Column: Leerkrachten willen geen aalmoes meer

After years of internal division that derailed collective action, Suriname’s education trade unions have finally closed ranks to demand fair compensation for the country’s public school teachers — a breakthrough that was impossible under the previous Santokhi administration, when prominent union leader Reshma Mangre simultaneously held a seat in the National Assembly for the VHP party. That period of conflicting loyalties eventually spawned a breakaway teachers’ union, the Syndicaat voor Onderwijsgevenden, deepening rifts in the labor movement. Today, old divides appear to have been put to rest, with all teacher representative groups sitting at the same negotiating table to push for shared demands. But while unity has been achieved, the core economic struggle facing educators remains as urgent as ever.

The teachers’ fight for living wages is entirely legitimate, even after years of internal union infighting that at times distracted from the core cause. Educators simply cannot cover basic household needs on their current paychecks. As of 2026, the average net teacher salary sits at roughly 15,000 Surinamese dollars — an income that no longer supports a dignified standard of living for a family. From rent or mortgage payments to school fees, utility bills, groceries and rising medical costs, expenses quickly outstrip even this modest income. Even for teachers covered by the SZF public insurance scheme, patients are still required to pay out-of-pocket for most prescription medications, adding further financial strain. This math has not added up for years, making the current united push for change impossible to dismiss as mere union posturing or political theater. At its core, this fight raises a fundamental question: How much value does Suriname truly place on the professionals who shape the next generation of the country’s workforce?

This pattern of inadequate public sector compensation is not unique to education. Police officers, healthcare workers and other public servants face identical economic pressures, and the outcome is already clear: skilled workers are leaving the sector en masse. Some abandon their professions entirely to seek higher-paying work in other industries, while others leave the country altogether in search of better opportunities. What was once framed as a theoretical “brain drain” in policy papers is now a visible, urgent crisis playing out across the country.

Education unions and the Ravaksur labor federation have been sounding the alarm for years, first under the previous administration and now again under the current government. Over the past years, the response from political leaders has followed a familiar script: interministerial committees are convened, roundtable discussions are held, lengthy reports are published, working groups are appointed, and small, temporary stipends are approved to ease tensions. But none of these half-measures have meaningfully improved the harsh day-to-day reality for most teachers.

Temporary allowances, union leaders argue, are little more than a bandage placed on an open broken leg. They provide a small measure of short-term relief, but the pain returns just as intensely the next month. Unlike permanent base salary increases, allowances do not compound into higher retirement benefits, higher vacation pay or other long-term employment rights. They are nothing more than a temporary political painkiller designed to defuse protests without addressing the root of the problem, and unions are no longer willing to accept this stopgap solution.

The current government’s go-to defense is that public finances simply do not have room for a broad salary increase for teachers. But this argument has grown as worn out as a scratched vintage gramophone record, union supporters point out. Time and again, ruling parties find plenty of money to fund campaign promises during election cycles, stoking public expectations and selling a vision of a brighter economic future for all. Yet as soon as votes are counted and the time comes to follow through on those pledges, the coffers suddenly run dry and all major reforms become impossible.

It is true that the government makes a valid point when it notes that a salary adjustment for educators will open the door for similar demands from other public sector unions, including the CLO and other branches of Ravaksur. But governing is inherently about making choices, and tough choices about national priorities are exactly what leaders are elected to make. If widespread government inefficiency remains unaddressed, and if political leaders continue to operate as if the country is not in the middle of a fragile economic recovery, it is fair to question what the administration’s actual priorities truly are.

Many observers have also noted the striking hypocrisy of some political voices that now express loud outrage over teacher compensation, after spending years as part of the political establishment that allowed this crisis to fester and worsen. This hypocrisy does not, however, make the unions’ fight any less justified. On the contrary: the teachers’ demands are fully fair and long overdue. The only open question is whether the country’s current political leadership is finally willing to confront this reality.

Education is the foundational factory that builds a nation’s future. If the workers staffing that factory cannot even afford to live on their wages, no one should be surprised when production grinds to a halt. As schools remain closed across the country and negotiations continue, the government faces an unavoidable choice. It is not a choice between teachers and balanced public finances — it is a choice about where the country’s true priorities lie. Solving this crisis does not require another hundred-page policy paper, a new presidential commission or another working group to study the problem. All stakeholders have understood the root of the issue for years. The question is not what needs to be done. The question is whether there is finally the political will to act.

No one expects the current administration to solve every structural problem facing Suriname’s education sector overnight. But unions are correct that the era of band-aid solutions, temporary allowances and empty campaign promises is over. What the country needs right now is a credible, time-bound path to permanent structural salary improvement, paired with broader reforms that make teaching an attractive career for young people again. If this government cannot save Suriname’s education sector from its current crisis, who will? And if the public continues to accept that teachers can barely make ends meet, no one should complain about the already poor quality of public education that Suriname’s students receive. If this status quo continues, it is not education that has failed us. It is we who have failed education — and no expensive international education conference can fix that failure.