作者: admin

  • PM’s office slams ‘misleading and erroneous’ article

    PM’s office slams ‘misleading and erroneous’ article

    In a formal statement released Wednesday, the Office of the Prime Minister (OPM) of St. Vincent and the Grenadines has publicly rejected recent unsubstantiated reports claiming that Prime Minister Godwin Friday has surrendered a portion of his official duties, labeling the coverage as both misleading and factually erroneous. While the OPM declined to name the specific media outlet or the controversial article in its official release, multiple industry sources confirm the piece in question was published by local outlet *The St. Vincent Times*, which asserted that Deputy Prime Minister St. Clair Leacock had assumed a wide range of the prime minister’s official portfolios starting July 5.

    The OPM’s press release directly clarifies the current state of governance in the country, confirming that Prime Minister Hon. Dr. Godwin Friday continues to carry out all constitutional duties and responsibilities associated with his office, as well as all ministerial portfolios assigned to his position. The statement further outlined the long-standing protocol for temporary power delegation that guides the office, noting that acting responsibilities are only transferred when the sitting prime minister is traveling outside the country’s borders.

    “On those occasions when the prime minister is overseas, Deputy Prime Minister Hon. Major St. Clair Leacock has served in an acting capacity to exercise the functions of the prime minister’s office,” the statement read. It added that Health Minister Daniel Cummings steps into the acting role only when both the prime minister and deputy prime minister are out of the country simultaneously.

    A key correction to the original report confirms that Prime Minister Friday is currently present in St. Vincent and the Grenadines and has maintained full control of all his official duties at all times. Contextual records show that the date cited in *The St. Vincent Times*’ “breaking news” article — July 5 — falls during the period when Friday traveled to St. Lucia to attend the biennial CARICOM Heads of Government Meeting, which ran from July 5 to 8. During that trip, Leacock served as acting prime minister in line with standard governance protocol, a temporary arrangement that the original report misrepresented as a permanent handover of duties.

    The inaccurate reporting has drawn sharp criticism from within the local media and political community. One senior political commentator speaking to independent local outlet iWitness News described the article, and the fundamental misunderstanding of government procedure it displays, as a damaging blemish on professional journalism in St. Vincent and the Grenadines. “The St. Vincent Times article demonstrates a shocking lack of understanding of the functioning of government that is totally unacceptable for an entity purporting to inform the public,” the commentator stated.

  • Milieutaken nog steeds niet officieel toegewezen aan ministerie OGM

    Milieutaken nog steeds niet officieel toegewezen aan ministerie OGM

    A political governance gap has emerged in Suriname amid the ongoing investigation into a massive fish die-off in the Saramacca River, after the country’s Minister of Oil, Gas and Environment (OGM) Patrick Brunings confirmed that environmental policy responsibilities have never been formally transferred to his ministry. The disclosure came during a question-and-answer session in the National Assembly (DNA) on Tuesday, where lawmakers pressed Brunings on the unclear legal status of his authority over environmental issues, a long-simmering topic that has already been raised during earlier budget debates.

    The ambiguity over jurisdiction was reintroduced to the legislative agenda this week by National Party of Suriname (NPS) lawmaker Ivanildo Plein and Progressive People’s Party (VHP) representative Marciano Dasai, following an initial reference to the issue by NPS party leader Jerrel Pawiroredjo during budget negotiations. Lawmakers highlighted a contradiction at the heart of the current situation: Brunings was summoned to the National Assembly to answer for the government’s handling of the high-profile fish kill as the official responsible for environmental policy, yet no formal state decree has ever been issued to assign environmental duties to his OGM ministry.

    Brunings openly acknowledged the absence of this required formal legal arrangement. “There is still no new state decree in place,” he told lawmakers during the plenary debate. Despite this lack of formal designation, Brunings has been acting as the country’s de facto environment minister since taking up his post, and he has stepped forward to take ownership of the ongoing response to the Saramacca River crisis. “I act as the Minister of Environment. I cannot say anything other than that. I take responsibility on myself,” Brunings stated, adding that he is fully aware of the administrative uncertainty created by the lack of formal authorization.

    The minister confirmed that he has repeatedly raised the issue with Suriname’s president to resolve the jurisdictional mismatch. “I ask the president to correct this situation every time we meet,” he said. Brunings also noted that, under existing formal rules, he would not have been required to appear before the National Assembly to account for the fish kill incident—yet he chose to take on the responsibility regardless of the legal gap.

    Lawmakers from across parties emphasized during the debate that clear ministerial accountability is non-negotiable, especially when responding to large-scale environmental emergencies like the Saramacca River mass fish mortality. The current discussion over jurisdictional clarity is unfolding against the backdrop of ongoing investigations to pinpoint the root cause of the fish kill, and ongoing efforts to coordinate a whole-of-government response to the ecological event.

    Even without formal legal authority over environmental portfolios, Brunings has already led cross-agency coordination for the response over recent weeks. He has brought together multiple relevant government bodies and enforcement agencies, including the National Environment Authority, the National Disaster Coordination Center, and the Environmental Crime Unit of the Public Prosecution Service, which is leading the probe into potential pollution linked to the die-off.

  • OP-ED: The business of slavery from Africa to the New World, Part 2 – The slave trade in the Americas, the ledger and the letters

    OP-ED: The business of slavery from Africa to the New World, Part 2 – The slave trade in the Americas, the ledger and the letters

    My first introduction to the transatlantic slave trade was not through a chronicle of human suffering, but through an academic deep dive into the history of global finance. As a PhD student tracking the development of modern financial systems from ancient civilizations to the modern era, I stumbled across the little-examined story of Hector Davis, a 19th-century slave trader operating out of Richmond, Virginia. In 1859 alone, Davis’s single auction house generated more than $2.67 million in sales of enslaved human beings – a sum that outstripped the total value of flour exported by Virginia that year, despite Richmond hosting two of the United States’ largest flour mills, and came almost equal to the value of the entire state’s tobacco exports.

    Davis’s enterprise operated with the precision and structure of a modern commodity exchange. The *Richmond Enquirer* ran a daily column listing upcoming slave auctions, formatted exactly like the stock market listings that run in contemporary financial newspapers. On an October morning in 1857, Davis placed an advertisement for 15 enslaved people set to go under the hammer at 9:30 a.m., positioned directly between listings from two competing traders offering 10 and 12 people respectively. In his business directory listing, Davis promised to “exert best efforts to secure the highest market prices” for sellers, and even offered lodging for enslaved people waiting to be sold in his “secure and spacious holding jail” for 30 cents per day.

    Like any professional broker, Davis distributed standardized price sheets to clients. In a May 1858 letter to a client in North Carolina, he quoted current market rates for enslaved people with the same precision a modern financial broker uses to quote bond prices: prime working men $1,200-$1,275; girls aged 12 to 15, $750-$1,000 “adjusted for size”; a young woman with her child, $1,000-$1,100. He even closed the pricing section with a market update, noting that the trade was “rather sluggish” at that moment. Combined, Richmond’s network of slave traders moved between 8,000 and 10,000 enslaved people through this formal exchange every year. When Davis died in 1863, his estate was appraised at $100,000, a massive fortune for the era.

    My research also uncovered correspondence between slave traders that lays bare the normalized commodification of human life. A letter dated January 19, 1854, written by A. J. McElveen, a South Carolina-based purchasing agent for Charleston broker Ziba B. Oakes, offers a striking example. McElveen wrote that he had recently purchased an enslaved man named Isaac, who was trained as a carriage driver, painter, varnisher, and panel door carpenter. “He also plays the violin and other musical instruments exceptionally well,” McElveen noted, adding that Isaac was also a skilled cook. “He is a genius… I honestly think he is smarter than I am.”

    McElveen went on to catalog Isaac’s physical attributes with the specificity of a livestock merchant: approximately 28 years old, five feet ten inches tall, weighing 150 to 160 pounds. He calculated that Isaac could be resold for $1,500, a tidy profit for the firm.

    These surviving archival records deliver an unflinching, clear-eyed portrait of what Atlantic chattel slavery actually was. It was not merely an expression of racial hatred or cultural prejudice, though those existed to justify it. At its core, it was a large-scale formal industry, operated by professional businesspeople, financed by major banks, priced through open market mechanisms, insured by global underwriters, and accounted for down to the last penny. We need to confront the numerical reality of this system, because cold data cuts through the soft, distorted folk memory that has often obscured slavery’s true scale and nature.

    Over the course of roughly 350 years, an estimated 12.5 million African people were forcibly loaded onto transatlantic slave ships, and only 10.7 million survived the deadly Middle Passage crossing. One fact that surprises most people raised on popular American cultural narratives is just how few of those survivors arrived in what would become the United States: fewer than 4% of the total, equal to roughly 389,000 people. Brazil absorbed close to 5 million enslaved people, while the Caribbean received more than 4 million. Jamaica alone took in roughly 1 million.

    In the 17th century, Barbados was the economic engine of the entire British slave enterprise. Contrary to common popular framing, the geographic center of gravity of Atlantic slavery was not the American South – it was the Caribbean.

    The divergent demand for enslaved labor between the Caribbean/Brazil and the American South can be traced directly to two starkly different business models, based on brutal, unemotional arithmetic. The formula was simple: sugar production killed. On the plantations of Jamaica and Saint-Domingue, annual death rates consistently outpaced birth rates, a built-in structural feature of the industry. Saint-Domingue imported roughly 800,000 African people over its history, but when the Haitian Revolution began in 1791, the colony only held about 500,000 enslaved people – the rest had been worked to death. Planters explicitly calculated the costs: it was cheaper to work an enslaved person to death and purchase a replacement than it was to provide adequate food, rest, and care to sustain a long working life. Enslaved people were formally recorded on plantation books as depreciating capital equipment, expected to lose value over time until they were entirely consumed.

    The United States developed a second, equally monstrous model. Starting from that initial base of 389,000 imported enslaved people, the enslaved population grew through natural birth to nearly 4 million by 1860. This was the only major slaveholding society in the hemisphere where natural growth replaced ongoing importation, creating a system rooted in human beings as appreciating capital: children were a source of future yield. When the cotton boom opened new lands in the Deep South, more than 1 million enslaved people were sold and force-marched south from Virginia and Maryland in a domestic second Middle Passage, with Hector Davis’s Richmond auction house serving as one of the primary hubs for this trade.

    Around this singular asset class grew the entire edifice of 19th-century American capital. By 1860, the total assessed value of enslaved people in the United States hit $3.5 billion, exceeding the combined value of all the nation’s railroads and factories. Enslaved people were the young republic’s largest single asset class. Cotton made up more than 60% of all U.S. exports by value. In Louisiana, enslaved people were used as collateral for the majority of mortgage lending by value: planters borrowed against the lives of enslaved people exactly as modern homeowners borrow against their property. Global underwriters insured all slave-related cargoes. When the crew of the British ship Zong threw 132 living enslaved Africans overboard in 1781 to preserve the ship’s water supply, the subsequent court case was not a murder trial – it was an insurance dispute, *Gregson v Gilbert*, where claimants sought 30 pounds per person compensation, argued before England’s highest commercial court.

    Even when the institution of slavery was formally abolished, the financial system settled its accounts in favor of the former slave owners. Britain’s 1833 Slavery Abolition Act allocated 20 million pounds (equal to roughly 40% of the British government’s entire annual budget at the time) in compensation to 46,000 enslavers for the loss of their human property. Enslaved people who had gained their freedom received no compensation at all – instead, they were forced to work another four years of unpaid “apprenticeship” for their former owners. The government debt issued to fund these compensation payments was only fully paid off in 2015, within the lifetime of every adult alive today reading this analysis.

    Surviving archival records list every claimant, estate by estate, across what is now the CARICOM bloc. Starting in Barbados, where the modern sugar plantation system was first developed: on May 16, 1836, the owners of Drax Hall estate, which has remained in the same family since the 1640s to the present day, received 4,293 pounds, 12 shillings, and sixpence in compensation for 189 enslaved people. Barbados as a whole received 1.7 million pounds for 82,807 people. In British Guiana, compensation payouts were even larger, as newer plantations held younger enslaved populations that commanded higher market prices. Commissioners paid roughly 50 pounds per person in British Guiana, compared to just 20 pounds per person in soil-exhausted Jamaica.

    Location dictated price, exactly as it does for any other commercial asset. The Anna Regina estate on the Essequibo coast collected 40,353 pounds for 805 people, with the payout processed through the London banking house of Bevan, Barclay and Tritton – even compensation required the services of the financial sector. The single largest claimant in the Caribbean was John Gladstone of Liverpool, who received 106,769 pounds across nine claims for 2,508 enslaved people held in Demerara and Jamaica, including the Success estate where the major 1823 slave rebellion broke out. His son William later served four terms as Prime Minister of the United Kingdom. In Jamaica, Gladstone also appears as a mortgagee on the Holland estate in St Elizabeth, collecting 5,624 pounds in compensation for 300 enslaved people pledged as collateral against a loan. While the people who had been held as collateral gained their freedom, the lender was made entirely whole.

    Antigua, the only British colony that freed enslaved people immediately without the transitional apprenticeship system, still paid full compensation to former enslavers. The Pares estate received 2,551 pounds for 170 people. In St Vincent, the Grand Sable estate claimed 17,753 pounds, five shillings, and seven pence for 704 people, meaning each person was valued at just under 25 pounds on the compensation rolls – and every name on that list is somebody’s ancestor.

    We are approaching Emancipation Day, a holiday that marks the formal abolition of chattel slavery. This year, let us not only celebrate the joy of liberation. Let us also confront the cold, unyielding financial reality that made abolition a transaction that enriched enslavers at the expense of the people they had enslaved. The debt from that original compensation payout was not settled in 1834, or in 1865 – it was paid off within our own lifetimes. The formal ledgers are closed, and the official accounts are balanced, but the work of historical reckoning belongs to us.

    Tomorrow, Part 3: The Business of the Plantation.

    This article is written by Professor C. Justin Robinson, Pro Vice-Chancellor and Principal of The UWI Five Islands Campus.

  • Caribbean Children Are Now at the Center of Climate Plans

    Caribbean Children Are Now at the Center of Climate Plans

    Across the Caribbean, a rapidly shifting climate landscape is redefining how global organizations frame the climate crisis, moving it beyond a purely environmental challenge to a pressing child rights priority. For years, the small island and coastal nations of the region have faced escalating climate-driven threats: intensifying hurricanes, increasingly severe coastal flooding, prolonged droughts, record-breaking extreme heat events, and widespread environmental degradation. These interconnected hazards do not just alter ecosystems — they upend the daily lives and fundamental rights of young people, cutting off access to safe schooling, life-saving healthcare, reliable clean drinking water, functional sanitation systems, and consistent nutritious food supplies.

    Sajid Ali, the regional UNICEF Representative, emphasized the stark injustice at the core of the crisis. “Children are among those least responsible for the climate crisis yet they bear some of its greatest consequences,” Ali stated. This disproportionate impact has long been overlooked in formal climate planning and resilience work, according to regional climate leaders. Dr. Colin Young, Executive Director of the Caribbean Community Climate Change Centre (CCCCC), pointed out a longstanding gap in climate action: “It is a well-known fact that children and youth have not been a central focus of climate resilience programming, either regionally or globally.”

    To close this gap and center the needs and voices of young Caribbean people, UNICEF and CCCCC have formalized a new five-year strategic partnership that will embed children’s rights in every level of climate planning across the region, including in climate-vulnerable nations such as Belize. The collaboration is built around four core pillars: integrating child-sensitive policies into national and regional climate frameworks, upgrading social services to withstand climate shocks, scaling up community and national disaster risk reduction efforts that protect children specifically, and creating formal, structured pathways for young people to contribute directly to climate decision-making processes that shape their futures.

    This partnership marks a landmark shift for regional climate action, aligning global recognition of children’s disproportionate vulnerability with tangible, long-term investment in centered, youth-informed climate resilience across one of the world’s most climate-threatened regions.

  • Retired at 55… But Still Waiting to Be Paid?

    Retired at 55… But Still Waiting to Be Paid?

    In a deeply concerning revelation that exposes systemic failure in Belize’s public administration, veteran attorney Richard “Dickie” Bradley has slammed the country’s civil service for leaving thousands of retired public employees stranded in a crippling bureaucratic maze, with many passing away before ever accessing the pensions they earned through decades of public service.

    The crisis centers on the mandatory retirement age of 55 for most Belizean public officers, where retirement has become far from the well-earned rest workers expected. Instead of receiving their entitled benefits upon exiting the workforce, hundreds of retirees are now forced to spend months – and in some cases multiple years – trekking between disconnected government offices to push their pension claims through.

    Bradley, who has represented dozens of affected retirees, emphasized that the current broken system stands in stark contrast to processes just a generation ago. Decades back, retiring civil servants walked away from their final day of work with their final pension cheque already in hand. That efficient, worker-centric system has long disappeared, Bradley argues, replaced by a fragmented, unresponsive bureaucracy that shifts all responsibility for claim processing onto the retirees themselves.

    “You don’t wake up one day suddenly 55 – you spend years knowing retirement is coming, but the system still can’t get your paperwork processed in advance,” Bradley explained. “Today, retirees have to travel all the way to Belmopan, run from one department to the next chasing their own files, just to get administrators to calculate the amount of pension they are owed. It is absolutely disgraceful.”

    Worst of all, the months-long delays have already had fatal consequences: Bradley confirmed that multiple elderly retirees have died before their pension claims were finalized, never getting to access the benefits they dedicated their working lives to earn. The ongoing crisis has sparked growing calls for the Belizean government to overhaul the civil service’s pension administration system, streamline processing protocols, and address the neglect that has left a generation of public servants in limbo after their careers end.

  • DNCTF strengthens conservation projects through grant management and environmental training

    DNCTF strengthens conservation projects through grant management and environmental training

    Grantees carrying out island-wide biodiversity conservation projects in Dominica have completed a targeted capacity-building workshop designed to sharpen their skills in project administration, financial transparency, and environmental protection compliance.

    Hosted on July 28, 2026, the specialized training was organized for recipients of awards from the Caribbean Biodiversity Fund’s (CBF) CRAB Pro-Nature Grant Programme, according to an official statement released by the Dominica National Conservation Trust Fund (DNCTF). The workshop centered on two core competency areas: formal reporting to financial donors, and the development and implementation of Environmental and Social Management Plans (ESMP).

    This regional capacity-building initiative forms part of the broader Caribbean Regional Architecture for Biodiversity (CRAB) Project, which receives backing from the Agence Française de Développement (AFD) and the Fonds Français pour l’Environnement Mondial (FFEM), with resourcing channeled through the Caribbean Biodiversity Fund.

    The training session was tailored specifically to strengthen two high-priority conservation projects active on the island: the Rapid Response to Lethal Yellowing Disease Project, which targets a devastating palm pathogen, and the coral-focused initiative working to boost reef restoration, monitoring, surveillance, and regulatory compliance within the Soufriere and Scotts Head Marine Reserve.

    Instruction was led by independent specialist Ms. Lyn Baron in partnership with DNCTF Chief Executive Officer Dr. Rhonda Linton. The pair walked all participating organizations through the strict financial and environmental governance requirements that come with international donor funding, clarifying expectations and addressing common implementation challenges.

    Participants left the workshop with hands-on, actionable knowledge covering end-to-end financial management processes: from formal donor reporting protocols and budget allocation to standardized record keeping, required supporting documentation, and frameworks for maximizing the value of every grant dollar. On the environmental and social governance side, attendees explored critical topics including environmental and social risk mapping, inclusive stakeholder engagement, formal grievance redress mechanisms, integrating gender equity into project design, rights considerations for Indigenous Peoples, protocols for managing unexpected archaeological or ecological finds, incident reporting protocols, performance monitoring, and sustainable waste management.

    Facilitators also emphasized evidence-based best practices for upholding robust environmental and social safeguards throughout project lifecycles. Key takeaways included the importance of conducting early risk mapping to flag potential harms before implementation, rolling out targeted mitigation measures for identified risks, maintaining consistent open communication with impacted communities, creating thorough documentation of all project activities, responding rapidly to community grievances and unplanned incidents, and conducting regular assessments to confirm safeguard measures are delivering intended results.

    In its post-workshop statement, DNCTF emphasized that effective support for conservation goes far beyond cutting checks for local projects. Building the operational and governance capacity of grant recipients, the organization noted, is a non-negotiable foundation for ensuring projects are run efficiently, maintain full accountability to funding partners, and deliver long-term, tangible benefits both for Dominica’s unique native ecosystems and the local communities that depend on them.

  • WASCO shares progress on projects to improve water supply

    WASCO shares progress on projects to improve water supply

    Residents across the Caribbean island nation of Saint Lucia are set to see tangible progress toward more consistent, dependable access to clean water in the months ahead, as four major public water infrastructure projects move through key pre-construction and active development phases. The timeline for accelerated delivery of these critical upgrades was outlined by Maurice Norville, head of the Project Management Unit at the Water and Sewerage Company (WASCO), during the organization’s regular monthly press briefing held this Wednesday.

    The largest of the four initiatives by investment value is the $22.8 million John Compton Dam Raw Water Pipeline Project, which remains on schedule to break ground in January 2027. Pre-construction activities are already well underway: the project has filled key leadership roles including a dedicated full-time engineer and community liaison officer, who have already held a series of consultative meetings with local landowners and agricultural producers to walk through project plans and address community concerns around potential impacts. Evaluation of proposals from firms competing for the supervision engineering consultant contract is ongoing, with selection expected to wrap up by the end of August and the winning firm onboarding by September. Discussions around required land acquisition for the pipeline route are also continuing, with no reported delays to the current construction timeline.

    The $5 million Theobalds Water Supply Rehabilitation Project, which will upgrade aging distribution infrastructure in the Theobalds region, is currently in the contractor procurement phase. Six competitive bids from regional construction firms were submitted to WASCO back in June, and the evaluation process to select a winning bidder is now active. A contractor is scheduled to be named in August, with physical construction kicking off the following month. The full rehabilitation work is projected to take 15 months, with a formal completion deadline set for December 2027.

    Further along in development is the $2 million Patience Water Supply Redevelopment Project, which has already reached 80% overall completion. Key core infrastructure is already finished: the raw water intake structure is fully constructed, civil site work for the new water treatment plant has been wrapped up, pumping station construction is 85% complete, and 40% of the new distribution pipeline has already been installed. The new treatment plant equipment is currently in transit from Europe, with delivery expected by the end of July. Following delivery, installation and testing of the new facility will take approximately two months, putting the full project on track to open by the end of October this year.

    The final initiative, the Northern Pipeline Project, has completed all core pre-construction contracting phases, with both the supervising consultant and main construction contractors formally signed on. Construction is slated to get underway in August. The Department of Physical Planning has already issued all required legal notices to landowners whose properties will be affected by the pipeline route, and utility corridor surveys are continuing. Currently, half of the required property boundary surveys have been completed, and WASCO officials confirmed this partial progress will not delay the planned start of construction. Site staking has already been finished, and survey teams are now finalizing elevation and benchmark data ahead of the contractor mobilizing to the site next month.

    Collectively, the four projects are designed to address longstanding gaps in water access, upgrade aging infrastructure, and boost the overall reliability of Saint Lucia’s national water supply for communities across the country, with work ramping up significantly over the remainder of the year.

  • CCJ Allows Extradition Proceedings To Continue Against Guyanese Opposition Leader and Father

    CCJ Allows Extradition Proceedings To Continue Against Guyanese Opposition Leader and Father

    PORT OF SPAIN, Trinidad and Tobago – In a landmark unanimous ruling delivered July 29, 2026, the full bench of the Caribbean Court of Justice (CCJ) has dismissed a high-profile appeal brought by Guyana’s opposition leader Azruddin Mohamed and his father Nazar Mohamed, who sought to invalidate the legal order that opened the door to their extradition to the United States.

    The legal dispute traces back to October 2025, when the government of Guyana received an official extradition request from U.S. authorities for the two men. Just 48 hours after the request landed, Guyana’s Minister of Home Affairs issued an Authority to Proceed (ATP), a required preliminary administrative document that launches the formal court-led extradition process under Guyana’s existing Fugitive Offenders Act.

    Unwilling to proceed with the extradition process, the pair launched an immediate legal challenge, arguing the ATP was legally invalid. Their core claim centered on allegations of both actual and apparent political bias, stemming from public comments made by senior Guyanese government officials during the country’s 2025 general election campaign. They also contended that the Minister of Home Affairs had improperly consulted the Attorney General, who they also claimed held biased views against them.

    Lower courts rejected the challenge out of hand: first the Guyana High Court, then the country’s Court of Appeal, both upheld the validity of the ATP. Undeterred, the Mohameds applied for special leave to appeal the decision to the regional CCJ, which agreed to hear both the leave application and the full substantive appeal in a single proceeding. The court also granted an temporary pause on all extradition proceedings while the appeal was under consideration.

    In a joint leading judgment, CCJ President Winston Anderson and Justice Barrow confirmed that the court would grant special leave to hear the appeal, but rejected the appellants’ core claims. They noted that while legal rules prohibiting biased decision-making do extend to ministerial decisions to issue an ATP, generalized claims of political bias alone are not enough to invalidate the order. The justices further found that the appellants had failed to provide concrete evidence that the ATP was issued as a result of improper bias, emphasizing that an ATP is only an early procedural step in the broader extradition process, not a final ruling on extradition itself. They pointed out that the pair never alleged the Minister failed to consider relevant legal factors or relied on irrelevant information – instead resting their entire case on unproven claims of political bias, which the court ruled was insufficient to invalidate the ATP.

    President Anderson and Justice Barrow also outlined a procedural framework for future challenges, noting that while challenges to an ATP can be filed before the committal stage of extradition proceedings, they should only be heard early in extraordinary circumstances. This approach, they reasoned, better aligns with Guyana’s domestic extradition legislation and the country’s international legal obligations.

    In a separate concurring opinion, Justices Rajnauth-Lee, Jamadar, and Bulkan agreed the appeal should be dismissed, but pushed back on the procedural guidance from the leading judgment, holding there is no legal rule that bars early judicial review of an ATP when bias is alleged. While they found no evidence of actual or apparent bias on the part of the Minister of Home Affairs, they concluded there was a real possibility of apparent bias on the part of the Attorney General. Even so, they ruled that any potential bias on the Attorney General’s part did not taint the Minister’s independent decision-making process, so the ATP remained valid.

    All three justices in this concurrence also joined the court’s broader emphasis on judicial independence, issuing a formal caution to public officials against making public comments on ongoing pending judicial proceedings. The court ordered that each party would cover its own legal costs related to the appeal.

    In a third separate concurring opinion, Justices Ononaiwu and Eboe-Osuji also backed the dismissal of the appeal. They stressed that bias allegations must be evaluated through the lens of a fair-minded, well-informed observer who takes full account of all surrounding circumstances. Applying that standard, they found no proof of bias in the case. They also echoed the focus on procedural timing, noting that the extradition process itself includes built-in mechanisms to address potential unfairness for requested persons.

    In its final outcome, the full 7-member CCJ bench unanimously granted the appellants special leave to appeal, but then voted unanimously to dismiss the substantive appeal. The temporary stay on extradition proceedings was immediately lifted. The court ruled no additional costs order would be issued for the CCJ proceeding, and reserved decision on costs related to the earlier lower court proceedings for a later date.

    The full bench that heard the appeal included President Winston Anderson, along with Justices Rajnauth-Lee, Barrow, Jamadar, Ononaiwu, Eboe-Osuji, and Bulkan. Legal representation for the appellants was led by Senior Counsel Fyard Hosein and Roysdale A. Forde, supported by barristers Sasha Bridgemohansingh, Siand Dhurjon, Damien Da Silva, and Aadam Hosein. Senior Counsel Douglas L. Mendes and Clay J. Hackett represented the first respondent, Guyana’s Minister of Home Affairs. Attorney General Senior Counsel Mohabir Anil Nandlall led representation for the second respondent, the Attorney General of Guyana, alongside Solicitor General Nigel O. Hawke, Deputy Solicitor General Shoshanna V. Lall, and Dishon Persaud. Arudranauth Gossai represented third respondent Magistrate Judy Latchman.

  • Republic Bank helping to revitalise Carriacou Regatta Festival

    Republic Bank helping to revitalise Carriacou Regatta Festival

    For over four decades, Republic Bank has stood as a steadfast partner to one of Grenada’s most beloved cultural cornerstones, the Carriacou Regatta Festival, and the regional financial institution has now formally committed to continuing that legacy with confirmed funding for the 2026 iteration of the event.

    Scheduled to run from July 31 to August 2 on the scenic island of Carriacou, the 2026 festival carries far greater weight than past installments. It marks the first full regatta held after Category 4 Hurricane Beryl tore through Carriacou and neighboring Petit Martinique in July 2024, leaving widespread destruction of infrastructure, homes and local livelihoods in its wake. For the island’s community, the revival of the annual regatta is far more than a seasonal gathering: it is a powerful public symbol of the resilience, unyielding determination and enduring communal spirit that defines Carriacou’s population in the wake of crisis.

    As part of its long-running sponsorship, Republic Bank will continue its support for the regatta’s popular Large Deck Sloop racing category. For the bank, however, the partnership extends far beyond backing a single sporting competition. The festival is a living celebration of Carriacou’s one-of-a-kind ancestral heritage, centered on the traditional practices of wooden boat building and open-ocean sailing that have been core to the island’s cultural identity for generations. Beyond preserving culture, the event also drives critical economic activity for local residents, drawing thousands of regional and international visitors that support local hospitality, small businesses, and cross-cultural exchange that sustains the island’s tourism economy.

    “Republic Bank is honoured to stand with the people of Carriacou as they celebrate the return of this iconic festival,” said Mavis Mc Burnie, Republic Bank’s General Manager for Operations. “For more than 4 decades, we have proudly supported the Carriacou Regatta because it preserves an important part of our national heritage, while creating meaningful economic opportunities for the island. We are especially pleased to support this year’s event as Carriacou continues its journey of recovery and renewal.”

    In closing, Republic Bank extended its warmest wishes to the Carriacou Regatta Festival Committee, competing participants, local residents and incoming visitors, hoping for a safe, successful and unforgettable 2026 festival that honors the island’s past and paves the way for its future.

    This announcement was carried by NOW Grenada, which notes that it is not responsible for the opinions, statements or media content presented by third-party contributors, and provides a channel for users to report any abusive content.

  • Jordan vraagt regering opheldering over controles bij Stolkertsijver

    Jordan vraagt regering opheldering over controles bij Stolkertsijver

    On Tuesday, July 29, Genevievre Jordan, a member of the National Assembly representing the ABOP party, formally called on the Surinamese government to provide clarifications regarding newly tightened security and customs controls at the key Stolkertsijver checkpoint, a critical entry and transit point for travel to the eastern part of the country. Lawmaker Jordan told the plenary session that the abrupt implementation of the stricter control measures has sparked widespread anxiety and disruption among cross-border travelers and commercial bus operators who service routes to eastern Suriname.

    Jordan shared that she has received multiple on-the-ground reports of detentions of travelers at the checkpoint and widespread confiscation of personal goods, most notably pre-packed food parcels and other staple food items carried by visitors. Beyond detentions and seizures, bus drivers servicing the route have been formally notified that they face imprisonment if they are found transporting any passengers without valid travel or residency documentation.

    The assembly member has raised significant questions over the legality and practicality of this new policy framework, arguing that verifying passenger travel and identification documents falls outside the scope of responsibility for private bus operators. “Document checks are the explicit mandate of the national Migration Service, not private transport workers,” Jordan emphasized to government representatives during the session. She further stressed that the government cannot roll out intensive new control measures and asset seizure policies without first providing clear, widespread public guidance on the updated rules that are now in effect. Jordan called on the administration to improve its policy communication practices with the general public ahead of implementing any new regulatory changes.

    Acting on behalf of residents of the Marowijne district, the region most affected by the checkpoint controls, and the bus operator community that maintains critical transit links to the area, Jordan has formally urged the government to revisit its current approach to controls at Stolkertsijver. She advocated for protecting the fundamental right of residents and travelers to move freely across the country and reach their destinations without unnecessary bureaucratic or regulatory barriers.

    “When policymakers design new rules and implement new regulatory measures, they have an obligation to communicate those changes clearly and completely to the public,” Jordan stated. She also emphasized that the seizure of personal food items from travelers during these controls is completely unacceptable, calling for an immediate review of this practice.