch, in images captured by international news outlets.

    Which crew member will complete the full 12-month orbital stay will be determined later in the mission, based on operational progress and crew health. While this 12-month mission is one of the longest human spaceflight missions ever completed globally, it falls just short of the all-time record of 14.5 consecutive months in space set by a Russian cosmonaut in 1995.

    Beyond low-Earth orbit operations at Tiangong, the Shenzhou-23 mission is a key stepping stone for China’s accelerating lunar exploration program, which has positioned the country as a major competitor in the new global space race alongside the United States. The U.S. currently targets a 2028 crewed moon landing and plans to build a permanent lunar outpost as a precursor to eventual crewed missions to Mars. China, for its part, aims to land its first astronauts on the moon by 2030, and has partnered with Russia to construct a permanent joint lunar base by 2035.

    In recent months, China has completed testing of new core technologies critical to its lunar ambitions, including the heavy-lift Long March-10 rocket, the Mengzhou crewed lunar spacecraft, and the Lanyue lunar lander. The Shenzhou-23 mission will carry out the first autonomous rapid rendezvous and docking with the Tiangong Space Station, a key technical test that will inform future automated docking operations between the Mengzhou spacecraft and Lanyue lander during lunar orbit missions.

    In addition to technical testing, the mission will carry out a wide range of scientific research. Scientists will analyze the physiological impacts of long-term exposure to space radiation, bone density loss, and psychological stress of isolation in microgravity. The mission will also continue what is reported to be the world’s first experiment growing human artificial embryos in space, research aimed at answering fundamental questions about human survival and reproduction beyond Earth.

    China’s rapid progress in space exploration in recent years, including the historic first retrieval of lunar samples from the far side of the moon in 2024, has solidified its status as a leading global power in human spaceflight. With a clear roadmap for lunar exploration and long-term ambitions to expand human presence deeper into the solar system, the country continues to push the boundaries of human space exploration.

  • From China, a noble gesture of solidarity with the Cuban people

    From China, a noble gesture of solidarity with the Cuban people

    In a demonstration of deepening cross-continental cooperation, Cuba has taken delivery of the first installment of a major 60,000-ton rice donation from China, with the initial 15,000-ton shipment docking at Havana’s port this past Saturday. Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez, Cuba’s President and First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Party, publicly expressed profound gratitude for the donation in a post to his official Twitter account on May 25, 2026.

    Díaz-Canel emphasized that the support comes rooted in the shared political commitment of both nations to advance the Cuba-China Community of Shared Future. He framed the donation as a meaningful reflection of the solidarity extended by the Chinese people, ruling party, and national government to Cuba. “This important shipment, which arrived Saturday at the Port of Havana, marks the beginning of a new donation totaling 60,000 tons, which will gradually arrive in our homeland,” he added.

    The Cuban leader described the contribution as a noble gesture of solidarity, outlining that the full donation will be distributed to millions of domestic consumers across every Cuban province and the special municipality of Isla de la Juventud. The rice will also be allocated to support the country’s public health and education institutions, two core pillars of Cuban public welfare.

    Closing his statement, Díaz-Canel noted that the long-standing ties of friendship and collaborative partnership between Cuba and China only grow stronger during critical moments, reaffirming the value of bilateral alignment on shared goals and mutual support.

  • Our Legend

    Our Legend

    Nearly seven decades after the triumph of the Cuban Revolution on January 1, 1959, the enduring character of Raúl Castro remains a steady, defining force in the legacy of the island’s revolutionary struggle. This retrospective reflection, originally published by Granma in 2006 and republished to mark Raúl Castro’s birthday, traces the revolutionary leader’s journey from his childhood in Birán to his pivotal role as a commander in the mountains of eastern Cuba, capturing the unwavering spirit that has defined his lifelong commitment to Cuba’s people.

    The story opens in the thick of the 1958 revolutionary war, anchored in a moment of quiet exhaustion that reveals the grit of the guerrilla movement. In the damp highlands of the Sierra Maestra, a young Raúl Castro allows himself only a fleeting moment of rest, his mind flooding with memories stitched together from a lifetime already steeped in struggle: the scent of orange blossoms in his family’s groves back in Birán, the sharp tap of his father Ángel’s cane on wooden floorboards, the overlapping sounds of a life forged in rebellion — train whistles pulling into Santiago, the rustle of priestly cassocks in the corridors of his strict religious school, the thunder of crowds marching, the crackle of gunfire outside the Moncada Barracks, the roar of enemy aircraft over guerrilla territory. Disoriented by fatigue, he cannot immediately place whether the exploding shrapnel echoing in his memory comes from the harassment after the Battle of Alegría de Pío or air raids targeting his column as they advanced toward the Second Eastern Front. Yet after only minutes of sleep, he jolts awake and returns to his urgent work.

    For hours, Raúl had written tirelessly, forearms braced against rough mountain planks, after days of marching, ambushes, reconnaissance, combat and enemy bombings. In his message to revolutionary leadership, he laid out a clear strategic assessment: following Fidel Castro’s decisive defeats of Fulgencio Batista’s army offensive in the Sierra Maestra, the shaken dictatorship — reeling from the arrest of American citizens on the Second Front, rising troop desertions and plummeting morale among Batista’s ranks — would be desperate to score a symbolic victory to cling to power. The lightly armed Second Eastern Front, he warned, would almost certainly be the target. He closed the urgent dispatch with a request for critical reinforcements: “If they would send us the 159 Springfields and the M-2s that are over there, we could do many things, at least prevent them from penetrating our lines; they must send them here urgently. I had to sleep for a while, lying on the same table where I’m writing to you, so I could finish this. Vilma is writing next to me in the same condition, so please forgive me that this isn’t as long as I’d like; in any case, it’s better this way for you, since all we do is ask for weapons!!”

    That letter, dated July 5, 1958, captures the urgency and resolve that marked Raúl’s leadership from the earliest days of the revolution. Barely 27 years old when revolutionary forces descended from the mountains to claim victory in 1959, Raúl had already spent half his young life fighting for a transformative vision for Cuba. Born June 3, 1931, in the sweltering midday heat of rural Cuba, he was the fourth child of Ángel Castro and Lina Ruz, the youngest son his father affectionately nicknamed “My little calf.” In the small village of Birán, he was remembered as a quick-witted, mischievous, warm-hearted boy who prioritized his family above all else.

    After leaving the strict, discipline-bound Jesuit school Belén, where he bristled at mandatory prayers and confessions, Raúl returned to work on his father’s farm until Fidel encouraged him to pursue university study in Havana, either in law or public administration. When he submitted his application in April 1950 and moved to the capital, he unknowingly stepped onto a path that would write him into the history books. Fidel introduced him to Marxist texts, which opened Raúl’s eyes to a new vision of social justice, and he embraced these ideals with the unshakable focus of a compass and the fiery passion of a young man fighting for what is right. His courage became legendary during the 1953 attack on the Moncada Barracks, when he was detained by guards at the Palace of Justice — only to disarm his captors, save his small contingent of fighters, and lead them to safety.

    That bold action cemented a truth that would define Raúl’s role in the revolution for decades to come: where Raúl was present, the impossible became achievable. Years later, after the Granma landing and the devastating dispersal of revolutionary forces at Alegría de Pío, when Fidel had lost many comrades and thought Raúl may have fallen, his relief at seeing Raúl alive turned to unshakable confidence: “Now we will win the war!”

    To the Cuban people, Raúl has always been known for much more than his strategic skill on the battlefield. They remember his rebellious temperament, his sharp good humor, his approachable simplicity, his unwavering rectitude, his austere work ethic and his warm, jovial demeanor. Above all, he is celebrated for his unyielding loyalty and the singular courage that earned him his place as the revolution’s second-in-command through his own merit, not by circumstance. Alongside Ernesto “Che” Guevara and Celia Sánchez, he was Fidel’s most trusted right hand, a steady anchor rooted deeply in the struggle, a testament to the personal virtues that would carry him through decades of service building the revolution, developing Cuba’s armed forces and shaping the nation’s political and social life. Beside him through every step was his partner Vilma Espín, a fellow guerrilla fighter; their decades-long revolutionary love story revealed the quiet tenderness and sensitivity that lay beneath his tough public resolve.

    As the reflection concludes, marking the anniversary of the revolution and Raúl’s life of service, the core truth of his legacy remains unchanged: Raúl remains the same man who joined the struggle as a young idealist, bringing the same boldness, simplicity, unshakable faith in Cuba’s youth, complete selflessness and restless, joyful, profound spirit to every chapter of the nation’s journey. He always believed the revolution could transform Cuba, and time has proven him right again and again. Firmer than ever in his convictions, he has earned the enduring respect and affection of the Cuban people, who have seen his steady leadership through every trial and recognize him as an eternal brother in the struggle. Bound by shared sacrifice and shared vision, Fidel and Raúl together forged the generous, unyielding, foundational legend of the Cuban Revolution — a legacy that endures, anchored in the unchanging character of the man who never stopped fighting for a better, happier homeland.

  • Bewoners Houttuin tekenen fel protest aan tegen geplande opslag radioactief materiaal

    Bewoners Houttuin tekenen fel protest aan tegen geplande opslag radioactief materiaal

    Residents of Houttuin and surrounding communities in Suriname’s Wanica District have officially lodged formal objections to Houston-based energy firm Halliburton’s proposal to build a radioactive materials storage facility in their residential area. Organized under the advocacy group Suriname River Eco & Water Resort Steering Committee, locals submitted two detailed formal complaints to the Wanica Southeast District Commissioner and the National Environmental Authority (NMA), outlining severe, multi-layered concerns over potential threats to the region’s environment, public health, and community safety.

    At the core of residents’ opposition is the facility’s proposed location: directly above the Zanderij Aquifer, Suriname’s most critical source of fresh drinking water. The community argues the region’s geological and hydrological features make it categorically unsuitable for radioactive waste storage. Porous sandy soils, high regional groundwater tables, and frequent flood risk create a near-constant threat of radioactive contamination that cannot be mitigated through standard design safeguards, the objection states.

    Residents specifically flag the planned storage of radioactive isotopes including Americium-241 and Cesium-137 at the site. They warn that any leak, ground subsidence event, transport accident or extreme flood event could result in irreversible, long-term contamination of the region’s groundwater, agricultural land, and residential neighborhoods, posing lifelong health risks to the local population.

    Beyond the inherent risks of the project’s location, residents accuse the NMA and project consultants of systemic lack of transparency around the required Environment Management and Monitoring Plan (MMMP). Critical data required for full public and regulatory assessment—including radioactive activity levels, radiation contour maps, regional groundwater flow models, and emergency disaster response scenarios—is entirely missing from the publicly released documents, according to the complaint.

    The community also raises questions over the expertise and independence of TDS Consulting, the firm hired to conduct the project’s environmental impact assessment. Residents note that TDS representatives admitted during public information sessions that the firm lacks specialized expertise in nuclear engineering, radioecology, and radiation safety—core competencies required to properly evaluate the risks of a radioactive storage facility.

    Worsening these concerns, residents argue that Suriname as a whole is currently unprepared to handle radiological emergencies. The country lacks specialized nuclear regulatory legislation, independent radiation testing laboratories, specialized medical facilities equipped to treat radiation exposure, and trained response personnel to contain and manage an incident should one occur, the complaint states.

    Locals also say they have lost trust in Halliburton as a project operator, pointing to the company’s history of negligence and environmental contamination in prior international operations. The objection specifically references past incidents involving radioactive materials where the company failed to implement adequate safety precautions, according to residents.

    Another key grievance is the lack of adequate public outreach: residents say they were notified of project consultation sessions far too late, leaving local community members with very little time to register for the public meetings and prepare formal objections to submit to the NMA.

    The objection also extends to a second Halliburton project planned for the same area: an operational base for oil and gas exploration activities. Residents say that during initial information sessions, Halliburton failed to disclose that tools and equipment that have been in contact with radioactive sources would also be stored and handled at the base, leaving communities unaware of additional risks.

    In their formal demands, residents are calling on the NMA to reject all permits for the Houttuin radioactive storage facility entirely. They are also requesting an independent international assessment of the project’s risks, the development of modern national legislation for radiation protection and nuclear liability before any similar projects are approved, and a full assessment of alternative sites that meet international safety standards for radioactive material storage. The community emphasizes that such high-risk facilities should never be sited in densely populated residential areas or above critical drinking water reserves.

    As of the filing date, neither the NMA nor Halliburton has issued a public response to the formal objections.

  • Column: Systeemverandering begint met onze eigen keuze

    Column: Systeemverandering begint met onze eigen keuze

    Twelve months ago, Suriname’s political campaign rallies echoed with bold, sweeping promises: systemic overhaul. Candidates pledged to upend the status quo, rebuild national institutions and deliver a fundamentally better future for all citizens. Slogans like *NDP o Kenki a systeem* (NDP will change the system), *A nyun pasi* (A new path) and *Tra fas’ de* (A different approach) flooded public discourse, all guaranteeing transformative change that would break with decades of entrenched political and institutional stagnation.

    But more than a year after the Simons administration took office, none of the promised systemic transformation has materialized. Long-standing ineffective political patterns remain intact, and the bold campaign rhetoric has fallen silent. This absence of progress raises a critical, underdiscussed question: where does real systemic change actually begin?

    Columnist Indra Toelsie argues that transformation does not start in the ivory towers of political leadership, nor does it emerge from thick, unimplemented policy documents. Instead, genuine systemic change begins with individual citizens – and the leaders they elected – embracing a willingness to think, act, and prioritize differently. Systemic overhaul can only become a reality if every person, from ordinary voters to top policymakers, first accepts that fundamental change is both necessary and possible.

    This shift starts with collective mindset: are citizens and leaders still clinging to familiar, comfortable systems that have clearly failed to deliver progress? Do they have the courage to let go of outdated habits, unchallenged assumptions and entrenched power structures? Toelsie emphasizes that systemic change requires an inner revolution: greater personal awareness and consistent small actions in everyday life, not just top-down policy announcements.

    The core principle is simple: if individuals do not change their own behaviors and mindsets, the broader system will never change. Only when enough people – especially those in leadership positions – internalize this truth and take action will campaign slogans turn into tangible, on-the-ground change. Until that point, “systemic change” will remain nothing more than an empty slogan, a hollow political promise.

    Toelsie also explores the root causes of stalled change: Are ruling party politicians holding back out of fear of electoral backlash in the next election cycle? Do they lack the political courage to cross the high threshold of disrupting entrenched power dynamics? Or has the energy that fueled fiery campaign rhetoric a year ago simply fizzled out in the day-to-day work of governing?

    Genuine systemic change also requires honesty and self-reflection, both from leaders and the public. Can Suriname’s political class deliver on their promises? Do they truly want to? Or will systemic change remain just empty words? Will the public accept that outcome?

    A common cultural attitude in Suriname holds that there is always plenty of time to implement change, work on problems at a slow, comfortable pace aligned with what is often called “Surinamese time.” But Toelsie points out that time is one resource no one can control or replenish.

    One full year of the Simons government’s term has already passed. In principle, the administration still has three full years in office to deliver on the promised systemic change before the fifth year, which is almost always dedicated almost entirely to campaigning for the next election. Three years may sound like a long timeline, but it passes far faster than most people anticipate. Toelsie reminds readers to reflect on how quickly the past year has gone, and recognize just how precious and limited time is for delivering meaningful change.

    In conclusion, Toelsie argues that the public and leaders alike must hold themselves accountable first. Transformation does not come as a gift handed down from political leaders; it is a process that grows from the bottom up, starting with individual mindset and action. Only when Surinamese people – and their elected leaders – dare to change themselves can the entire system get a fresh start.

  • Broki wint na strafschoppen thriller van Robinhood en is SML-kampioen

    Broki wint na strafschoppen thriller van Robinhood en is SML-kampioen

    In a dramatic, capacity-cup final at Suriname’s Franklin Essed Stadion Sunday night, football club Broki pulled off one of the biggest upsets in Suriname Major League (SML) history, defeating previously undefeated defending champion SV Robinhood on penalties to claim the first league title in the club’s 100-plus year history. Entering the match as clear underdogs, Broki set an aggressive tone from the opening whistle, putting constant pressure on Robinhood’s backline and turning the much-hyped title decider into a tense, back-and-forth battle from start to finish.

    Broki drew first blood in the 16th minute, when forward Shaquille Stein beat Robinhood keeper Jonathan Fonkel with a crafty chip shot to put the underdogs up 1-0. Robinhood had multiple chances to level the score before halftime, with attacker Ravello Zijler coming close on several attempts, but Broki goalkeeper Nevon Esperansie delivered a string of stunning saves to keep his side ahead heading into the break. Broki nearly doubled their lead through another Stein chance minutes before halftime, but could not convert, leaving the score 1-0 at intermission.

    Robinhood ramped up pressure in the second half, dominating possession and pinning Broki deep in their own half for most of the period, but the underdog side held firm on defense for nearly the entire 90 minutes. It was not until deep into second-half stoppage time that Zijler finally broke through, heading home a cross to level the score at 1-1 and force extra time, keeping Robinhood’s title defense hopes alive.

    However, Zijler’s celebration would quickly turn to heartbreak. Caught up in the excitement of his late equalizer, he pulled off his shirt, earning a second yellow card for the match that resulted in an automatic red card. Robinhood was forced to play the entirety of extra time down a man, a turning point that would shape the final outcome.

    Even a man down, Robinhood stunned the Broki side just three minutes into the first 15-minute extra period, when substitute youth player Darrel Sijpenhof found the back of the net to put the defending champions up 2-1. But Broki refused to fold, pressing hard for an equalizer as fatigue and tensions rose across the pitch. The underdogs got their leveler when substitute Jovan Haabo connected on a cross from Franklin Singodikromo, heading home to draw the match back to 2-2.

    No more goals were scored in the second period of extra time, forcing a decisive penalty shootout to decide the 2026 SML title. After both sides missed one penalty in the opening five-kick round, the shootout moved to sudden death. Robinhood’s chance at back-to-back titles ended when young forward Serfinjo Pinas sent his sudden death attempt high over the crossbar, opening the door for Broki to claim the trophy. Brazilian midfielder Alan Da Costa coolly slotted home the match-winning penalty to secure the historic victory for Broki, sending the sold-out home crowd at Franklin Essed Stadion into celebration.

  • Analyse: Één jaar later groeit de vraag waar de systeemverandering blijft

    Analyse: Één jaar later groeit de vraag waar de systeemverandering blijft

    It has been 12 months since Suriname’s general elections held on May 25, 2025, and frustration is building across segments of the public. What is growing faster than impatience over the lack of tangible results, however, is the rising question of whether the country’s governing system is truly undergoing the transformative change candidates promised.
    While the Simons administration has launched multiple recovery programs, public consultation rounds and policy proposals since taking office, a clear, foundational path for systemic reform has yet to emerge.
    The 2025 election cycle was dominated by a single core narrative: national recovery. Candidates ran on platforms centered on transparent governance, strengthened state institutions, improved oversight mechanisms, proactive preparation for the coming oil era, and a break from long-entrenched old political cultures. Key priority areas highlighted during the campaign included education, healthcare, agriculture, government transparency and national identity-building.
    Public expectations were particularly high because the country is on the cusp of a historic economic transformation driven by future offshore oil revenues. The widespread consensus going into the new government was that Suriname had learned hard lessons from past economic crises, and that new institutional frameworks and legislation would prevent the country’s coming resource wealth from being squandered again through mismanagement, corruption and political patronage.
    The ongoing debate over Suriname’s 2024 Accounting Law has become a symbolic case study of deeper structural flaws within the country’s state system. The 2026 national budget cannot be processed by parliament, because it was not drafted in alignment with the new law that entered into force on January 1, 2025. The Simons government has proposed delaying full implementation of the reform law until 2029, arguing that critical administrative systems, oversight structures and enforcement frameworks are not yet ready to meet the new requirements. As a temporary solution, the outdated 2019 Accounting Law will remain in effect.
    In practical terms, this delay means that as Suriname enters the final stretch of preparation for incoming oil revenues, it still lacks the fully modernized financial oversight and accountability framework that the new law was designed to deliver. What raises more questions is that the government is seeking a three-year delay, while international advisory bodies have previously cited a two-year timeline as sufficient for full implementation. To date, the administration has not clarified why a three-year extension is necessary, nor has it laid out concrete, trackable milestones to be achieved over that period.
    This dispute cuts to a fundamental question: Why is the modernization of financial oversight being delayed precisely as Suriname prepares for the largest influx of capital in its national history?
    Political and economic attention across the country is increasingly shifting to 2028, the year when the first large-scale offshore oil production is projected to begin. This timeline makes pre-2028 institutional reform a high-stakes priority: pressure is mounting to have robust, fully operational oversight institutions in place before oil revenues begin flowing. Resource wealth brings unprecedented economic opportunity, but it also carries well-documented severe risks, including increased political interference, cronyism, opaque public procurement, concentration of economic power, and weakened independent oversight.
    International organizations, global financial institutions and foreign investors are therefore increasingly scrutinizing Suriname’s governance standards, procurement rules, financial transparency and independent oversight mechanisms. Viewed through this lens, the delay to the Accounting Law is far more than a minor technical bureaucratic issue: it directly impacts confidence in the government’s ability to prepare the country for responsible management of the oil era.
    A central campaign promise of the current administration was a dramatic overhaul of Suriname’s governing system, 50 years after the country gained independence. For many Surinamese, oil revenue represents the last best chance to build a durable, inclusive economic foundation for current and future generations. To date, however, the systemic change promised by candidates has failed to materialize.
    There are new faces in government, new cabinet ministers and shifted political power dynamics, but the day-to-day functioning of the state still retains all the hallmarks of the old model: slow implementation of policy, limited government transparency, politically motivated public sector appointments, weak institutional oversight, and overreliance on informal decision-making processes.
    Debates over procedural irregularities, insufficient oversight and political influence continue to emerge regularly around public procurement processes and state-led infrastructure projects. While the government repeatedly references its commitments to reform and professionalization, much of the public has yet to experience fundamental cultural change within the civil service and governing establishment. This has opened a growing gap between the government’s rhetorical commitments to reform and the public’s on-the-ground experience.
    A further challenge for the administration is that a clear, integrated national reform plan remains largely out of public view. While the government has announced scattered policy initiatives and sector-specific projects, a cohesive national reform framework with clear priorities, binding deadlines and measurable outcomes has yet to be articulated in public discourse.
    This lack of clarity creates a risk that the government will be seen as purely reactive, shifting from one crisis to the next without a visible long-term strategy that the public can assess and hold officials accountable to.
    At this pivotal moment, as the country prepares for sweeping economic change, public demand for predictability, institutional clarity and confidence in state functions is growing rapidly.
    For Suriname, the coming years will not only be defined by efforts to drive economic growth. The real core question of this era is whether the country can build strong, capable state institutions in time for the start of the oil era. Oil itself does not transform nations: strong, accountable institutions do. It is only on that basis that the public will ultimately be able to judge whether true systemic change has arrived – or if nothing has changed beyond a rotation of political leaders within the same broken system.